Både svensk och internationell forskning har visat att diskriminerande strukturer är en del många universitetsstudenters vardag. Syftet med denna studie var att belysa hur kvinnliga studenter med utländskt ursprung berättar om vardagsrasism och förhållningsstrategier i relation till vardagsrasism. Efter sex öppna intervjuer och en e-post intervju analyserades kvinnornas berättelser narrativt och utifrån ett intersektionellt perspektiv. Kvinnornas berättelser konstruerade en varierande vardagsrasism, vilken baserades på ett samspel mellan kön och etnisk tillhörighet samt resulterade i förhållningsstrategier som humor, förminskande och distansering. Kvinnornas berättelser belyste vidare vardagsrasism som ett existerande problem, vilket inverkade på deras förhållningssätt gentemot skilda delar av universitetsvärlden.

Denna uppsats ämnar undersöka om och hur den strukturella vardagsrasismen upplevs av afrikaner i Sverige. Stor fokus ligger på att undersöka diskriminering i Sverige vilket leder till att orsaken till diskriminering, rasism, inte får det utrymme som den behöver. Detta har dock sina nackdelar då man riskerar att genom detta inte erkänna förekomsten av den rasism som finns i vårt samhälle i dagens Sverige. Genom en kvalitativ studie med djupintervjuer har jag i denna uppsats lyft fram upplevelsen av den strukturella vardagsrasismen. Den teoretiska bakgrunden för detta har varit social konstruktivism samt en "vi och de andra" uppdelning som lägger grunden för kategorisering och stigmatisering av de andra som sedan kan leda till rasistiska åsikter. Det empiriska materialet har visat på att det finns en upplevelse av strukturell vardagsrasism bland afrikaner i Sverige, att den upplevs som dold och att dess förekomst många gånger förnekas och förminskas i samhället. Detta leder sedan till slutsatserna om att det behövs mer forskning kring rasism och etnicitet för att kunna synliggöra dessa strukturer i samhället och därmed motarbeta den strukturella vardagsrasism som förekommer i Sverige idag.

The purpose of this study was to study experiences of everyday racism in individuals with overseas cultural backgrounds from outside situations. The study was made with five qualitative interviews. Theories that’s been used are about everyday racism, stereotypes, symbolic interactionism and Cooleys looking glass self. The result show that all the respondents have experienced everyday racism in a variety of situations in different places/environments. They have described situations where they have been ignored/excluded, stereotyped, exposed of grossly words and prejudices about their personality. Symbolic interactionism can explain everyday racism based on how the situations are defined, how situations change, which affects the interaction depending on how specific strong symbols are understood; like skin tone and a person looks. / Syftet med studien är att studera upplevelser av vardagsrasism hos individer med utomeuropeiska kulturella bakgrunder. Teori som använts är hur vardagsrasism kan förstås, stereotyper, symbolisk interaktionism gällande fem hörnstenar och Cooleys spegeljag. Det har gjorts fem kvalitativa intervjustudier där det framkommer att vardagsrasism sker på de flesta samhällsområdena i vardagslivet med undantag för fredade zoner som förorter. I intervjuerna framkom det att vardagsrasismen uttrycks genom exkludering, stereotypifiering, grova glåpord som till exempel blatte och svartskalle, fördomar om ens personlighet och att göras annorlunda/olik andra. Med symbolisk interaktionism kan vardagsrasismen förstås med hur situationer är föränderliga som påverkar interaktionen vilket beror på särskilda symboler; som hudfärg och utseende.

Till denna studie har vårt empiriska material baserats på sex individers utsagor. Vi har valt att göra en kvalitativ intervjustudie för att undersöka individernas upplevelser kring ett fenomen. Val av ämne inspirerades av samhällsdebatten som förs kring flyktingar, asylsökande och immigranter. Det har deltagit sex informanter i studien och de har alla varit bosatta i Sverige i över åtta år. Tre av informanterna som deltagit i studien kom till Sverige som ensamkommande asylsökande och tre kom på grund av anknytning till anhörig.  Studiens mål var att lyssna till informanternas egna upplevelser och utsagor. Baserat på detta blev syftet med studien att förstå hur individer som immigrerat till Sverige upplever integrationen samt vilket stöd som finns att tillgå.  Vi har lutat oss mot tidigare forskning som innefattar begreppen integration och “vi” och “dom”. Vi har även använt oss av begrepp som handlar om vardagsrasism, kultur och tillhörighet. Med hjälp av tidigare forskning och begrepp har vi jämsides med det empiriska materialet analyserat och fått fram resultat. Resultatet visade att integrationen är komplex och att våra informanter har uppfattat detta. Informanterna ser att samhällsstödet har hjälpt dem att bli en del i det svenska samhället. Samtidigt har informanterna stött på olika hinder vad gäller integrationsprocessen. Detta var något som visade sig i form av vardagsrasism, utanförskap,  och anpassning av den nya kulturen. / The empiric data is based on six individuals’ statements. We have chosen to make a qualitative interview study to investigate individuals' experiences of a phenomenon. The selection of study field was inspired by the social debate about refuges, asylum seekers and immigrants. There have participated six informants in the study and they have been resident in Sweden for over 8 years. Three of the informants who participated in the study, came to Sweden as an unaccompanied asylum seeker and three came because of connection to kin. Our goal was to listen to the informants' own life experiences and statements. Based the statements, the purpose of the study was to investigate how people, who have immigrated to Sweden, experiences the integration process and what kind of social support is available for their integration. We have leaned towards previous research, for instance, the concepts of integration and the meaning of "us" and "them". We also used the concept which relates to everyday racism, culture and connection. Using previous research and concepts we have alongside the empirical material analyzed and produced results. The results showed that the integration is complex and that our informants have comprehend the phenomenon. They think that the social support has helped them to become a part of the Swedish society. At the same time the informants encountered various obstacles in terms of everyday racism and the adaptation of the new culture

Studien undersöker dövkompetensens betydelse (kunskap om döva, teckenspråk och deras kultur) för döva i mötet med rättsväsendet. Syftet är att visa vilka konsekvenser som avsaknaden av dövkompetensen kan få. För att få svar på studiens frågor valde jag en kvalitativ och explorativt forskningsansats för att undersöka respondenternas uppfattning och upplevelse av mötet med rättsväsendet. Kvalitativ intervjustudie med döva med teckenspråk som sitt första språk. Som har varit i behov av samhällsstöd och upplevt avsaknad av dövkompetens. Åtta personer intervjuades och därefter gjordes en analys för att tolka och förstå döva som upplevt denna avsaknad av dövkompetens. Som analysredskap har jag valt vardagsrasism och audism som teoretiska utgångspunkter. De slutsatser jag har fått fram av respondenterna är att bemötandet de fått i mötet med rättsväsendet egentligen inte är enskilda handlingar, eftersom dessa enskilda handlingar upprepas av olika enskilda personer. Till följd av avsaknaden av dövkompetens har konsekvenserna oftast blivit allvarliga och till och med förödande för några av respondenterna. / The study investigates the meaning of deaf competence (knowledge of deaf, sign language and their culture) when deaf people encounter the justice system. The intention is to outline the consequences of the lack of deaf competence. I´ve chosen a qualitative and explorative research approach in order to reach the answers of the study, to examine the respondents’ perception and experience in the encounter with the justice system. Qualitative interviewstudy with deaf people who´s first language is sign language and who´s been in need of support from the society and experienced the lack of deaf competence. Eight people were interviewed and then an analysis was made to interpreted and understand deaf people who´s experienced the lack of deaf competence. As tools during analysis I use everyday racism and audism theoretical smarting points. The conclusion I´ve reached from the respondents is that the treatment they’ve received from the justice system actually isn´t individual actions, due to these individual actions being repeated by various individual people. The lack of deaf competence as a result of the consequences are often become serious and even devastating for some of the respondents.

De senaste åren har antalet människor som tvingats på flykt från sina hemländer ökat markant med cirka 17 miljoner jämfört med 2011. Ett antal av dessa flyktingar är barn under 18 år som skiljts från sina föräldrar och som sökt sig till Sverige i hopp om att få en tryggare tillvaro samt ett bättre liv. Sveriges kommuner har ansvaret för det praktiska mottagandet och socialnämnden har det yttersta ansvaret för de ungas hälsa, vilket innebär att personal runt de ensamkommande unga måste kunna identifiera om de unga far illa. Tidigare forskning har uppmärksammat att ensamkommande unga utestängs och utsätts för rasistiska fördomar samt bristande tolerans för deras kultur och språk. Tidigare forskningsstudier har dock gett en delad bild av hur ensamkommande unga reagerar när de möts med diskriminering och vardagsrasism och därför har denna studies syfte varit att undersöka de ensamkommande ungas upplevelser och reaktioner i sådana situationer. Studien har haft en kvalitativ forskningsstrategi och induktivt angreppssätt. Åtta ensamkommande unga, mellan 17 till 18 år, deltog i studien och som datainsamlingsmetod användes semistrukturerade intervjuer. De två övergripande teman som genererades var de ungas tankar om det svenska samhället och de ungas tankar om hur omgivningen bemöter dem. Vid analysen användes hermeneutisk meningstolkning och teorier om rasifiering och vardagsrasism. Slutsatserna från studien var att ensamkommande unga bemöts med uteslutslutning och samhälleliga negativa föreställningar om deras kultur och identitet samt att de i viss mån utsätts för olika former av rasistiskt motstånd. Studien visar även att de ensamkommande unga har reagerat med känslor av frustration, besvikelse, maktlöshet, utanförskap och rädslor i kontakt med svenskar. / The number of people forced to be refugees have increased tremendously in the last few years. Some of these refugees are minors under the age of 18 who are separated from their parents and families and come to Sweden in the hope of getting safer and better life. Sweden has municipalities and social welfare boards which are responsible for the reception of the minors and the minors’ health respectively. For these units to give proper help to the unaccompanied minors, they must be able to identify if the minors are exposed to bad situations. Previous researches have shown that unaccompanied children are exposed to discrimination and racial stereotyping in addition to less tolerance to their culture and language. These researches, however, have different picture of how the unaccompanied minors react when they face discrimination and daily-racism. Therefore, this research studied unaccompanied children with the purpose of finding out their experience and reaction related to discrimination. The study has followed a qualitative research strategy with inductive approach. Eight unaccompanied minors between 17–18 years old participated in the study and data was collected through semi-structured interviews. The two overall themes generated were the minors thought about the Swedish society and their though about how this society meets them. The collected data was analyzed using hermeneutic interpretation and theories of racialization and daily-racism. The study reached to the conclusion that the unaccompanied children faced exclusions, societal misconception about their culture and identity and to some extent exposure to different forms of racial resistance. The study also showed that the unaccompanied minors have reacted with feelings of frustration, disappointment, powerlessness, alienation and fear towards the Swedish society.

The aim of this study is to examine visibly racialized social workers' experiences of encountering racism at work; with clients, colleagues, and managers. Furthermore, the aim is to examine how racism is responded to and handled by colleagues and managers. Seven semi-structured interviews were conducted with visibly racialized social workers. The interviews were analyzed using a thematic analysis mainly based on the theoretical concepts; everyday racism, color-blind racism, and whiteness. Research findings showed that all interviewees have experienced racism in various forms, both overt and covert, from clients, colleagues, and managers. The experiences of racism varied in both expression and extent. This seemed to be partly due to how the interviewees were racialized by other people, and partly due to the extent of ethnic diversity in the interviewees' workplaces; both concerning the geographical area and the employees. Furthermore, findings showed varying responses to racist incidents from colleagues and managers with either an unfavorable or favorable significance for the interviewees. Greater awareness and knowledge are needed in social work organizations regarding how racism works, its extent, and the impact on visibly racialized people as well as a more active anti-racist approach which also includes covert and subtle expressions of racism.

The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

People who are racialized in Sweden as ‘Asian’—a panethnic category—come from different countries or ethnic backgrounds and yet, often face similar, gender-specific forms of discrimination which have a significant impact on their whole lives. This thesis centres women who are racialized as 'Asian', focusing on how their racialization affects, and is shaped by, their social, professional and intimate relationships, and their interactions with others—in particular, with white majority Swedes, but also other ethnic minorities. Against a broader context encompassing discourses concerning ‘Asians’ within Swedish media, art and culture, Swedish ‘non-racist’ exceptionalism and gender equality politics, the narratives of nine women are analysed through the lenses of the racializing processes of visuality and coercive mimeticism, and epistemic injustice.