Since studies points out declining interest in science among students in Swedish schools, I have in this paper chosen to examine how some students at the Social Science Programme are experiencing the lessons in Natural Science and how to make lessons more interesting according to these students. The purpose of this study was to gain a greater understanding of how teachers would develop new perspectives and tools to make lessons in Natural Science more interesting. I also wanted to investigate whether an intercultural perspective could be a possible tool to increase students’ interest and motivation. As a theoretical framework, I have assumed Vygotskij's sociocultural perspective, Habermas's theory of deliberative conversations and an intercultural perspective. Through a qualitative approach, I conducted interviews with students and teachers. The main results showed that students felt that natural Science lessons were too theoretical and undemocratic and that they wanted to have more student interactions, such as discussions and group works. One problem highlighted was the fear of saying the incorrect thing or for the teacher to reveal incompetence. The conclusion is that the students wanted to have more practical aspects of teaching, which can be relatively simple and that an intercultural education would benefit the school's democratic mandate, encourage more students' preferences of learning strategies and enable more students through more secure environment where everyone feels included.

Studien syftar till att beskriva hur fyra lärare mot yngre åldrar förhåller sig till och arbetar med värdegrunden genom litteraturen. Där litteraturen används som ett pedagogiskt verktyg för att förebygga konflikter eller belysa andra frågor som berör skolans värdegrund. Utifrån detta diskuteras litteraturens möjligheter och funktion i skolans värdegrundsarbete och därtill lärares beskrivna mål med värdegrunden genom litteraturarbetet samt val av litteratur. Studiens övergripande mål är att föra en diskussion om synen på skolans huvudsakliga uppdrag kunskapsuppdraget och värdegrundsuppdraget. Denna studie beskriver hur lärare förhåller sig till kunskapsuppdraget och värdegrundsuppdraget, där litteraturen får ha en central plats för arbetet med värdegrundsfrågor. Studien är också en beskrivning av lärarnas ämnesuppfattningar inom svenskämnet. Studien utgår ifrån följande frågeställningar: -Hur beskriver lärarna sitt arbete med värdegrunden genom litteraturen?  -Vilka förtjänster respektive utmaningar upplever lärarna att det finns med ett arbetssätt där litteratur används i värdegrundsarbetet?   -Vilka mål beskriver lärarna att de har med sitt arbete med värdegrunden genom litteraturen? -Hur motiverar lärarna sina didaktiska val av litteratur i syfte att beröra värdegrundsfrågor? Studiens valda metod är kvalitativa metoder genom lärarintervjuer och har därför ett lärarperspektiv. De utvalda lärarna har alla svenska som ett av sina huvudämnen. Det empiriska materialet analyseras utifrån teorier nära Louise M. Rosenblatts tankar om litteraturen som en nödvändighet i en demokrati och för att utveckla demokratiska medborgare. Även Gunilla Molloys syn på svenskämnet som ett demokratiämne samt Aidan Chambers teorier om litteraturläsningens inverkan på individen tas upp. Resultatet visar att lärarna har en konstruktivistisk syn på värdegrundsarbetet inom värdepedagogiken då värdegrundsfrågor arbetas medvetet med i hantering av konflikter och förebyggande värdegrundsarbete. Resultatet visar att lärarna ser litteraturen som en möjlighet att utveckla både elevers demokratiska värderingar och demokratiska förmågor. Litteraturens möjligheter att utveckla den känslomässiga inlevelseförmågan innefattande empati och förnuft genom att göra textkopplingar till sig själva och världen omkring sig framkom som centrala delar av arbetet med litteraturen. Lärarna beskriver rika möjligheter till deliberativa samtal utifrån litteraturen i undervisningen till att arbeta med värdegrundsrelaterade frågor men det framkom som en utmaning att få med alla elever i samtalen. Lärarna väljer texter utifrån elevernas samt gruppens behov och tidigare erfarenheter och kan därför sägas ha en erfarenhetspedagogisk ämnesuppfattning. Det framkom att lärarna inte bara ser svenskämnet som ett färdighetsämne utan också som ett demokratiämne med många möjligheter att bidra till den växande människans utveckling av demokratiska värderingar.

In the light of the twofold mission of Swedish schools, that is to say enabling pupils to develop both subject knowledge and a democratic attitude, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extent adult higher education students from different language and social backgrounds, studying Swedish as a second language, are able to carry out joint writing assignments with the aid of deliberative discourse, and to what extent they thereby also develop a deliberative attitude. The twofold mission of education applies to them too. While there already exists a certain amount of research into deliberative discourse relating to education in schools, the perspective of higher education didactics in this research is still lacking. The present study is to be viewed as a first contribution to this research. The theoretical starting point of this study includes previous research into deliberative discourse by further developing an existing model regarding criteria for deliberative discourse, for example that there is a striving towards agreement, although the consensus may be temporary, that diverging opinions can be set against each other, that tolerance and respect for views other than one’s own are shown, and that traditional outlooks can be questioned. This model is supplemented by designations for a number of disruptive behaviours, such as ridiculing, ignoring, interrupting people and engaging in private conversations. The thus further developed model will thereafter act as a lens in the analysis of students’ discussions when writing joint texts. Another theoretical starting point is the view of education as communication, and of the possibility of communication creating a third place, thereby developing democracy in the here and now-situation. For this study, comprising 18 hours of observation of nine students, that is to say the discussions of three groups in connection with writing texts on different occasions, various ethnographic data collection methods have been employed, for example video recordings, participant observations, field notes and interviews in conjunction with the discussions. The analysis clarifies that the three groups developed their deliberation as the discussions about the joint assignment proceeded, and that most of the nine students furthermore expressed at least an openness towards a deliberative attitude for further discussions in the future. The disruptive behaviours mentioned in connection with the analytical model that could be identified in the discussions, for example interruptions and private conversations, proved not to constitute real disturbances; on the contrary they actually contributed towards the discussions developing, enabling them to continue. On the other hand, other and not previously identified disturbances occurred, for example a focus on grades, the lack of time and lacking language ability, which all in different ways affected the students’ attitudes towards their work. For any future didactical work on deliberative discourse in Swedish as a second language within higher education, these disturbances would need to be highlighted and made aware of for both teachers and students. Keywords: higher education didactics, communication, deliberative discourse, deliberative attitude, John Dewey, Tomas Englund, heterogeneity, ethnographic data collection methods. / Mot bakgrund av den svenska skolans dubbla uppdrag, det vill säga att möjliggöra för elever att utveckla både ämneskunskaper och ett demokratiskt förhållningssätt, är syftet med denna avhandling att undersöka i vad mån vuxna högskolestudenter med olika språklig och kulturell bakgrund under sin utbildning i svenska som andraspråk förmår lösa gemensamma skrivuppgifter med hjälp av deliberativa samtal, och i vad mån de därigenom också utvecklar ett deliberativt förhållningssätt. Utbildningens dubbla uppdrag är giltigt också för dem. Samtidigt som det redan finns viss forskning om deliberativa samtal när det gäller undervisning i skolan, saknas fortfarande ett högskoledidaktiskt perspektiv i denna forskning. Föreliggande studie ska ses som ett första högskoledidaktiskt bidrag till denna forskning. Studien tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt bland annat i tidigare forskning om deliberativa samtal genom att vidareutveckla en befintlig modell när det gäller kriterier för deliberativa samtal, till exempel att det föreligger en strävan efter att komma överens, även om konsensus är temporär, att skilda uppfattningar kan ställas mot varandra, att tolerans och respekt för andra åsikter än de egna kommer till uttryck, och att traditionella synsätt kan ifrågasättas. Studien omfattar 18 timmars observationer av nio studenters, det vill säga tre gruppers samtal i samband med gemensam textskrivning vid olika tillfällen. Olika etnografiska datainsamlingsmetoder har använts, till exempel videoinspelningar, deltagande observationer, fältanteckningar och intervjuer i anslutning till samtalen. Av analysen framgår att de tre grupperna utvecklade sin deliberation allteftersom samtalen kring den gemensamma uppgiften pågick, och att de flesta av de nio studenterna dessutom gav uttryck för en deliberativ beredskap inför fortsatta samtal. Studenternas fokus på sina betyg påverkade emellertid i viss utsträckning deras deliberation och kan betecknas som störningar i samtalen. Inför ett eventuellt framtida didaktiskt arbete med deliberativa samtal inom svenska som andraspråk på högskolan skulle dessa störningar behöva lyftas fram och medvetandegöras både för lärare och studenter.

Made available in DSpace on 2010-04-20T20:53:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 3 98327.PDF.jpg: 9352 bytes, checksum: 0cd4af24b6923d298832c95d0c8a5d0a (MD5) 98327.PDF: 580093 bytes, checksum: b01e0b846baf79468c41c9fa387a02c8 (MD5) 98327.PDF.txt: 222258 bytes, checksum: 1465bbad06b428a08b57cbf49608d4d4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003-03-12T00:00:00Z / A proliferação dos conselhos gestores ao longo dos municípios brasileiros, acompanhada das dificuldades qualitativas constatadas no seu dia a dia, suscita algumas questões quanto ao seu potencial de alcançar os objetivos propostos, quais sejam, de aprofundar o conteúdo democrático na gestão das políticas públicas e de propiciar maior eficiência no controle social sobre as mesmas e sobre os governantes. Para analisar tal potencial, discutimos as críticas ao sistema democrático representativo e os méritos da democracia deliberativa, fatores inspiradores deste movimento conselhista. Apresentamos ainda as considerações que motivam, com vistas à maior eficiência nas políticas públicas, o envolvimento direto da sociedade em seu controle. Complementando a análise do potencial dos conselhos, segundo uma perspectiva neoinstitucionalista, fazemos um exercício prático com o conselho Municipal de Saúde Santo André, visando a verificar como o seu arcabouço institucional aborda tal potencial.

Submitted by Alane dos Santos Viana (alane.viana@ucsal.br) on 2017-11-17T18:14:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESECARRERA-FREITAS.pdf: 4997878 bytes, checksum: 863c14e618b6ab284550c0717379570c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2017-11-20T14:35:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TESECARRERA-FREITAS.pdf: 4997878 bytes, checksum: 863c14e618b6ab284550c0717379570c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-20T14:35:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TESECARRERA-FREITAS.pdf: 4997878 bytes, checksum: 863c14e618b6ab284550c0717379570c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-27 / Três em cada quatro habitantes da América Latina vivem em centros urbanos. No Brasil, cidades como: Salvador, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte e Recife apresentam evidentes problemas metropolitanos, exigindo ações coordenadas entre os Municípios, a sociedade civil e os agentes econômicos. Admite-se, em certas circunstâncias, a participação dos Estados membros e da União. O modelo de governabilidade interfederativa deverá ser capaz de garantir o equilíbrio federativo e a gestão democrática das cidades. A institucionalização das regiões metropolitanas, conquanto, desde 1988, seja papel dos Estados, precisa preservar a descentralização como estratégia de desenvolvimento, assegurando às instâncias politico-administrativas locais, o protagonismo da execução de políticas públicas metropolitanas. De certa forma, o pluralismo político da Constituição brasileira de 1988, encontra melhores oportunidades para se manifestar em âmbito local, devendo ser criadas esferas públicas de participação e de deliberação acerca das funções de interesses comuns. Muito embora as primeiras regiões metropolitanas no Brasil tenham sido instituídas no ano de 1973, ao longo destes 44 anos verificou-se uma formação deficiente dos modelos de articulação intergovernamental, que, em geral, eram centralizadores e com baixo poder de mobilização social; enfim, adotavam uma gestão do tipo top-down. Em 2014, o Estado da Bahia publica a Lei Complementar nº 41 e funda novamente a região metropolitana de Salvador sob a roupagem de uma autarquia intergovernamental, intitulada Entidade Metropolitana da Região Metropolitana de Salvador (EMRMS). Esta tese se propõe a estudar se a condução deste processo que deu ensejo à EMRMS obedeceu ao viés centralizador de outros modelos de governabilidade ou se rompeu com esta tradição, promovendo uma institucionalização mais descentralizada e democrática. Apoiada em alguns cenários internacionais, especialmente no modelo de governabilidade adotado nas regiões de Barcelona (Espanha), Turim (Itália) e em algumas outras experiências de gestão metropolitana dentro do próprio país, esta tese levanta, como hipótese, que os instrumentos urbanísticos metropolitanos devem obedecer aos princípios de gestão democrática previstos no Estatuto da Cidade, privilegiando a participação direta, construindo gestões do tipo bottom-up. O propósito principal é demonstrar que o desenvolvimento metropolitano depende do empoderamento das comunidades que vivem nesses Municípios que integram a região metropolitana. Este trabalho se vale das ideias de Jürgen Habermas acerca da democracia deliberativa e das noções de desenvolvimento de Amartya Sen, como bases teóricas para fundamentar suas conclusões. Questiona ainda a legitimidade da EMRMS, uma vez que não se valeu dos princípios de gestão democrática prestigiados pelo Estatuto da Metrópole e por ter conferido ao Estado da Bahia uma posição privilegiada frente aos demais entes subnacionais. Para realizar esta pesquisa, utilizou-se o método hipotético-dedutivo, apropriando-se do estruturalismo e do institucionalismo. Foram feitos levantamentos bibliográficos e visitas a órgãos e instituições públicas, bem como pesquisa documental. / Three out of four inhabitants of Latin America live in urban centers. In Brazil, cities such as: Salvador, São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte and Recife, present evident metropolitan problems, requiring coordinated actions between Municipalities, civil society and economic agents. The participation of the Member States and the Union is admitted in certain circumstances. The interdepartmental governance model should be able to guarantee the federative balance and democratic management of cities. Although the institutionalization of the metropolitan regions has been a role of the states since 1988, it should preserve decentralization as a development strategy, assuring to the local political-administrative authorities the protagonism of the execution of metropolitan public policies. To a certain extent, the political pluralism of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 finds better opportunities to manifest itself at the local level, and public spheres of participation and deliberation should be created on the functions of common interests. Although the first metropolitan areas in Brazil were instituted in 1973, during these 44 years, there was a deficient formation of intergovernmental articulation models, which were generally centralized and with a low social mobilization power, in short, adopted top-down management. In 2014, the State of Bahia published a Complementary Law # 41 and reforms the metropolitan area of Salvador, under the guise of an intergovernmental authority entitled Metropolitan Entity of the Metropolitan Region of Salvador (EMRMS). This thesis proposes to study if the conduction of this process which gave rise to the EMRMS obeyed the centralizing bias of other models of governability or broke with this tradition, promoting a more decentralized and democratic institutionalization. Based on some international scenarios, especially in the governance model adopted in Barcelona / Es and Turin / It regions, and in other metropolitan management experiences within Brazil itself, this thesis assumes that metropolitan urban planning instruments must obey the principles of democratic management provided by the City Statute, favoring direct participation, building bottom-up management. The main purpose is to demonstrate that metropolitan development depends on the empowerment of the communities that live in these municipalities that are part of the metropolitan region. This work draws on the ideas of Jürgen Habermas about deliberative democracy and the notions of development of Amartya Sen, as theoretical bases to support its conclusions. This thesis also questions the legitimacy of the EMRMS, since it did not use the principles of democratic management prestige by the Metropolis Statute and because it conferred on the State of Bahia a privileged position if compared to other subnational entities. To carry out this research, the hypothetical-deductive method was used, appropriating structuralism and institutionalism. Bibliographical surveys and visits to public agencies and institutions, as well as documentary research were done.

När ungdomar startar verksamhet som temadagar och antidrogfestivaler för sin närhet och sina jämnåriga skapar de en tryggare miljö. Bara vetskapen om att jag som ung kan göra något åt det som jag tycker är viktigt att arbeta med, kan nog skapa en trygghet hos individen. Vi vet idag att med hjälp av rollspel lär sig ungdomar att förstå olika sociala spel och händelser i samhället. Genom värderingsövningar lär sig unga människor nya sätt att förstå sig själva men också sin närmiljö. Detta ger individen en starkare självkänsla men också en starkare grund att stå på då de arbetar med drogförebyggande arbete. Men förutom det har verktyget Local Hero fångat upp den allra viktigaste punkten som handlar om demokratisk träning. Verktyget tränar unga att bli mer aktiva och trygga samhällsmedborgare, och förhoppningvis ha en fortsatt ökat samhällsengagemang. Vägen dit är lång och kräver mycket arbete, både från ungdomarna själva men också från de vuxna deltagarna. Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa hur verktyget Local Hero både som modell och i praktiken kan möjliggöra för ungdomar att delta i ett deliberativt samtal. Med hjälp av teoriramen deliberativ demokrati analyseras hur Local Hero kan främja delaktigheten för ett öppet samtal med ungdomar. Frågeställningar: • Hur har verktyget Local Hero fungerat, i syfte att främja delaktigheten för ett öppet samtal med ungdomar? • I vilket syfte har Local Hero utvecklats och hur är verktyget tänkt att fungera? • Hur bidrar Local Hero för att utveckla ett deliberativt samtal? Deliberativa samtal kan kanske inte lösa kollektiva problem, lokalt eller i samhället. Men deliberativa samtal kan utveckla barn och ungdomars demokratiska kompetens, så att de på egen hand och tillsammans med andra värderar kunskap och normer, och skapar en förståelse om sig själva och andra människor. Genom att få utrymme och möjlighet i skolan eller i projekt som Local Hero för sina tankar och argument ges ungdomar en känsla av betydelse och en starkare självbild. Local Hero ska skapa mötesplatser och dialogtillfällen mellan ungdomar och vuxna i drogförebyggande arbetet.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo a análise do Conselho Municipal de Educação de Ribeirão Preto (CMERP) a partir de três aspectos essenciais - os contornos do seu desenho institucional, os conteúdos dos seus processos deliberativos e os sentidos da participação em seu contexto. Es-peramos que essa análise possa indicar os caminhos que têm sido tomados por conselheiras e conselheiros no espaço participativo do Conselho, bem como compreender suas conquistas e desafios na direção da ampliação democrática. Os objetivos específicos são a investigação sobre o traçado e o funcionamento instituicional, a efetividade dos processos deliberativos e as rela-ções que se estabelecem numa conjuntura de partilha de poder entre o Poder Público e a socie-dade civil. O enfoque metodológico é qualitativo, com a reunião de dados documentais e a coleta de entrevistas semiestruturadas. O fenômeno da participação democrática no Brasil, em especial por meio das mais diversas instituições participativas criadas desde a redemocratização do país, tem gerado um campo vasto de pesquisas empíricas que tomam por base a democracia como processo de deliberação argumentativa e buscam avaliar ganhos e dificuldades desse ca-minho. Os resultados produzidos dentro de algumas décadas de funcionamento das instituições participativas ganham a centralidade da agenda de pesquisa, que busca medir a capacidade de tornar mais democráticas as relações entre Poder Público e sociedade civil. Para a nossa pesquisa, realizamos a análise de dados colhidos sobre o CMERP - a legislação, as atas das reuniões ordinárias e extraordinárias, o Plano Municipal de Educação de Ribeirão Preto, as entrevistas com conselheiras e conselheiros e as notas de campo. O CMERP é um conselho em funcionamento e que cumpre com suas atribuições legais. A instituição conta com uma participação marcadamente fiscalizatória do Poder Público e das políticas educacionais, com uma representação concentrada nos segmentos da educação municipal, em especial do professorado. Dentre os desafios encontrados em termos de ampliação democrática, estão a aproximação da sociedade civil e a diversificação dos setores representados internamente. / This research aims to analyze the Municipal Education Council of Ribeirão Preto (CMERP) through three essentials aspects: the outlines of its institutional design, the contentes of its de-liberative processes and the meanings of the participation in its context. We hope this analysis may indicate the paths that have been taken by counselers in the Council\'s participative space, as well as the understanding of its conquers and challenges towards a democratic enlargement. The specific objectives are the investigation on the layout and the institutional operation, the effectivness of deliberative processes and the relations that take place in a conjucture of power sharing between public Power and the civil society. The metodologic approach is qualitative, gathering documental data and collecting semi-structured interviews. The democratic partici-pation phenomenum in Brazil, especially by the means of several participative institutions that were created since the country\'s redemocratization, has generated a wide field of empirical researches that base the democracy as an argumentative deliberation process and aim to evalu-ate gains and difficulties on that path. From this perspective, the results produced whithin a few decades of operations of the participatory institutions gain the centrality of the research agenda in this area, which seeks to measure its ability to turn the relations between public sector and civil society more democratic. For our research, we did the analysis of direct and indirect data gathered on the CMERP - legislation, the minutes of meetings (ordinary and extraordinary), the Ribeirão Preto\'s Educational Municipal Plan, the interviews with advisors and counselors and the field notes. We can say that the Council is in operation and fulfills its legal atributions. The institution has a participation thar markedly fiscalizes do Public Power and educational public policies, with concentrated representation in the fields of municipal education, in special the teachers. Among the challenges in terms of democratic expansion, are the approaching of civil society and the diversification of sectors represented internally.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe_Franz_Wienke_Dissertacao.pdf: 1961165 bytes, checksum: 3db6965e1f47c7d748886855f3f31bcb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-26 / The management councils are deliberative arenas for the preparation and monitoring of public policies. In the environmental zone, the municipal councils for the environment is getting more important, especially in municipalities with responsibility for environmental licensing. The City Council Environmental Protection of Pelotas - COMPAM - collegiate parity with the participation of representatives from governmentand and civil society, is the organism higher for the establishment of environmental policy in Pelotas. This study aims to examine the relationship between the COMPAM and the municipal government by examining the influence of the collegiate on environmental policies effected by the municipality. To this end, the work is organized into four chapters. In the first, we analyze the deliberative democratic theories, the emergence and consolidation of management councils and the evolution, in the Brazilian scenario, of the environmental policies. Later, it presented the City Council Environmental Protection of Pelotas, being analyzed its regimental structure, composition, and the deliberations recorded in minutes. Then, with the research about the environmental actions by the municipal government, is investigated the influence of the COMPAM on executive decisions. Finally, through interviews with the conselors are identified potential conflicting aspects in the relationship between the COMPAM and the municipality. The conclusions of the study show that there is an obstruction in the dialogue of the COMPAM with the municipal council, which is caused both by the attitude of the collegiate such as the municipal government / Os conselhos gestores constituem arenas deliberativas para elaboração e fiscalização de políticas públicas. Na área ambiental, os conselhos municipais de meio ambiente vem obtendo maior importância, sobretudo nos municípios com competência para o licenciamento ambiental. O Conselho Municipal de Proteção Ambiental de Pelotas COMPAM colegiado paritário, com a participação de representantes do poder público e da sociedade civil, é a instância superior para o estabelecimento da política ambiental de Pelotas. O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar a relação entre o COMPAM e o poder público municipal, averiguando a influência do órgão colegiado sobre as políticas ambientais efetivadas pelo município. Para tanto, o trabalho é organizado em quatro capítulos. Nos primeiros, são analisadas as teorias democráticas deliberativas; a emergência e consolidação dos conselhos gestores e a evolução, no cenário brasileiro, das políticas ambientais. Posteriormente é apresentado o Conselho Municipal de Proteção Ambiental de Pelotas, sendo analisada a sua estrutura regimental, sua composição, bem como as deliberações registradas em atas. Em seguida, com a investigação sobre as ações ambientais efetivadas pelo poder público municipal, é averiguada a influência do conselho nas decisões do executivo. Por fim, através de entrevistas com os conselheiros são identificados possíveis aspectos conflituosos na relação entre o COMPAM e o executivo. As conclusões do trabalho demonstram que existe um quadro de obstrução no diálogo do conselho com a administração municipal, o qual é provocado tanto pela postura do órgão colegiado, como do poder público municipal

In the light of the twofold mission of Swedish schools, that is to say enabling pupils to develop both subject knowledge and a democratic attitude, the purpose of this thesis is to investigate to what extent adult higher education students from different language and social backgrounds, studying Swedish as a second language, are able to carry out joint writing assignments with the aid of deliberative discourse, and to what extent they thereby also develop a deliberative attitude. The twofold mission of education applies to them too. While there already exists a certain amount of research into deliberative discourse relating to education in schools, the perspective of higher education didactics in this research is still lacking. The present study is to be viewed as a first contribution to this research. The theoretical starting point of this study includes previous research into deliberative discourse by further developing an existing model regarding criteria for deliberative discourse, for example that there is a striving towards agreement, although the consensus may be temporary, that diverging opinions can be set against each other, that tolerance and respect for views other than one’s own are shown, and that traditional outlooks can be questioned. This model is supplemented by designations for a number of disruptive behaviours, such as ridiculing, ignoring, interrupting people and engaging in private conversations. The thus further developed model will thereafter act as a lens in the analysis of students’ discussions when writing joint texts. Another theoretical starting point is the view of education as communication, and of the possibility of communication creating a third place, thereby developing democracy in the here and now-situation. For this study, comprising 18 hours of observation of nine students, that is to say the discussions of three groups in connection with writing texts on different occasions, various ethnographic data collection methods have been employed, for example video recordings, participant observations, field notes and interviews in conjunction with the discussions. The analysis clarifies that the three groups developed their deliberation as the discussions about the joint assignment proceeded, and that most of the nine students furthermore expressed at least an openness towards a deliberative attitude for further discussions in the future. The disruptive behaviours mentioned in connection with the analytical model that could be identified in the discussions, for example interruptions and private conversations, proved not to constitute real disturbances; on the contrary they actually contributed towards the discussions developing, enabling them to continue. On the other hand, other and not previously identified disturbances occurred, for example a focus on grades, the lack of time and lacking language ability, which all in different ways affected the students’ attitudes towards their work. For any future didactical work on deliberative discourse in Swedish as a second language within higher education, these disturbances would need to be highlighted and made aware of for both teachers and students. Keywords: higher education didactics, communication, deliberative discourse, deliberative attitude, John Dewey, Tomas Englund, heterogeneity, ethnographic data collection methods. / Mot bakgrund av den svenska skolans dubbla uppdrag, det vill säga att möjliggöra för elever att utveckla både ämneskunskaper och ett demokratiskt förhållningssätt, är syftet med denna avhandling att undersöka i vad mån vuxna högskolestudenter med olika språklig och kulturell bakgrund under sin utbildning i svenska som andraspråk förmår lösa gemensamma skrivuppgifter med hjälp av deliberativa samtal, och i vad mån de därigenom också utvecklar ett deliberativt förhållningssätt. Utbildningens dubbla uppdrag är giltigt också för dem. Samtidigt som det redan finns viss forskning om deliberativa samtal när det gäller undervisning i skolan, saknas fortfarande ett högskoledidaktiskt perspektiv i denna forskning. Föreliggande studie ska ses som ett första högskoledidaktiskt bidrag till denna forskning. Studien tar sin teoretiska utgångspunkt bland annat i tidigare forskning om deliberativa samtal genom att vidareutveckla en befintlig modell när det gäller kriterier för deliberativa samtal, till exempel att det föreligger en strävan efter att komma överens, även om konsensus är temporär, att skilda uppfattningar kan ställas mot varandra, att tolerans och respekt för andra åsikter än de egna kommer till uttryck, och att traditionella synsätt kan ifrågasättas. Studien omfattar 18 timmars observationer av nio studenters, det vill säga tre gruppers samtal i samband med gemensam textskrivning vid olika tillfällen. Olika etnografiska datainsamlingsmetoder har använts, till exempel videoinspelningar, deltagande observationer, fältanteckningar och intervjuer i anslutning till samtalen. Av analysen framgår att de tre grupperna utvecklade sin deliberation allteftersom samtalen kring den gemensamma uppgiften pågick, och att de flesta av de nio studenterna dessutom gav uttryck för en deliberativ beredskap inför fortsatta samtal. Studenternas fokus på sina betyg påverkade emellertid i viss utsträckning deras deliberation och kan betecknas som störningar i samtalen. Inför ett eventuellt framtida didaktiskt arbete med deliberativa samtal inom svenska som andraspråk på högskolan skulle dessa störningar behöva lyftas fram och medvetandegöras både för lärare och studenter.

[pt] O objetivo do presente trabalho é tratar do fenômeno do ativismo judicial utilizado pela jurisdição constitucional brasileira para sindicar inúmeras omissões legislativas, dentre as quais se destaca a condução da reforma eleitoral pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE), a partir da regulamentação da perda do mandato por infidelidade partidária pela Resolução 22.610/07. O objetivo do estudo é examinar os impactos negativos do ativismo judicial em relação ao princípio da separação de poderes e ao princípio democrático, bem como a possibilidade de aplicação da teoria de autocontenção judicial da autoria de Sunstein ao direito brasileiro visando combater tanto o ativismo judicial quanto o institucionalismo assimétrico, que sobrevalorizam a capacidade institucional do Poder Judiciário em detrimento do Poder Legislativo para tratar de questões constitucionais complexas. Aborda-se, ainda, a potencialidade desta teoria para incentivar a prática de um diálogo material entre os poderes Legislativo e Judiciário num contexto de interpretação cooperativa da Constituição, com intervenções recíprocas destes poderes no aprimoramento do sentido e do alcance do texto constitucional. Ao final do trabalho, pretende-se demonstrar que a aplicação da referida teoria ao constitucionalismo brasileiro garante ao Poder Legislativo igual capacidade institucional para interpretar a Constituição, ao lidar com questões constitucionais complexas, o que atesta a sua potencialidade de combater o ativismo judicial e incentivar o debate público a partir do ideal de democracia deliberativa. / [en] The aim of this paper is to address the phenomenon of judicial activism used by the Brazilina constitucional jurisdiction to syndicate several legislative omissions among which stands out the conduct of electoral reform the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), based on the regulation of the disqualification by party loyalty by Resolution 22.610/07. The objective is to examine the negative impacts of judicial activism in relation to the principle of separation of powers and the democratic principle and the possibility of applying the theory of judicial selfrestraint Sunstein authored by Brazilian law to combat both judicial activism and asymmetrical institutionalism, which overemphasize the institutional capacity of the judiciary at the expense of the Legislature to deal with complex constitutional issues. Covers are also the potential of this theory to the practice of encouraging a dialogue between the legislative material and judicial interpretation in the context of cooperative Constitution, with powers of reciprocal assistance in enhancing the meaning and scope of the constitutional text. At the end of the work is intended to demonstrate that the application of that theory to the Brazilian constitutionalism provides the legislature with equal institutional capacity to interpret the Constitution, dealing with complex constitutional issues, which attests to their potential to combat judicial activism and encourage public debate from the ideal of deliberative democracy.