Esta tesis tiene por objeto la doctrina jurídica y política de Carl Schmitt correspondiente al período de madurez y de mayor fecundidad de este autor, comprendido entre el final de la Primera Guerra Mundial y el final de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. La presente tesis pretende hacer una modesta contribución a los esfuerzos por superar las deficiencias de la literatura secundaria acerca del pensamiento schmittiano. En contraste con la inmensa mayoría de las publicaciones sobre Schmitt existentes, el contexto histórico en cuyo marco se desenvuelve la obra schmittiana, las partes de esa obra publicadas en los años del III Reich y las tesis schmittianas sobre el derecho y las relaciones internacionales ocupan un lugar preponderante en esta tesis. En efecto, por un lado, la integración del análisis del contexto histórico político en el tratamiento de las tesis schmittianas se ha considerado decisivo a la hora de abordar estas últimas; por otro lado, el análisis de las ideas schmittianas del período nazi y de aquellas relativas al derecho y a las relaciones internacionales ocupa un espacio mucho mayor que la exposición del punto tradicionalmente más trabajado por los estudiosos de Schmitt, el decisionismo.Como se ha indicado anteriormente, el objeto de esta tesis es la doctrina jurídica y política desarrollada por Carl Schmitt entre el final de la Primera Guerra Mundial y la terminación de la Segunda. Para estructurar la exposición de los resultados a que se ha llegado en el análisis de dicho objeto, me he inspirado en la clásica dicotomía entre soberanía "interna" y soberanía "externa". Los dos primeros capítulos de esta tesis están dedicados a las doctrinas jurídico-políticas schmittianas relativas a cuestiones de soberanía "interna", esto es, a problemas y temas de orden intraestatal. El primer capítulo analiza la doctrina jurídico-política decisionista sostenida por Schmitt en los años de la República de Weimar y las tesis jurídico-constitucionales schmittianas básicas formuladas en aquellos años necesarias para un mejor entendimiento del decisionismo. El segundo capítulo se ocupa de la reflexión schmittiana en el plano jurídico-político interno desarrollada en los años del régimen nazi y su relación con la legitimación y consolidación de ese régimen. Los dos últimos capítulos están destinados, en cambio, a posibilitar la comprensión de las ideas schmittianas acerca de temas de soberanía "externa", es decir, relativas al derecho y al orden internacionales. El capítulo tercero constituye un necesario paso previo a la explicación del pensamiento schmittiano en materia de derecho y relaciones internacionales. En este capítulo se analiza el pacifismo jurídico del período de entreguerras, que fue considerado por Schmitt su gran adversario doctrinal en el campo de la especulación sobre la soberanía "externa". El capítulo cuarto, por último, examina la doctrina schmittiana sobre el derecho y el orden internacionales propiamente dicha. La tesis finaliza con unas páginas conclusivas, en las cuales se intenta sintetizar las líneas maestras de la reflexión schmittiana objeto del análisis desplegado en los capítulos precedentes. / "LAW, POLITICS AND INTERNATIONAL ORDER IN CARL SCHMITT´S WORK (1919-1945)"The subject of this Ph. D. Research is Carl Schmitt´s juridical and political thought between the end of the Great War and the end of the Second World War. The Ph. D. Research is composed of four chapters and conclusions. The two initial chapters of this Ph. D. Research deal with the decisionist juridical and political doctrine, which Schmitt upheld in the Weimar Republic years, and with the schmittian constitutional basic ideas of that time whose understanding is needed to a better comprehension of the schmittian decisionism. The second chapter pays attention to the schmittian reflection unfolded under the nazi régime years and its relation with the legitimation and the consolidation of that political régime. The two last chapters purpose, instead, is to make possible the understanding of the schmittian ideas about the "external" sovereignty, that is to say, ideas about the international law and relations. The third chapter is a necessary previous step in order to explain the schmittian thought in the matter of international law and international relations. This chapter analyses the kelsenian juridical pacifism of the inter-war period, which was considered by Schmitt his major adversary in the field of the "external" sovereignty. Finally, the fourth chapter examines the true schmittian doctrine about the international law and order. The Ph. D. Research ends with some conclusive pages, in which a synthesis of the schmittian thought guidelines is undertaken.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T17:27:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Flavia D Urso.pdf: 1616648 bytes, checksum: f578da696de954a5e5e0f53b4ba54798 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-03 / Sovereignty is a concept made shallow as it presents frail theoretical solutions when applied to aspects from reality. The research hereby aims at understanding Giorgio Agamben s diagnosis on sovereignty by going through the core of Carl Schmitt s thinking in his theory of the sovereign power as well as the displacement of such problem in Michel Foucault s writings. Agamben is an intellectual who perused stern philosophical pathways, sovereignty having stood first and foremost for him along the issue of the potentiality of not being. His approach to reality takes place through the motto to prefer not to, from which he glimpses one possibility for putting down one s relationship between wanting and being able to, and between the constituent and constituted powers. And such annihilation is in effect essential for Agamben since his concept of sovereignty takes into consideration a juridical category not only weakened of its representativeness but most of all originating from an unprecedented biopolitical catastrophe. The path chosen by Agamben for such conclusion is one of a paradigmatic ontology, that is, the axes of understanding for the phenomena which ousted political character from juridical ordinances. The paradigms nuda vita (bare life) and the state of exception mainly constitute the structural elements whose function is to ultimately keep the exception-ridden life of the law. The bottleneck established by sovereignty is undone by a new form-of-life, which means the absolute desecration of a life power over which neither sovereignty nor the law can have control over / A soberania é conceito esvaziado porque apresenta frágeis soluções teóricas quando aplicadas aos aspectos da realidade. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo a compreensão do diagnóstico de Giorgio Agamben a respeito da soberania percorrendo a centralidade da teoria do poder soberano do pensamento de Carl Schmitt e o deslocamento do problema em Michel Foucault. Agamben é um intelectual de árido percurso filosófico e a soberania para ele, antes de tudo, é uma questão da potencialidade de não ser. A sua aproximação da realidade se dá pela fórmula preferiria não, na qual ele vislumbra uma possibilidade de destruição da relação entre querer e poder, entre poder constituinte e poder constituído. E tal destruição, de fato, é essencial para Agamben porque o seu conceito de soberania considera uma categoria jurídica não só esvaziada de representação, mas, sobretudo, originária de uma catástrofe biopolítica sem precedentes. O caminho escolhido por Agamben para essa conclusão é o de uma ontologia paradigmática, ou seja, eixos de entendimento para os fenômenos que destituíram o caráter político do ordenamento jurídico. Os paradigmas da nuda vita e do estado de exceção, principalmente, são elementos estruturais da soberania cuja função é, enfim, o de manter a vida excepcionada do direito. O nó estabelecido pela soberania desata-se por uma nova forma-de-vida, o que significa uma absoluta profanação de uma potência da vida sobre a qual nem a soberania, nem o direito podem ter mais controle

Nous examinons d'abord les aspects de la souveraineté politique sur la scène shakespearienne. À la lumière des analyses consacrées par Walter Benjamin au drame baroque, en 1928, et de la réaction de Carl Schmitt dans Hamlet ou Hécube (1956), nous montrons que Shakespeare met en scène la mortalité des corps politiques et la souveraineté nouvelle de l'intrigant dans le temps terrestre. Sommé de maîtriser l'art et le tempo de l'intrigue, le Prince est néanmoins impuissant à empêcher la décomposition de l'État. En prenant appui sur le drame élisabéthain, notamment sur le vertige mélancolique et sceptique d'Hamlet, nous interrogeons alors l'effort contemporain en vue de l'ordre et de la synchronisation dans la cité. La théorie hobbesienne de la représentation politique et juridique moderne rompt avec la conception mystique de l'unité politique et toute écriture inspirée des lois, tandis que la scène civile y est dédiée à la paix du commerce entre les individus afin de garantir les conditions d'une autonomie réelle dans la sphère privée. Réciproquement, cette autonomie doit pérenniser les solutions à la mélancolie et au scepticisme conceptualisées dans Léviathan. Tout en entérinant la tragédie de l'existence humaine et de tout savoir déjà mise en scène par Shakespeare, Léviathan évite d'emblée l'exaltation schmittienne ainsi que la violence " pure " logée, selon Benjamin, dans l'état d'exception de la subjectivité. À travers les spectres qui, chez Hobbes, n'ont plus droit de cité, la scène shakespearienne défait cependant les mécanismes de l'ordre et de la synchronisation continus, cela sans congédier le droit ni le projet de l'autonomie.

This thesis argues that the end of Soviet Marxism and a bipolar global political imaginary at the dissolution of the short Twentieth Century poses an obstacle for anti-systemic political action. Such a blockage of alternate political imaginaries can be discerned by reading the work of Francis Fukuyama and "Endism" as performative invocations of the closure of political alternatives, and thus as an ideological proclamation which enables and constrains forms of social action. It is contended that the search through dialectical thought for a competing universal to posit against "liberal democracy" is a fruitless one, because it reinscribes the terms of teleological theories of history which work to effect closure. Rather, constructing a phenomenological analytic of the political conjuncture, the thesis suggests that the figure of messianism without a Messiah is central to a deconstructive reframing of the possibilities of political action - a reframing attentive to the rhetorical tone of texts. The project of recovering the political is viewed through a phenomenological lens. An agonistic political distinction must be made so as to memorialise the remainders and ghosts of progress, and thus to gesture towards an indeconstructible justice which would serve as a horizon for the articulation of an empty universal. This project is furthered by a return to a certain phenomenology inspired by Cornelius Castoriadis, Claude Lefort, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Ernesto Laclau. The thesis provides a reading of Jacques Derrida and Walter Benjamin as thinkers of a minor universalism, a non-prescriptive utopia, and places their work in the context of new understandings of religion and the political as quasi-transcendentals which can be utilised to think through the aporias of political time in order to grasp shards of meaning. Derrida and Chantal Mouffe's deconstructive critique and supplement to Carl Schmitt's concept of the political is read as suggestive of a reframing of political thought which would leave the political question open and thus enable the articulation of social imaginary significations able to inscribe meaning in the field of political action. Thus, the thesis gestures towards a form of thought which enables rather than constrains action under the sign of justice.

Orientador: Roberto Romano / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T07:16:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bianchini_FernandoNovelli_M.pdf: 1389137 bytes, checksum: 00828ecf31df4523661005da345ea174 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O presente trabalho objetiva analisar, por um lado, as críticas desenvolvidas pelo jurista e filósofo Carl Schmitt à democracia parlamentar representativa, expostas em suas obras publicadas no período compreendido entre as duas guerras mundiais, bem como tenciona elucidar a proposição, pelo autor, de resposta ao problema político e jurídico que é levantado, mediante a construção de um Estado totalitário. Debate o retorno de tais críticas no atual contexto brasileiro e global e introduz os princípios e os instrumentos da democracia participativa, por outro lado, como possível solução para a problemática que hoje é reavivada, sem sugerir, entretanto, a obliteração da democracia representativa. Analisa os fundamentos e mecanismos da democracia participativa, baseada historicamente na liberdade comunal, invocando as lições do jurista e filósofo Alexis de Tocqueville, especialmente quanto à distribuição de poder político. Debate a justiça coletiva e a importância para o pacto federativo nesse contexto, finalizando, assim, a dissertação / Abstract: The following work intends to analyze, in one hand, the criticisms developed by the jurist and philosopher Carl Schmitt to the parliamentary representative democracy, exposed in his works published in the period between the two world wars, and aims to clarify the proposal, made by the author, in response to the political and legal problem that is exposed, by building a totalitarian state. Discusses the return of such criticism in the current brazilian and global contexts and introduces the principles and instruments of the participatory democracy, on the other hand, as a possible solution to the problem which is now revived, without suggesting, however, the obliteration of representative democracy. After that, analyses the foundations and mechanisms of participatory democracy, historically based on communal freedom, invoking the lessons of the jurist and philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville, especially concerning to the distribution of political power. Debate the importance of the collective justice and the federative pact in this context, ending, after that, the dissertation / Mestrado / Filosofia / Mestre em Filosofia

La présente thèse procède à une analyse archéologique des discours sur le « romantisme politique » sous la République de Weimar pour mettre en évidence que ce paradigme constitue un idéologème fondamental de l’univers intellectuel et politique de l’époque. Par le recours à une conception de la « réception » qui met entre parenthèses la fonction « auteur » il s’agit d’analyser les stratégies discursives qui se structurent autour du paradigme « romantique » entre 1918 et 1933. A partir de l’étude d’un corpus d’auteurs pour qui la référence romantique est centrale (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) ainsi que des réseaux sociaux qui s’organisent autour d’eux, il est possible d’affirmer l’existence d’une sensibilité « romantique » centrale au monde weimarien, qui transcende les oppositions politiques traditionnellement conçues comme imperméables (gauche/droite, conservateur/progressiste, nationaliste/universaliste, etc.) et qui se construit dans l’opposition fondamentale à l’individualisme matérialiste du libéralisme capitaliste. / This PhD thesis offers an archeological analysis of the discourses on « political romanticism » in the Weimar Republic. It shall endeavour to analyze the discursive patterns which revolved around the « romantic » paradigm between 1918 and 1933 by resorting to a concept of « reception » which minimizes the importance of the « author ». By studying the works of thinkers who explicitly refer to « political romanticism » (Sigmund Rubinstein, Carl Schmitt, Hans Freyer, Othmar Spann, Karl Mannheim, Wilhelm von Schramm, Paul Tillich) and the social networks they belong to one may assert the existence of a romantic « sensibility » which is at the core of the intellectual universe of the Weimar Republic, transcends political differences traditionally considered as essential (left/right, conservative/progressive, nationalist/universalist etc.) and is fundamentally opposed to the materialist individualism of capitalist liberalism.

Il s’agit d’une thèse de philosophie dont l'intention est de relire l'événement qu'est la Première Guerre mondiale à la lumière de son lien au droit. On s'inquiète alors à la fois de savoir dans quelle mesure le droit agit sur le conflit - à travers une mise en récit de l'histoire de la Belgique en guerre comme enjeu révélateur et symbolique de cette guerre du droit - et dans quelle mesure la guerre à son tour agit sur le droit international tel qu'il se construit à sa suite - à travers l'analyse critique de l'histoire du droit international de Carl Schmitt et Martti Koskenniemi, entre autres. L'idée générale de la recherche étant de lire la guerre 14-18 comme un moment constitutif de droit. / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis analyzes the origins and development of conceptions of the relationship between violence and politics characteristic of twentieth century fascist thought. It critiques existing approaches to fascism and fascist ideology in the interdisciplinary field of fascist studies and proposes and employs an alternate approach which centres and emphasizes the flexibility and mutability of fascist thought and denies that any particular complex of beliefs or concepts can be said to constitute an ‘essence’ or ‘heart’ of fascist ideology. Morphological studies are offered of four discursive traditions in fascist and fascist-adjacent thought with respect to violence and politics: German military theory of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; the ‘new’ French nationalism of the fin-de-siècle; the genre of ‘future warfare’ around and after the First World War; and the work of Ernst Jünger and Carl Schmitt. The thesis concludes with some consideration of the continuities and discontinuities made apparent in the morphological studies, an argument that those results vindicate the initial framing, and some avenues for extending them into areas of concrete contemporary relevance. / Graduate

This thesis examines the concept of sovereignty, as developed by the jurist Carl Schmitt, and argues that this concept helps to elucidate the very core of Fear and Trembling, a text that continues to be heavily misunderstood despite its great fame in Western thought today. Through a close examination of Schmitt’s formulation of the concept of sovereignty and the method by which he develops this concept through Kierkegaard’s concept of the exception in Repetition, I show how Kierkegaard influenced Schmitt and also how Schmitt’s interpretation is useful for reading Fear and Trembling. However, I also show how Schmitt’s usage of Kierkegaard, despite its ingenuity, is misleading, and present a more faithful reading of Kierkegaard’s concept of exception. With this reorientation, I in turn critique Schmitt’s methodology and the way he understands sovereignty. Following this reinterpretation of sovereignty, I examine the text of Genesis 22 and Fear and Trembling and examine the theological themes that ground the narrative of the Binding of Isaac. I argue that the problem of the Binding and the arguments set forth in Fear and Trembling cannot be understood adequately without a clear awareness of the image of reality that is presupposed. Here, I make use of Erich Auerbach’s illuminating reading of Genesis 22, and Jacob Taubes’ understanding of eschatology. I then examine the problem of violence as presented in the Binding, and how Kierkegaard departs from both Kant’s and Hegel’s critique of Abraham. Finally, I examine Derrida’s reading of Fear and Trembling in The Gift of Death and the way he challenges the height of sovereignty that is implicit within Kierkegaard’s “absolute relation to the absolute.” / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde und Carl Schmitt zählen zu den bedeutendsten Staatsrechtlern ihrer Zeit. Eine Verbindung zwischen beiden Staatstheoretikern bestand in einer engen persönlichen Beziehung. Die vorliegende Abhandlung geht der Forschungsfrage nach, ob sich hieraus auch Berührungspunkte zwischen den Staatstheorien der beiden Staatsrechtler ableiten lassen und arbeitet mit diesem Ziel Analogien, aber auch notwendigerweise Diskrepanzen zwischen dem Denken des liberalen Staatsrechtlers Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde in Bezug auf den konservativen Staatstheoretiker Carl Schmitt heraus. Am Ende soll die Frage beantwortet werden, ob es möglich ist, die von Carl Schmitt in seinem Hauptwerk ‚Der Begriff des Politischen‘ niedergelegten Ideen vom Staate (teilweise) liberal zu rezipieren. / Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde and Carl Schmitt count among the most prominent experts for constitutional law within their eras. The two theoreticians were connected by an intensive personal relation. Thus, the research issue of the present thesis consists on the exploration of the possibility to also deduce interrelations between the theories on the state of both scientists. For this reason analogies but also necessarily discrepancies within the ways of thinking of the liberal expert for constitutional law Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde in comparison to the conservative state theoretician Carl Schmitt are elaborated. In conclusion, the question shall be answered, whether it is possible to receive the ideas on the state of Carl Schmitt outlined in his major oeuvre ‘The Notion of Politics’ (partly) in a liberal way.