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Arbete står tätt förknippat med vårt själv och hur vi väljer att identifiera oss. Arbetslöshet kan därför orsaka svårigheter för människan när det gäller livsstil och levnadsstandard, tillsam­mans med hur hon ser på sig själv. Än svårare kan det upplevas när omgivningen tillskriver individen etiketter och egenskaper baserat på om hon är i arbete eller inte. Tidigare studier har visat hur makt spelar in när det gäller diskurser kring arbete och arbetslöshet, och hur sam­hället talar om detta. Diskurser styrs bland annat baserat på vem som håller i agendan och på historiska kontexter. Syftet med den här uppsatsen är därför att undersöka hur arbetslöshet konstrueras diskursivt i publikationer från Regeringen. Genom att undersöka hur språket i så­dana publikationer används kan det bidra med förståelse för hur politisk makt utövas och på­verkar framställningen av arbetslöshet. Uppsatsen har skrivits med en socialkonstruktionistisk ansats med en diskursanalytisk metod som fokuserar på tre teman: moral, mervärde och makt. Temana tar avstamp i de teoretiska perspektiv som studien utgår ifrån, nämligen Zygmunt Baumans teori om arbetsetik, Beverley Skeggs och självets värde samt slutligen Michel Foucaults teori om makt. Resultatanalysen visar att moral, mervärde och makt konstrueras diskursivt genom att måla upp bilder av arbete och arbetslöshet på polariserande vis. Arbete tillskrivs många goda egen­skaper medan arbetslöshet i sin tur antas kantas av viss misär. Vidare visar resultatanalysen att konstruktionen av den arbetslöse delas upp i två versioner: den framgångsrike arbetslöse och den misslyckade arbetslöse. Den framgångsrike arbetslöse är prestigelös och villig medan den misslyckade arbetslöse i sin tur är oärlig och moraliskt förkastlig – och vad än värre lyckas den inte heller få något arbete. Resultaten står nära förbundna med teorier om arbetsetik och hur moraliska värden ingjuts i arbete, samt hur makt operationaliseras genom att tvinga kroppar att delta i olika etiketteringar och ceremonier där självet tillskrivs värde beroende på värdet av kroppens aktiviteter. / Work is closely linked to our sense of self and how we choose to identify ourselves. Conse­quently, unemployment can cause significant difficulties for individuals in terms of lifestyle and living standards, as well as in their self-perception. These challenges can be further exac­erbated when society attributes labels and characteristics to individuals based on whether they are employed or not. Previous studies have demonstrated the role of power in discourses sur­rounding work and unemployment, and how society discusses these topics. Discourses are shaped, among other factors, by those who control the agenda and by historical contexts. Therefore, the aim of this thesis is to examine how unemployment is discursively constructed in publications from the Government. By analysing the language used in such publications, this research can provide insights into how political power is exercised and influences the por­trayal of unemployment. The thesis adopts a social constructionist approach with a discourse analytical method, focusing on three themes: morality, surplus value, and power. These themes are derived from the theoretical perspectives underpinning the study, namely Zygmunt Bauman’s theory of work ethic, Beverley Skeggs’ concept of the value of the self, and Michel Foucault’s theory of power.   The analysis of the results shows that morality, surplus value, and power are discursively con­structed by depicting work and unemployment in a polarizing manner. Work is attributed with numerous positive qualities, while unemployment is assumed to be accompanied by a certain degree of misery. Furthermore, the analysis reveals that the construction of the unemployed individual is divided into two versions: the successful unemployed person and the failed unemployed person. The successful unemployed person is portrayed as humble and willing, whereas the failed unemployed person is depicted as dishonest and morally reprehensible. These findings are closely related to theories of work ethic and how moral values are embedded in work, as well as how power is operationalized by compelling individuals to participate in various labelling and ceremonial processes where the self is ascribed value based on the worth of the body’s activities.

This qualitative study aims to analyze how social workers who work with social assistance view young adults who are unemployed and receiving financial support, as well as how the social workers describe their work with this target group. This was examined through interviews with six different social workers. The interview material was analyzed using Van Oorschot and Halman's (2000) analytical framework on explanations for poverty. The analytical framework addressed two dimensions in the form of social and individual, as well as blame and fate. Based on these dimensions, following explanatory models were created: individual blame, individual fate, social blame and social fate. The results show that all four explanatory models appear in the social workers' reasoning about the target group although, some models occured more frequently. In the social workers' reasoning about how they described the target group, a pattern of the social dimension and especially social blame emerged, while the reasoning about how the social workers work with the target group showed the individual dimension with a focus on individual blame. The conclusion is that the social workers view young adults who are unemployed and receiving social assistance differently from how they work with the target group.

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Can Danish experience explain why Sverigedemokraterna had a higher support among voters in Skåne, than among other Swedish voters?</p><p>Essay in Political Science, C-level</p><p>Author: Jenny Wood</p><p>Tutor: Gregg Bucken-Knapp</p><p>Autumn 2006/ Spring 2007</p><p>The key question of this essay concerns the outcome of Sweden’s latest election. When all the votes where counted, the county of Skåne showed an exceptionally high support for the right wing nationalist party Sverigedemokraterna. Why then, did Sverigedemokraterna have a higher support among voters in Skåne (as part of the larger and transnational Öresund region), than among other Swedish voters? My hypothesis is the following: the regional interaction within Öresund has not only had positive effects concerning the values that the people of Skåne hold. In other words, Danish experience has changed the way in which the people of Skåne view immigrants and radical right wing parties.</p><p>Before I go on any further I will explain what is meant by the Öresund region. This region encompasses both parts of Sweden and Denmark (most notably Skåne and Själland), and the interaction between the two countries have increased considerably since a physical bridge between the two border regions was opened in July 2000.</p><p>Now, let us go on to the purpose of this essay, which is to answer the key question, and also to determine if the regional cooperation in the Öresund region has led to changes in the way the people of Skåne view right wing nationalist parties. Therefore, I explored the effects of the interaction between the Swedish region Skåne and the Danish region Själland, in order to discern if the Danes negative views towards immigrants and their strong feelings of nationalism, have effected Swedes and their values. In other words, was it possible that the Danish hostility towards immigrants and their unproblematic view of right wing nationalist parties, had been transmitted to the people of Skåne? Last but not least, it has also been the purpose of this essay to prove that traditional variables, concerning the question of why people vote for right wing nationalist parties, do no longer explain this phenomenon. By traditional variables I mean unemployment and a high density of immigrants of the population in a specific area.</p><p>In order to research the above mentioned issues, I have gone through letters to the editor, sent to the newspaper Sydsvenskan, and analysed the material using qualitative text analysis. I have also studied literature within the field of cross-border studies.</p><p>After ten weeks of research, I came to the conclusion that the traditional variables do not explain why Sverigedemokraterna received such a high proportion of the votes in Skåne. However, this essay also sheds light on the possibility of Danish experience as a plausible variable when it comes to explaining the outcome of the last election, but based on my limited study I can neither confirm nor dismiss the hypothesis. However, my study does provide some evidence that supports the hypothesis. In order to draw any conclusions however, it would have to be broadened in itself and replicated in other sections of Sweden or nationally.</p><p>The results of my study might leave the key question unanswered, but in itself can be viewed as an important step towards obtaining a clearer overview of what has driven the increased vote share for Sverigedemokraterna.</p>

Ungdomsarbetslöshet är idag ett omfattande samhällsproblem och ett vanligt förekommande debattämne i media. Studiens fokus ligger på hur livsvillkoren för fyra unga vuxna i åldrarna 24-26 år ser ut i relation till deras arbetslöshet, eller blivande arbetslöshet, med utgångspunkt i deras specifika livssituationer. Den teoretiska inramning som använts i studien är baserad på socialt kapital, symboliskt kapital, kulturellt kapital, habitus, livsstilar samt livsplaner. Kvalitativa intervjuer med de fyra unga vuxna, vilka samtliga har någon form av erfarenhet av arbetslöshet, utgör studiens utgångspunkt. I analysen läggs fokus på hur de påverkas av samt hanterar sin livssituation i förhållande till arbetslösheten. Analysen visar att de unga vuxna inget hellre vill än att få ett fast arbete men att de upplever att de på grund av samhälleliga begränsningar och brist på lämpligt nätverk har svårt att finna ett sådant. Framgick gjorde även att de unga vuxna ställer höga krav på sig själva i fråga om att skaffa ett arbete medan de har låga krav på hjälpinsatser från omgivningens sida. / Youth unemployment is a serious social problem and a widely discussed topic in media. The study focuses on the living conditions of four young adults between the ages of 24-26 in their capacity of being unemployed, or living with a risk of being unemployed in a near future, viewed from the life situations of the young adults. The theoretical framework of the study is based on social capital, symbolic capital, cultural capital, habitus, lifestyles and life-planning. The study is based on qualitative interviews with four young adults all having some form of experience of unemployment. In the analysis focus is given to explain how the informants discuss their life situation in relation to unemployment. The analysis shows that the informants want nothing more than to get a permanent job but experience that they due to social limitations and lack of appropriate networks are having trouble finding such. What also appeared was that the informants have high demands on themselves to find a job whilst they have low demands on support from surrounding people.

The concept of the work-first principle (arbetslinjen) might be considered old, but still serves as the main principle as well as an instrument in the Swedish labour market and social policy today. The original idea was that work and willingness to work was to be rewarded, especially due to a common opposition against the passive receipt of grants. The general definition of work, today, is that it is something desirable that should be achieved and that unemployed primarily will be offered training or work rather than grants and subsidies. When the Moderate party re-launched themselves as Sweden's "workers' party of today", in the beginning of the 2000's, the concept was brought back into the spotlight. In the elections of 2006 and 2010, the labour market was widely debated and become a controversial issue, with the concept of the work-first principle playing a major role. The purpose of this thesis is to analyse and problematize how the concept was presented and explained in the nationwide newspapers Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet during the 2010 elections, this in order to increase the understanding of the concept’s contemporary definition and policy implications. This was done by analysing news articles, including articles from the debate and cultural sections, as well as editorials in afore mentioned newspapers, through a discourse analytical approach using the conceptual and analytical tools from both the discourse theory and the critical discourse analysis. The result of this thesis shows that the discourse is not primarily a matter of the work-first principle’s existence or nonexistence but rather how it should be defined and what to include. Other main result was that the common definition of the work-first principle and its content, during the election of 2010 (1 January - 19 September), was closely connected to the policy of the, ruling Alliance Government.

Unemployment amongst Swedish citizens is higher within the group which falls under the designation foreign-born. The aim of this thesis is to examine which municipal factors that can explain the differences in unemployment amongst foreign-born relative to native born.The empirical models are examined with both cross-sectional data for the year of 2010 and panel data for the years of 2002-2012. The examination is implemented through a linear regression analysis of the type Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Fixed Effect regressions. A theory section will be presented where the theory on Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate (NAIRU), theories on discrimination and country-specific human capital are illustrated. The result from the cross-sectional data shows that the amount of foreign-born, the level of foreign-born immigrated from Nordic countries have a significant negative effect on unemployment amongst foreign-born. The general unemployment shows a significant positive effect on the unemployment amongst foreign-born. The result from the panel data however shows that the acceptance rate in Swedish for immigrants (SFI) and the highest level for tertiary education also have a significant negative effect on unemployment amongst foreign born. According to the theory of country-specific human capital, an increase in languageskills and education will increase the individual’s human capital and productivity, hencedecrease unemployment amongst foreign-born. This theory also indicates that an increase in the level of foreign-born immigrated from Nordic countries has a lower “cultural distance”,hence easier to integrate into the Swedish labor market. Previous research indicates that an increase of the amount of foreign-born can decrease the unemployment amongst this group through an expansion of social network and employer contacts. According to the theory of NAIRU, the level of equilibrium unemployment is affected by changes in the composition ofthe workforce, hence should affect the unemployment amongst foreign-born in the corresponding direction. This indicates that the integration policy is of importance to bring down the level of NAIRU. / Arbetslöshet är ett omtalat fenomen inom den svenska samhällsdebatten. Arbetslösheten bland Sveriges invånare är högre bland den grupp människor som faller under beteckningen utrikes födda. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka vilka kommunala faktorer som kan förklara skillnaden i arbetslöshet mellan utrikes- och inrikes födda. De empiriska modellerna testas både med tvärsnittsdata för år 2010 samt paneldata för år 2002-2012. Undersökningen genomförs med en linjär regressionsanalys av typen Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) samt Fixed Effect regressioner. Datamaterialet är av sekundär data från Statistiska centralbyrån(SCB). Ett teoriavsnitt kommer att presenteras där teorin om Non-Accelerating Inflation Rate of Unemployment (NAIRU) samt teorier om diskriminering och land-specifikt humankapital belyses. Resultatet av tvärsnittsdata visar att andelen utrikes födda, andelen invandrade från Norden har en signifikant negativ effekt på arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda samt att den allmänna arbetslösheten har en signifikant positiv effekt på arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda. Resultatet av paneldata visar att även andelen godkända i svenska för i invandrare samt högstaeftergymnasiala utbildningsnivå har en signifikant negativ effekt på arbetslöshet bland utrikesfödda. Enligt teorin om land-specifikt humankapital ökar språkkunskaper samt utbildning individens humankapital och således produktivitet vilket minskar arbetslösheten bland utrikesfödda. Denna teori belyser även att andelen invandrade från Norden har ett lägre ”kulturavstånd” och bör således ha lättare att integrera sig på den svenska marknaden. Detta medför att arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda reduceras. Tidigare forskning tyder på att ökad andel utrikes födda kan minska arbetslöshet bland denna grupp genom ökat socialt nätverkoch arbetsgivarkontakter. Enligt teorin om NAIRU, påverkas jämviktsarbetslösheten av förändringar i arbetskraftens sammansättningar vilket bör medföra en påverkan på arbetslöshet bland utrikes födda i motsvarande riktning. Detta indikerar att integrationspolitiken är av betydelse för att få ner nivån på NAIRU.

Bakgrund: Inom politik och media beskrivs unga arbetslösa som oengagerade, lågutbildade och socialt inkompetenta. Denna uppfattning förstärks när allt fler unga inte lyckats komma in på arbetsmarknaden och blir långvarigt arbetslösa. För att åtgärda problemet att ta sig in på arbetsmarknad, sätts de in på arbetsmarknadsåtgärder. Stämmer medias bild över verkligheten? Hur ser åtgärderna egentligen ut och hur påverkas de unga vuxna över tid som arbetslös? Ligger ansvaret för arbetslösheten på personerna själva eller finns det andra bakomliggande faktorer? Hur kan systemet eventuellt förbättras? Metod: För att ta reda på svaren har vi gjort en systematisk litteraturstudie där vi använt oss av 29 artiklar. Resultat: Ju längre arbetslöshet, desto svårare förutsättningar att komma ut på arbetsmarknaden. I takt med tiden försämras dessutom den fysiska, psykiska och sociala hälsan hos individen, vilket medför dubbla negativa konsekvenser. Om man är utan fullständigt gymnasiebetyg eller körkort, är chanserna för jobb bland de minsta. Dagens satsningar ligger framför allt på aktiveringsinsatser. Trots detta avslutar 25 procent gymnasiet utan fullständigt betyg. Slutsats: Arbetslöshet måste åtgärdas så tidigt som möjligt. Ett av de bästa alternativen för både individ och samhälle, är satsningar på kompletta gymnasiebetyg och billigare körkortskostnader. Detta skulle medföra att fler får grundförutsättningar och kvalifikationer för de flesta arbeten som saknar krav på eftergymnasial utbildning.

Det övergripande syftet med föreliggande studie var att undersöka levnadsförhållanden bland arbetslösa ungdomar. Syftet var även att undersöka vilka konsekvenser som arbetslösheten kan föra med sig för ungdomarna. Konsekvenser som har undersökts är inom livsområdena 1)hälsa 2) sociala relationer och fritid 3) konsumtion 4) rökning, alkohol och droger 5)kriminalitet och 6) livet i sin helhet. Metoden som använts är en kvantitativ metod med enkäter, som har delats ut till arbetslösa ungdomar i två kommuner i Sverige. För att ta reda på varför vissa ungdomar påverkas negativt av arbetslösheten, medan andra förblir nästintill opåverkade har ekonomi- skammodellen använts. Utgångspunkten för ekonomi-skammodellen är att desto högre den ekonomiska påfrestningen är i relation till skamgörandeeffekter, vilka uttrycks genom en negativ attityd från omgivningen, ju mer negativ inverkanhar arbetslöshet i människors liv. Studiens resultat och analys bekräftar denna teori. En större andel av ungdomarna som upplever högre grad av ekonomisk påfrestning och skamgörande effekter har även en sämre hälsa, röker mer, dricker oftare och har provat droger i högre utsträckning samt uppskattar livet i sin helhet att vara sämre, jämfört med ungdomar som upplever lägre grad av ekonomisk påfrestning och skamgörande effekter. Oavsett påfrestning bedömer ungdomarna generellt sett sina sociala relationer och fritid på likartade sätt, varpå modellen ej kan användas för att förklara variationer inom detta livsområde. I föreliggande studie undersöktes även hur ungdomarna påverkas av att vara arbetslösa i ett konsumtionssamhälle där normen är att konsumera. Resultat och analys visar att det är de ungdomar med mest påfrestning som konsumerar i högre grad, vilket förklaras utifrån att de kompenserar för den statusförlust som arbetslösheten medfört. / The aim of the study was to investigate living conditions amongst unemployed youths. The aim was also to examine the effects unemployment can have on young people. Consequences that have been explored are within the following areas of life: 1) Health 2) Social relationships and leisure activity 3) Consumption 4) Smoking, alcohol and drug abuse 5)Crime and 6) Life in its entirety. The method used is a quantitative method with questionnaires, which were distributed to unemployed youths in two towns in Sweden. To find out why some young people are adversely affected by unemployment, while others remain virtually unaffected the economy-shame model was used. The starting point for this model is that the higher the economic stress is in relation to the humiliating effects, which are expressed through a negative attitude from people in the environment, the more negative impact unemployment has in people's lives. The results and analysis in this study confirms the theory. A greater proportion of young people who experience higher levels of economic stress and shame also have poorer health, smoke more, drink more often and are more likely to have tried drugs and have a negative outlook on life, as opposed to adolescents who experience lower levels of economic stress and shame. Overall the model can not be used to explain variations in areas of life concerning social relations and leisure activities. The study also looked into how young people are affected by being unemployed in a consumer society where the norm is to consume. Results and analysis shows that it is young people who experience a greater level of economical distress and shame who consume the most. The explanation for this might be that they are compensating for the loss of status resulting from unemployment.

The economic policy of the Swedish Social Democrats has undergone major changes during the last thirty years. From using a so-called Keynesian policy to promote full employment in the economy, the Social Democrats have switched to a more monetaristic policy to promote low inflation instead. What I intend to do with this study is to see if the policy change also can be noticed in how the party describe their own policy. Have the Social Democrats been open and transparent with their change in priorities, or have they tried to hide this in their rhetoric? The purpose of this thesis is to examine if one can notice a change from a Keynesian to a monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. The main research question, which I intend to answer, is: "Is it possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy?" I have chosen to study the descriptions found in the financial forecasts, presented by the Social Democrats during their time in government rule between 1970 and 1999. The research method I use is the qualitative text analysis. After analyzing the descriptions found in the financial forecasts I present an answer to the main research question: Yes, it is partly possible to notice a change from a Keynesian to monetaristic policy in the Social Democrat’s descriptions of their economic policy. I only say partly possible because it is possible to notice the policy change that took place between the 1970s and 1980s, when low inflation was given the same priority as low unemployment. Whereas it is not possible to notice the change that took place between the 1980s and 1990s, when low inflation was given the highest priority, above low unemployment.