科学研究費補助金 研究種目:基盤研究(B) 課題番号:17330001 研究代表者:杉浦 一孝 研究期間:2005-2007年度

South Africa's transition to constitutional democracy marked the end of a system of government that perpetuated injustice on the basis of race. The previous system of government, underpinned by the principle of parliamentary supremacy, did not only exclude the majority of the population from public governance processes, it also economically exploited the majority of the population. As such, it laid the foundation for widespread poverty and inequalities in access to basic services. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution), is committed to correcting these past injustices and aims to establish a society based on social justice. This constitutional vision finds expression in the notion of transformative constitutionalism. Klare introduced the notion of transformative constitutionalism over a decade ago. For purpose of this thesis, the notion represents the socio-economic and political vision of post-apartheid South Africa to eradicate extreme poverty and inequalities in access to basic services as well as establish a democratic system of government that is inclusive, caring, participatory, representative and accountable. It captures the constitutional commitment to establish and maintain a society based on social justice by inter alia, eradicating poverty and inequalities in access to social services. The realisation of the socio-economic rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights of the Constitution (by all organs of state) is one of the ways in which to contribute towards meeting this transformative constitutional mandate, and by extension, striving towards the attainment of social justice. Although transformative constitutionalism and the achievement of a socially just society remain an ideal, the Constitution as the supreme law in the country, obligates the state, constitutive of public and private entities, to work towards its realisation, to the fullest extent possible. As part of post-apartheid institutional transformation, the Constitution established three spheres of government – national, provincial and local - which are distinct, interrelated and interdependent. All three spheres are obliged to operate in accordance with the principles of co-operative government and intergovernmental relations and are co-responsible for realising a number of constitutional objectives. Since 1996, the Constitution obliges local government (municipalities) to play an expanded "developmental" role. This has marked a move away from local government being regarded as merely a service delivery arm of government. xii The extended function of local government that came about with the constitutional dispensation finds expression in the notion of "developmental local government". This study is based on the premise that developmental local government must and can, together with the authorities in the other two spheres, contribute to transformative constitutionalism and social justice. Primarily, this study questions the extent to which the legal and policy framework on local government in South Africa enable local government (municipalities) to contribute towards realising the constitutional socio-economic rights underpinning the mandate of transformative constitutionalism. This study presents a review of relevant literature in order to establish links between the theoretical concepts underpinning this thesis. It examines the legal and policy framework on "developmental" local government in South Africa and analyses the central legal framework for the realisation of socio-economic rights at the local government level. In addition, the study explores the relevance and potential of local government indigent policies and Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) - as legally prescribed governance instruments - in contributing towards a more just society by examining their underlying legal and policy framework. It further distils from the theories and perspectives of social justice, benchmarks to guide local government towards achieving the transformative constitutional mandate aimed at social justice. Based on the legal, policy and other gaps identified, recommendations are made on how to optimise the potential of IDPs and municipal indigent policies in contributing towards achieving social justice. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

South Africa's transition to constitutional democracy marked the end of a system of government that perpetuated injustice on the basis of race. The previous system of government, underpinned by the principle of parliamentary supremacy, did not only exclude the majority of the population from public governance processes, it also economically exploited the majority of the population. As such, it laid the foundation for widespread poverty and inequalities in access to basic services. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (the Constitution), is committed to correcting these past injustices and aims to establish a society based on social justice. This constitutional vision finds expression in the notion of transformative constitutionalism. Klare introduced the notion of transformative constitutionalism over a decade ago. For purpose of this thesis, the notion represents the socio-economic and political vision of post-apartheid South Africa to eradicate extreme poverty and inequalities in access to basic services as well as establish a democratic system of government that is inclusive, caring, participatory, representative and accountable. It captures the constitutional commitment to establish and maintain a society based on social justice by inter alia, eradicating poverty and inequalities in access to social services. The realisation of the socio-economic rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights of the Constitution (by all organs of state) is one of the ways in which to contribute towards meeting this transformative constitutional mandate, and by extension, striving towards the attainment of social justice. Although transformative constitutionalism and the achievement of a socially just society remain an ideal, the Constitution as the supreme law in the country, obligates the state, constitutive of public and private entities, to work towards its realisation, to the fullest extent possible. As part of post-apartheid institutional transformation, the Constitution established three spheres of government – national, provincial and local - which are distinct, interrelated and interdependent. All three spheres are obliged to operate in accordance with the principles of co-operative government and intergovernmental relations and are co-responsible for realising a number of constitutional objectives. Since 1996, the Constitution obliges local government (municipalities) to play an expanded "developmental" role. This has marked a move away from local government being regarded as merely a service delivery arm of government. xii The extended function of local government that came about with the constitutional dispensation finds expression in the notion of "developmental local government". This study is based on the premise that developmental local government must and can, together with the authorities in the other two spheres, contribute to transformative constitutionalism and social justice. Primarily, this study questions the extent to which the legal and policy framework on local government in South Africa enable local government (municipalities) to contribute towards realising the constitutional socio-economic rights underpinning the mandate of transformative constitutionalism. This study presents a review of relevant literature in order to establish links between the theoretical concepts underpinning this thesis. It examines the legal and policy framework on "developmental" local government in South Africa and analyses the central legal framework for the realisation of socio-economic rights at the local government level. In addition, the study explores the relevance and potential of local government indigent policies and Integrated Development Plans (IDPs) - as legally prescribed governance instruments - in contributing towards a more just society by examining their underlying legal and policy framework. It further distils from the theories and perspectives of social justice, benchmarks to guide local government towards achieving the transformative constitutional mandate aimed at social justice. Based on the legal, policy and other gaps identified, recommendations are made on how to optimise the potential of IDPs and municipal indigent policies in contributing towards achieving social justice. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

The thesis in question is titled “Readjusting Orthodoxy”. It constitutes a discourse in UK constitutional law although legal theoretic, historical, politicial, philosophical, and EU-related complementary themes are also present. It is founded upon, and driven by, two fundamental, inter-related premises. First, that it is the orthodox reading of the UK Constitution which best describes and explains the present constitutional arrangement: the UK Parliament is a sovereign institution sitting at the apex of the UK Constitution and vested with the right to make and unmake any law whatsoever. In the second place, that, notwithstanding the above, this very reading of the UK Constitution is currently deficient in terms of internal cohesion, is plagued by ingrained anachronistic dogmas and enjoys only a limited adaptability. From these premises emerges a third proposition; namely, that the UK constitutional discourse as a whole would stand to lose greatly should alternative constitutional theories that are less suited to describe and explain the current constitutional arrangement replace the orthodox reading of the Constitution by exploiting these conspicuous drawbacks. Thus, the present treatise argues that the orthodox reading should after critical evaluation be readjusted in the various ways to be proposed so as to be rendered coherent, consistent, impervious to the numerous challenges it currently faces and, ultimately, capable of continuing to offer the canonical account of the ever-changing UK Constitution.

Cette thèse dégage, à partir de l'étude des mutations du droit constitutionnel thaïlandais et des doctrines qui le sous-tendent depuis ses plus lointaines origines, le point cardinal de l'ordre politique thaïlandais, identifié comme étant la souveraineté du roi. La construction de la souveraineté monarchique s'est appuyée sur des emprunts étrangers formant, par sédimentations successives, une doctrine proprement thaïlandaise du pouvoir royal l'érigeant en constituant suprême, seul interprète du dharma et de la coutume, auxquels le droit positif serait par nature inféodé. Si, en Europe, le « constitutionnalisme médiéval » a soustrait au roi le pouvoir de modification des lois fondamentales du royaume, le constitutionnalisme moderne a eu tendance à le dépouiller de sa « majesté », et enfin, le néoconstitutionnalisme a transféré son rôle de gardien de la constitution au pouvoir judiciaire ou à un organe spécialisé de contrôle de la constitutionnalité des lois, au Siam puis en Thaïlande, la royauté a su utiliser les innovations constitutionnelles occidentales pour s'institutionnaliser et se transformer tout en maintenant l'affirmation doctrinale de sa souveraineté et son exercice effectif. L'instabilité constitutionnelle chronique qui en résulte a pour effet de neutraliser le développement du parlementarisme nécessaire à la convergence du régime politique thaïlandais vers son modèle britannique. Sont ainsi posés les jalons d'une réflexion sur l'impossibilité du transfert des conventions de la constitution, règles non-écrites qui forment le cœur du droit parlementaire britannique, en tant que cristallisation de contraintes juridiques propres à une histoire constitutionnelle spécifique. / Based on the study of the evolution of Thai constitutional law and its underlying doctrines from its very origins onwards, this dissertation identifies the core principle of the Thai polity as being royal sovereignty. It was built on material and doctrinal constitutional borrowings, that have, through successive sedimentation, created a specifically Thai doctrine of royal power making the King the supreme constituant power, the interpret of dharma and custom, to which positive law is subordinate. In Europe « medieval constitutionalism » took from the King the power to modify the fundamental laws of the realm, modern constitutionalism tended to take his « Majesty» away, and finally, « new constitutionalism » transferred his role as guardian of the constitution to the judicial power or a constitutional court. In Siam and later in Thailand, the monarchy used Western constitutional ideas and mechanisms to institutionalize and transform while at the same time maintaining the doctrine of royal sovereignty and its effective practice. As a result, constitutional instability has neutralized the development of parliamentarism necessary to make the Thai political regime converge towards its official British constitutional model. This finding opens the question of the transferability of the Bristish constitutional conventions unwritten rules at the heart of British parliamentary system, as they are but a crystallization of legal constraints proper to a specific constitutional history. / วิทยานิพนธ์นี้สกัดประเด็นปัญหาอันเป็นหัวใจสำคัญของระบบการเมืองไทยในเรื่องอำนาจอธิปไตยเป็นของกษัตริย์ โดยศึกษาการปรับตัวของกฎหมายรัฐธรรมนูญไทยและลัทธิวิชาการซึ่งช่วยสร้าคำอธิบายที่เกี่ยวข้องนับตั้งแต่เริ่มต้น การก่อร่างสร้างตัวของอำนาจอธิปไตยแบบกษัตริย์อาศัยการหยิบยืมจากต่างประเทศมาอย่างต่อเนื่องจนตกผลึก โดยลัทธิวิชาการในแบบฉบับของไทยโดยเฉพาะเพื่อยืนยันว่ากษัตริย์เป็นผู้ทรงอำนาจสูงสุดในการสถาปนารัฐธรรมนูญ กษัตริย์แต่เพียงผู้เดียวที่เป็นผู้ตีความธรรมะและประเพณี และกฎหมายที่ใช้บังคับในรัฐต้องจำนนต่อธรรมะและประเพณี ในยุโรป “รัฐธรรมนูญนิยมในยุคกลาง” ทำให้กษัตริย์ไม่มีอำนาจในการแก้ไขเปลี่ยนแปลงกฎหมายพื้นฐานของราชอาณาจักร รัฐธรรมนูญนิยมสมัยใหม่พยายามตัดขาดอำนาจสูงสุดเด็ดขาดของกษัตริย์ และในท้ายที่สุด “รัฐธรรมนูญนิยมใหม่” ก็ได้ถ่ายโอนบทบาทในการพิทักษ์รัฐธรรมนูญให้แก่ศาลหรือองค์กรพิเศษที่จัดตั้งขึ้นโดยเฉพาะเพื่อทำหน้าที่ตรวจสอบความชอบด้วยรัฐธรรมนูญของกฎหมาย แต่ในสยาม ซึ่งต่อมากลายเป็นประเทศไทยนั้น กษัตริย์ได้ใช้นวัตกรรมทางรัฐธรรมนูญของตะวันตกเพื่อทำให้ตนเองกลายเป็นสถาบันและทำให้ตนเองเปลี่ยนรูป โดยอาศัยลัทธิวิชาการที่ยืนยันว่าอำนาจอธิปไตยเป็นของกษัตริย์และกษัตริย์ใช้อำนาจอธิปไตยนั้นอย่างแท้จริง ความไร้เสถียรภาพทางรัฐธรรมนูญที่เกิดอย่างต่อเนื่องส่งผลให้การพัฒนาระบบรัฐสภาในระบอบการเมืองไทยเพื่อให้เป็นไปตามรูปแบบอังกฤษนั้นสะดุดลง เช่นกัน เป็นไปไม่ได้ที่จะถ่ายโอนธรรมเนียมปฏิบัติทางรัฐธรรมนูญหรือกฎเกณฑ์ที่ไม่เป็นลายลักษณ์อักษรซึ่งเป็นหัวใจสำคัญของระบบรัฐสภาอังกฤษ มายังประเทศอื่น เพราะสิ่งเหล่านี้บ่มเพาะขึ้นได้จากเหตุปัจจัยบังคับทางกฎหมายซึ่งเป็นไปตามประวัติศาสตร์รัฐธรรมนูญของแต่ละประเทศโดยเฉพาะ

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-11T20:33:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:37:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:37:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santana Júnior.pdf: 1153660 bytes, checksum: 20be7a9173896fad800771ee30d280bb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / A presente pesquisa, de natureza bibliográfica, tem o objetivo de analisar o instituto da “omis-são inconstitucional” no ordenamento jurídico vigente, explicando de que forma a evolução dos direitos fundamentais e da nova hermenêutica permitem o seu enfrentamento. Para isso, será observado de que forma a evolução do constitucionalismo e a posterior crise do positi-vismo jurídico está atrelado à emergência dos direitos fundamentais e da necessidade de com-bate daquela temática. O estudo permitirá que se demonstre que a crise do positivismo jurídi-co, materializado nas duas grandes guerras mundiais, fez surgir a necessidade de retomada dos valores aos ordenamos jurídicos mundiais, fazendo com que os “princípios” passassem a ter a natureza de normas jurídicas, e por isso, de observância forçosa. Será analisado, ainda de que forma os princípios constitucionais – dentre eles, o princípio da máxima efetividade cons-titucional e o da aplicação imediata dos direitos e garantias fundamentais – estão diretamente vinculados ao nascimento de uma teoria que combate as omissões legislativas inconstitucio-nais. Verificar-se-á, então, algumas propostas estrangeiras para o combate a tais omissões à luz das novas tendências hermenêuticas e de que maneira possa ser feita uma releitura nos atuais instrumentos no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro – o mandado de injunção, a ação direta de inconstitucionalidade por omissão e a argüição por descumprimento de preceito fundamen-tal – para que possam ser um efetivo meio de combate às omissões inconstitucionais. / Salvador

Submitted by Paulo André Nassar (paulo.nassar@gvmail.br) on 2012-01-24T19:26:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 NASSAR - JDMTC - BKAB - final.pdf: 4839362 bytes, checksum: 527a7cf0c0a74ce36854726d39768c25 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão (vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2012-01-24T19:57:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 NASSAR - JDMTC - BKAB - final.pdf: 4839362 bytes, checksum: 527a7cf0c0a74ce36854726d39768c25 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-01-26T10:58:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NASSAR - JDMTC - BKAB - final.pdf: 4839362 bytes, checksum: 527a7cf0c0a74ce36854726d39768c25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-09 / In this dissertation, I aim to assess Courts’ transformation performance on housing rights issues. I begin making reference to transformative constitutionalism theory, presenting its main thesis, and then I point out the transformative features of 1988’s Brazilian Constitution and make the distinction between dirigiste constitutionalism and transformative constitutionalism. Then I present and comment both the housing problem in Brazil and the Brazilian legal doctrine on housing rights. After that, I propose a multidisciplinary methodology developed to assess Courts’ transformation performance on housing rights issues. Finally, I present an empirical study that makes a systematic content analysis of 50 'class action' filled by the 'Defensoria Pública do Estado de Sao Paulo against the Municipality of São Paulo, which aims to modify the municipal housing policies to accommodate the interests of marginalized groups. I conclude that in these issues, Courts has a limited transformation capacity, since social change occurs only when political, social and economic agents are also engaged "out of court" and when there is political will of the government. / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo avaliar o desempenho transformador do Poder Judiciário em questões relacionada ao direito à moradia. O estudo tem como referência teórica o constitucionalismo transformador, razão pela qual apresenta-se suas as principais teses, aponta-se as características transformadoras da Constituição brasileira de 1988, e propõe-se uma distinção entre constitucionalismo transformador e constitucionalismo dirigente. Faz-se apresentação e crítica do problema habitacional brasileiro e da doutrina jurídica brasileira sobre direito à moradia. Propõe-se uma metodologia multidisciplinar desenvolvida para aferir o desempenho transformador do Judiciário em questões sobre o direito à moradia. Feito isso, apresenta-se um estudo empírico que faz a sistematização e análise de 50 ações civis públicas propostas pela Defensoria Pública do Estado de São Paulo em face da Prefeitura de São Paulo, em que se pretende modificar as políticas habitacionais municipais para contemplar os interesses de grupos marginalizados. Conclui-se que, nessas questões, o Judiciário tem um desempenho transformador limitado, uma vez que a transformação social pleiteada ao Judiciário só ocorre se forças econômicas, sociais e políticas estiverem mobilizadas 'extra-judicialmente' para tanto e se houver vontade política do Administrador.

The legal historical development of fairness in the South African common law of contract is investigated in the context of the political, social and economic developments of the last four centuries. It emerges that the common law of contract is still dominated by the ideologies of individualism and economic liberalism which were imported from English law during the nineteenth century. Together with the theories of legal positivism and formalism which are closely related to parliamentary sovereignty and the classical rule of law, these ideals were transposed into the common law of contract through the classical model of contract law which emphasises freedom and sanctity of contract and promotes legal certainty. This approach resulted in the negation of the court’s equitable discretion and the limitation of good faith which sustain the social and economic inequalities that were created under colonialism and exacerbated under apartheid rule. In stark contrast, the modern human rights culture grounded in human dignity and aimed at the promotion of substantive equality led to the introduction of modern contract theory in other parts of the world. The introduction of the Constitution as grounded in human dignity and aimed at the achievement of substantive equality has resulted in a sophisticated jurisprudence on human dignity that reflects a harmonisation between its Western conception as based on Kantian dignity and ubuntu which provides an African understanding thereof. In this respect, ubuntu plays an important role in infusing the common law of contract with African values and in promoting substantive equality between contracting parties in line with modern contract theory. It is submitted that this approach to human dignity should result in the development of good faith into a substantive rule of the common law of contract which can be used to set aside an unfair contract term or the unfair enforcement thereof. / Private Law / LL. D.

The objective of this thesis is to assess the impact and influence of South Africa's Constitutional Court in the first two years of our democracy. To achieve this objective, some of the definitive and controversial cases already decided by the Court have been selected and analysed in an attempt to glean some jurisprudential perspectives of the Court. It focuses on the work of the Court over the past two years. It deals with the evolution of South Africa into a democracy, and analyzes the South African legal system prior to the beginning of the process of transformation. It briefly surveys the evolution of our constitutional system, dating back from the pre-1910 colonial period and provides a broad outline of the legal system in the post-April 1994 period of transformation. It analyzes the Court from the point of view of, inter alia, its composition, jurisdiction and powers. The Court is also contrasted with courts in other jurisdictions which exercise full judicial review. The Court's emerging jurisprudence is examined. A review is made, inter alia, of the Court's understanding of, and approach to, the questions of the values underpinning the post-apartheid society and its constitutional system, and constitutional interpretation. The right against self-incrimination and South African company law and the two relevant Constitutional Court cases are discussed. The collection of evidence by the State and the constitutionality of provisions relating to search and seizure and the taking of fingerprints are looked into. The Court's approach to statutory presumptions and criminal prosecutions; some aspects of our appeals procedures; an accused's right to be assisted by a lawyer at state expense; the question of a fair trial and access to information; capital punishment; corporal punishment; committal to prison for debt; and the certification of constitutions is analyzed. Two of the cases in which the provinces clashed with the national government on the distribution of posers between provinces and the national government are discussed. The conclusion is that the Court has, overall, hitherto acquitted itself well in the handling of particularly the controversial quasi-political questions that arose in the cases it has decided. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / L.L. D. (Law)

In the interplay between protection of rights and majoritarianism, the court is the arena. This research focuses on the conflicting role of the court within a constitutional democracy and a contestation of the counter-majoritarian dilemma that emerges from such a role. The counter-majoritarian dilemma centres on the idea that judges overturning decisions of the legislature through judicial review undermines democracy by thwarting the will of the majority through a subjective reading of abstract constitutional principles. As a point of departure, the counter-majoritarian dilemma is contested by revealing that the court can be seen as a democratically consistent institution if democracy can be reconceptualised. The examination of the South African jurisprudential climate and the adjudicative guidelines followed by the court suggests a rejection of such anti-democratic contention. The court upholds the commitments consented to at the time of the Constitution’s adoption and adjudication is reflective of the values undertaken by the country in reaction to its past. Within these values, minority rights can find a lifeline. Thus minority rights can exist through the implications of majoritarian consent. This research further identifies, in response to the counter-majoritarian dilemma, a constraining self-consciousness on the part of the court and an acute awareness of the court’s precarious role within a democratic infancy. The core of the counter-majoritarian dilemma is the view that interpretative indeterminacy of the Constitution means that the will of the people could be substituted for judicial preference. Through the examination of the court’s interpretative strategies and judicial subjectivity, this research suggests that within judicial subjectivity, adjudication continues to be reflective of the will of the people. Far from a constraining and mechanistic interpretation to avoid judicial subjectivity, the research reveals that open and non-formalist interpretative strategies are necessary to effectuate democratic conciliation within the judicial mandate. The results of this research suggest that, far from being a democratically deviant institution, the court in the current South African jurisprudential context, is the most suited to uphold the concept of democracy. / Jurisprudence / LL. M.