Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renato Jaqueta Benine.pdf: 881117 bytes, checksum: 769e01b12bae463dae3b33a5839031d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-23 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / Lobbying is an expression constantly associated with the defense of private and specific economic interests of a group and with the adoption of shady practices, influence peddling, corruption and exchange of favors. However, this practice which should not be understood from its pathology but from its physiology has become increasingly common, being used not only as a defense mechanism of an economic group, but also as an instrument to promote overall interests in a society. In this scenario, we also have organizations of the emerging Third Sector figuring as actors adopting lobbying strategies. In Brazil, the regulation of lobbying practice is still pending. However, its physiology has deserved a legal and constitutional treatment in the 1988 Federal Constitution. Its protection is observed with the recognition of citizenship and political pluralism as the foundation of the Democratic State ruled by the Law, as well as from the participatory democratic dimension, expressed by the 88 Constitution. The fundamental status of lobbying in the Third Sector also derives from the recognition of fundamental rights and guarantees, including: (a) freedom of assembly; (b) freedom of association; (c) the right to be informed; (d) the right to information ; (e) the right to freedom of opinion and expression of thought; (f) the freedom of intellectual, scientific expression and others; and (g) the right of petition. As to the limits of this practice, they are perceived in its own constitutional provisions to guarantee such protection. Concerning freedom of assembly and freedom of association, the lobbying carried out by Third Sector organizations is thought to be developed for lawful purposes. As to citizenship understood as a duty of solidarity with other members of society it is understood that the Third Sector, in an act of lobbying, must be aware of social concerns like those expressed among the fundamental objectives of our federal republic. Another limit to the Third Sector lobbying is the political equality to which all are endowed with equal rights and freedom in the development of a political action. Thus, no action developed by lobbying organizations of the Third Sector could be generated so as to eliminate or prevent the participation of other interest groups, opposed or not, because dissension is a vital component of our pluralist democracy. / O lobbying é uma expressão constantemente associada à defesa de interesses econômicos, particularistas e específicos de determinado grupo e à adoção de práticas escusas, tráfico de influência, corrupção e troca de favores. Entretanto, essa prática que não deve ser compreendida a partir de sua patologia, mas sim de sua fisiologia tem se tornado cada vez mais usual, sendo utilizada não só como um mecanismo de incidência política de grupos de natureza econômica, mas também como instrumento na promoção de interesses mais gerais de uma sociedade. Nesse cenário, figuram, ainda, como atores a adotar estratégias lobbying, as organizações do emergente Terceiro Setor. No Brasil, a prática de lobbying apresenta-se pendente de regulamentação. No entanto, sua fisiologia encontra, na Constituição Federal de 1988, tratamento jurídico-constitucional. Sua proteção é observada quando do reconhecimento da cidadania e do pluralismo político como fundamentos do Estado Democrático de Direito, bem como a partir da dimensão democrática participativa, expressa pela CF/88. A fundamentalidade do lobbying do Terceiro Setor decorre, ainda, da afirmação de direitos e garantias fundamentais, entre eles: (a) liberdade de reunião; (b) liberdade de associação; (c) direito de se informar; (d) direito à informação; (e) direito de opinião e liberdade de manifestação de pensamento; (f) liberdade de manifestação de atividade intelectual, científica e outras; e (g) direito de petição. Quanto aos limites a tal prática, eles são percebidos nos próprios dispositivos constitucionais a lhe garantirem a referida proteção. Das liberdades de reunião e associação, deduz-se que o lobbying desenvolvido por organizações do Terceiro Setor deve ser realizado para fins lícitos. Já da cidadania compreendida essa como um dever de solidariedade para com os demais membros da sociedade , decorre o entendimento de que o Terceiro Setor, em uma ação de lobbying, deve estar atento aos anseios da sociedade, como aqueles expressos entre os objetivos fundamentais da nossa república federativa. Outro limite ao lobbying do Terceiro Setor consiste na igualdade política para a qual todos são dotados de iguais direitos e liberdades no desenvolvimento de uma ação política. Assim, nenhuma ação de lobbying desenvolvida por organizações integrantes do Terceiro Setor poderia ser engendrada de maneira a eliminar ou impedir a participação de outros grupos de interesses, contrapostos ou não, pois o dissenso consiste em um elemento essencial da nossa democracia pluralista.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antonio Paulo de Mattos Donadelli.pdf: 531803 bytes, checksum: 48e5527d5a698547fd47df0daee620e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-14 / Democracy demands isonomic participation in the process of collective decision making. To this purpose it is necessary that the messages of mass media be plural, presenting multiple points of view and a sort of sources. The State must ensure that the citizens get access to multiple points of view and information, as well as the ideas of the main social actors be represented in the communicative environment - comprised by the media in which is the ensemble of communication of certain circle, as an analogy to natural environment . In practice, not every social group has the same access to the mass media. There is a distortion in the so-called free market ideas which is under the thumb of few senders, the major broadcast companies. This can be noted mainly in the scope of concessions of radio and television broadcast, which requires political support, in addition to technological structure, human, and financial resources, whose resources only the major broadcast groups have access to. The regulation of mass media, according to the Brazilian Constitution, must to pursue the democratization of mass media, the pluralism of its actors and to fight monopolies and oligopolies of communication. The Federal Constitution of 1988 envisaged, in the article 224, the creation of Social Communication Council (National), created by Law nº 8.389/91. Such rules aim to establish participation of civil society, in the context of making political decision regarding Social Communication likewise other constitutionally predicted councils, such as Health Council (article 77, Paragraph 3, of Federal Constitution), or the Advisory Board of the Fighting and Eradication Poverty Fund (article 79, sole paragraph of Federal Constitution and Supplementary Law 111 from 2001). This organism has a plural composition. It s composed by representatives of the main different media, technical members, and civil society representatives. Its constitutional function is to assist the National Congress in regulation of Communication. The Communication Social Council would be the mechanism to improve the pluralism of Social Communication in order to minimize the distortions caused by Communications Oligopoly and Monopoly. However, this Council faces juridical and practical issues. The Council was inoperative since the beginning of 2007, its activation happened just on August 2012. Moreover, it s limited to provide opinions that have no effect on decision made in the Social Communication scope. The opinions are considered as mere recommendation; most of the time it is not take in account by political organs. It is necessary to question the legal purposes of Legislative and Executive decisions taken with no consideration of Council position, in other hand the Council will never meet its Constitution role. This dissertation addresses these regulation issues of Social Communication by analyzing the legal power of decisions made by Social Communication Council. / A democracia exige isonomia de participação na formação das decisões coletivas. Para tanto é necessário que as mensagens na comunicação sejam plurais, refletindo diversos pontos de vista e diversos emissores. Deve-se garantir tanto que os cidadãos tenham acesso à diversidade de opiniões e informações, quanto que as ideias dos principais grupos estejam representadas no ambiente comunicativo - entendido como o conjunto da comunicação em determinado âmbito, numa analogia ao meio ambiente . Na prática nem todos os grupos têm o mesmo acesso aos meios de Comunicação Social, existindo uma distorção no chamado livre mercado das ideias que é dominado por poucos emissores, as grandes empresas de comunicação. Isso se vê principalmente no âmbito das concessões de rádio e televisão, que exige apoio político além de estrutura tecnológica, humana e financeira a que só os grandes grupos de comunicação têm acesso. A regulamentação da Comunicação Social, por força da Constituição de 1988, deve buscar a democratização dos meios de comunicação social, o pluralismo dos agentes e combater os monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. A Constituição de 1988 previu, no artigo 224, a criação do Conselho de Comunicação Social (Nacional), órgão regulamentado pela Lei nº 8.389/91. Tais normas visam estabelecer a participação da sociedade civil, na tomada de decisões políticas no âmbito da Comunicação Social a exemplo de outros conselhos constitucionalmente previstos, como os Conselhos de Saúde (artigo 77, § 3º da CF), ou o Conselho Consultivo e de Acompanhamento do Fundo de Combate e Erradicação da Pobreza (artigo 79, parágrafo único da CF e Lei Complementar 111 de 2001). Esse órgão tem uma constituição plural. É composto de representantes dos principais meios de comunicação, além de representantes técnicos e da sociedade civil. Sua função constitucional é auxiliar o Congresso Nacional na normatização da Comunicação Social. O Conselho de Comunicação Social seria um mecanismo para aprimorar o pluralismo da comunicação social de forma a amenizar as distorções causadas pelos monopólios e oligopólios comunicativos. No entanto, enfrenta problemas de ordem prática e jurídica. O Conselho encontrava-se desativado desde o início de 2007 e só foi reativado em agosto de 2012. Ademais, é limitado a dar pareceres que não têm qualquer efeito sobre as decisões tomadas no âmbito da Comunicação Social. Os pareceres são vistos como meras recomendações por vezes nem levados em conta pelas instâncias de decisão política. É necessário questionar a validade jurídica das decisões legislativas e executivas tomadas sem consideração da posição do Conselho, caso contrário o Conselho nunca chegará a cumprir sua função Constitucional. O trabalho aborda essas questões de regulamentação da Comunicação Social analisando a força jurídica das decisões do Conselho de Comunicação Social.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_JURACI GUIMARAES JUNIOR.pdf: 1228773 bytes, checksum: b734e287f93009610a0ea40190ad0ee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-30 / The possibility and intensity of judicial review of participatory democracy in the popular initiative bill from the judgment by the Supreme Court of the Brasil of LC 135-2010, Law of Clean Record. After dealing the concept and evolution of direct and representative democracy to participatory democracy. Analyze the contours of democracy in the Brasil Federal Constitution of 1988 and the tension between democracy and the rule of law. Discuss to the various theoretical approaches to democratic deliberative aspects proceduralists and substantialists. The second step is to describe the political rights as fundamental rights, its concept, features and restrictions procedure. In a third step we discuss the legitimacy of judicial review in a democracy, addressing the various existing currents and contextualizing the legal reality and brazilian politics. Finally, it explains on the LC 135-2010, its participatory democratic formation and critically analyzes the reasons for the decision of the Brasil Supreme Court which ruled their (in) constitutionality. / A possibilidade e intensidade do controle judicial da democracia participativa no projeto de lei de iniciativa popular, a partir do julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal da Lei da Ficha Limpa. Inicialmente, aborda-se o conceito e evolução da democracia direta e representativa até a democracia participativa. Analisa-se os contornos da democracia na Constituição Federal de 1988 e a tensão entre a democracia e o Estado de Direito. Debata-se as diversas correntes teóricas democráticas até as vertentes deliberativas procedimentalistas e substancialistas. O segundo momento consiste em descrever os direitos políticos como direitos fundamentais, seu conceito, características e procedimento de restrição. Em um terceiro momento discute-se a legitimidade do controle judicial de constitucionalidade numa democracia, abordando as diversas correntes existentes e as contextualizando na realidade jurídica e política brasileira. Por fim, explana-se sobre a Lei da Ficha Limpa, sua formação democrática participativa e se analisa criticamente os fundamentos da decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal que julgou a sua (in)constitucionalidade.

Submitted by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-11-01T11:26:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 1422898.pdf: 3802004 bytes, checksum: 99eecf62182f6f619e5566f53e3d867d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-11-01T11:27:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 1422898.pdf: 3802004 bytes, checksum: 99eecf62182f6f619e5566f53e3d867d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-11-01T11:27:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 1422898.pdf: 3802004 bytes, checksum: 99eecf62182f6f619e5566f53e3d867d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-11-01T11:27:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1422898.pdf: 3802004 bytes, checksum: 99eecf62182f6f619e5566f53e3d867d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / O tema 'controle social' nunca esteve tão em voga quanto atualmente. Trata-se de mais uma inovação produzida pelo estado democrático de direito, e que consiste, entre outros objetivos, na busca da legitimidade e da eficiência dos atos da administração pública, na redução das distâncias entre esta e a sociedade, na vinculação das demandas sociais às políticas públicas, e, é claro, no fortalecimento dos controles e da fiscalização. A premissa básica deste trabalho é a suposição de que há sinergia entre o controle social e o controle externo exercido pelos tribunais de contas, valendo-se para tal afirmação da avaliação das práticas do Tribunal de Contas do Estado do Tocantins no estímulo à participação cidadã. Assim, o objetivo deste trabalho de pesquisa é mostrar como o exercício do controle social, exercido pelo cidadão mediante mecanismos adequados criados pelos tribunais de contas, pode interagir com o controle externo de sua responsabilidade, com ganhos significativos para os controles da administração pública. Entre esses mecanismos, as ouvidorias dessas instituições estão entre as ações mais fortes que promovem o controle social. As ouvidorias nos tribunais de contas representam canais de controle da sociedade sobre a gestão pública, e abrem importante espaço para o debate e o consenso em tomo do objetivo comum dos tribunais e da sociedade: a correta aplicação dos recursos públicos que garanta eficiência, eficácia e efetividade. Para atingir seus objetivos, os tribunais de contas necessitam identificar e coibir as práticas contrárias ao interesse público presentes na formação social brasileira, tais como: a má gestão, a corrupção e a ineficiência. Assim, com vistas a identificá-Ias e coibi-Ias, é fundamental a participação da sociedade, que pode, deve e precisa contribuir neste sentido. Desta forma, apresentamos as práticas dos TCs do Brasil quanto ao tema, e, ainda, em detalhe, a ouvidoria do TCE-TO, e destacamos outras ações de estímulo ao controle social e à participação cidadã executadas por aquela Corte de Contas. / The theme of 'social control' has never been so much in vogue nowadays. This is another breakthrough made by the Democratic State, consisting, among other objectives in the quest for legitimacy and efficiency of the acts of public adm inistration by reducing the distance between it and society, the link between social demands and government policies and of course, the strengthening of controls and surveillance. The basic premise of this work is the assumption that there is synergy between social control and externaI control exercised by the Courts of Accounts, availing themselves to such a statement assessing the practices of the Court of Accounts of the State of Tocantins in encouraging citizen participation. Thus, this research aimed to study whether the exercise of social control exercised by citizens through appropriate mechanisms created by the courts of accounts can interact with the externaI control of its responsibility, with significant gains for the controls of government. Among these mechanisms, ombudsmen these institutions are among the strongest actions that promote social control. The ombudsmen in court of accounts represent control channels of the society on public management, and important open space for debate and consensus around the common goal of the courts and society: the correct use of public resources to ensure efficiency, effectiveness. Achieving their goals in the Courts of Accounts need to identify and deter the practices contrary to public interest present in the Brazilian social formation, such as mismanagement, corruption and inefficiency. Thus, in order to identify them and restraining them, is fundamental to participation in society, who can, should and must contribute to this. Thus, we present the practices of the TCs of Brazil on the subject, and yet, we present in detail the Ombudsman of the TCE-TO and highlight other actions to stimulate social control and citizen participation performed by that Court of Auditors.

Abstract In the beginning of 2007 the Swedish municipality Örebro decided to have a democratic experiment, which ought to go under the name, “Dialouge for the citizens”. The representative elected politicians in Örebro tried to find ways to involve the people in the process of ruling. Why they choose to try this experiment on this very delicate matter, the closure of several schools in the municipal, is one of the questions this essay is trying to answer. The purpose of this essay is to find out whether the process was an attempt for the politicians of the representative democracy to implement deliberative democracy in the structure of the local governance. The result of this study is that the politicians didn’t manage to reach to the citizens the way they formerly had planned.

Syftet med mitt arbete är att undersöka hur några grundskoleelever ser på elevinflytande och sin egen möjlighet att påverka i skolan, samt hur denna möjlighet gestaltar sig. Genom kvalitativa intervjuer med åtta elever från två olika skolklasser i skolår sex på en grundskola i Sverige, har jag undersökt vilken uppfattning eleverna har om elevinflytande. Resultatet visar att eleverna räknar med ett väldigt begränsat inflytande i skolan. Min slutsats är att de inte har det inflytande som de verkligen har rätt till enligt Skollagen och Lpo94. / The purpose of my paper is to investigate how some pupils in the comprehensive school look upon student influence and their own possibilities to have any influence at school, and how this possibility takes shape. With the aid of qualitative interviews with eight 6th graders from two different classes at a comprehensive school in Sweden I have investigated how the pupils view the matter of student influence. The results show that they expect to have very limited influence at school. My conclusion is that they do not have the amount of influence they are entitled to according to Skollagen, and Lpo 94.

Denna studie handlar om lärarens dubbla uppdrag inom gymnasieskolans ekonomiprogram och är ännu en studie som visar på att uppgiftsorienterat/elevaktivt förhållningssätt ger läraren förutsättning att uppfylla Skollagens båda uppdrag, att ge eleverna kunskaper och demokratiska värden, samt känna lust i lärandet samtidigt. Utgångspunkt är Skollagen och Skolverkets texter.  Skollagen initierar att eleverna genom sin utbildning skall erhålla kunskaper och demokratiska värden. Det är detta som är studiens definition av det dubbla uppdraget.   Tanken bakom studien är; Skollagen initierar det dubbla uppdraget, detta realiseras via uppgiftsorienterat/ elevaktivt förhållningssätt vilket ger eleven en dialektisk utveckling. Syftet i studien är att undersöka om eleverna genom arbetssätten uppgiftsorienterat/elevaktivt förhållningssätt utvecklar de medierande metoderna ”förberedelser med informationsintag inför deliberativa samtal” och ”förmåga att delta i deliberativa samtal.”  Om detta skulle visa sig stämma skulle detta vara en användbar modell för att genomföra lärarens dubbla uppdrag samtidigt. Studiens frågeställningar: Utvecklar eleverna bättre översikt eller arbetsplanering av kursen? Upplever eleverna lust i lärandet? Påverkar metoden elevernas kunskapsresultat? Begrepp som är väsentliga för studien är; beslutsprocesser, det deliberativa samtalet, dialektik, elevaktivitet, grundprincipen offentlighet i det deliberativa samtalet, lärarens dubbla uppdrag, medierande metoder, påverka utbildningen till form och innehåll, uppgiftsorienterad pedagogik. Varför det är väsentligt att arbeta med de demokratiska värdena samt ge eleverna arbetssätt för att snabbt ta in information just inom Ekonomiprogrammet? Eleverna inom detta program kommer i sina framtida yrkesroller att delta i beslutsfattande i miljöer som inte präglas av demokratiska värden. Det är därför viktigt att de lär sig demokratiska arbetssätt som det deliberativa samtalet inför sitt yrkesliv. Det handlar om vilka ledare vi skapar inför framtiden. Eleverna måste även kunna arbeta självständigt med informationssökning i sina yrkesroller. Studien är utformad som en enkätstudie där två klasser, EK13 & EK14, som läser marknadsföring parallellt, ombeds utvärdera ett kursmoment (kurs1) som genomförs med ordinarie lärares ”vanliga” arbetssätt. Därefter genomförs ett kursmoment (kurs2) som är utformat i enlighet med uppgiftsorienterat/elaktivt förhållningssätt. Eleverna ombeds utvärdera även denna kurs med samma enkätformulär som för kurs1. Teoretisk referensram för utformning av studien är Egidius, Hansén, Nihlfors, Selberg, Vygotskij med fokus på elevinflytande och hur det kan påverka utveckling av kompetenser i form av kunskaper och demokratiska värden. Undersökningen visar att arbetssätten ger eleverna möjlighet att utveckla medierande metoder för ”förberedelser med informationsintag inför deliberativa samtal” och ”förmåga att delta i deliberativa samtal”. Det finns indikationer på att eleverna utvecklar en bättre arbetsplanering och översikt över kursen. Det finns starka indikationer på att eleverna upplever större lust i lärandet. Resultaten visar även att arbetssätten är effektiva med avseende på elevernas kunskapsutveckling. Därmed konstateras att uppgiftsorienterat/elevaktivt förhållningssätt är en användbar modell för att genomföra lärarens dubbla uppdrag samtidigt inom ekonomiprogrammet. / This study is about the teacher's dual mission in upper secondary school alignment economy and is yet another study showing that the approach joint influence in learning, gives teachers prerequisite to meet the two missions stated in the Education Act, to give students both skills and democratic values, and feel the desire of learning at the same time. Starting point of the study is the texts of the Education Act and the National Agency for Education. The Education Act initiates that the students through their training shall receive skills and democratic values. It is this which is the study's definition of the dual task. The idea behind the study is; The Education Act initiates the dual task, this is then realized through joint influence in learning, giving pupils a dialectical development. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether the students through joint influence in learning, develops the mediating methods "preparation of information intake before the deliberative dialogue 'and' ability to participate in deliberative dialogue." If this proved correct, this would be a useful model for implement teacher's dual mission simultaneously. The study's questions: Does students develop better overview or work planning of the course? Does the students experience desire for learning? Does the method affect the students' academic achievement? Concepts that are essential for the study; decision-making, the deliberative dialogue, dialectic, joint influence in learning, the principle of openness in the deliberative dialogue, the teacher's dual role, mediating practices, influencing the education in form and content, Achievement goal theory. Theoretical framework for the design of the study is Egidius, Hansen, Nihlfors, Selberg, Vygotsky, focusing on joint influence in learning and how this can affect the development of competencies in terms of knowledge and democratic values. Why is it essential to work with democratic values in alignment economy? Students of this program, will in their future professional roles, participate in decision making in environments that are not characterized by democratic values. It is therefore important that they learn democratic functioning as deliberative dialogue before his or hers professional life. It's about what kind of leaders we create for the future. The students must also be able to work independently with different kinds of information in their professional roles. The study is designed as a survey in which two classes, EK13 and EK14, which both read marketing in parallel, are asked to evaluate the course modules (course1) undertaken by the regular teachers 'usual' approach. Then a lesson is conducted (course2) which is designed in accordance with joint influence in learning. Students are asked to evaluate also this course with the same questionnaire as for course1. The survey shows that the working methods in joint influence in learning gives students the opportunity to develop mediating methods of "preparation of information intake before the deliberative dialogue' and 'ability to participate in deliberative dialogue'. There are indications that students develop a better work planning and overview of the course. There are strong indications that students experience a greater desire for learning. The results also show that working methods are efficient in terms of pupil achievement. Thus found that joint influence in learning is a useful model for implementing the teacher's dual mission simultaneously.

Den svenska gymnasieskolans läroplan understryker att undervisning ska ge elever de väsentliga insikter som krävs för att förstå hur de själva kan främja en hållbar utveckling (Skolverket 2011: 7). Denna litteraturstudie syftar huvudsakligen till att undersöka huruvida implementeringen av utbildning för hållbar utveckling har främjat elevers förståelse för hållbar utveckling. Ett ytterligare delsyfte är att analysera deliberativa samtal som undervisningsmetod kopplat till hållbar utveckling. Syftet besvaras genom två preciserade frågeställningar. De vetenskapliga artiklar som används i denna studie riktar sig i synnerhet mot den svenska gymnasieskolans verksamhet och all insamlad data har analyserats genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Uppsatsen utgår ifrån teorin om deliberativa samtal som undervisningsmetod men tar också avstamp i den normativa, faktabaserade och pluralistiska lärandetraditionen. Studien visar att implementeringen av utbildning för hållbar utveckling inte har resulterat i att elever signifikant ökat sin förståelse för hållbar utveckling. Denna studie påvisar dock att det deliberativa samtalet kan bidra till elevers förståelse för hållbar utveckling i den bemärkelsen att det ökar elevers kommunikationsförmåga, förståelse för andras perspektiv och engagemang. Vidare visar studien att det deliberativa samtalet uppfyller många kriterier för den pluralistiska undervisningstraditionen. Detta indikerar att metoden kan bidra till en förståelse för hållbar utveckling och att den således kan vara ett alternativ vid undervisning för hållbar utveckling.

Genom våra två fallstudier har vi undersökt formuleringsarenans intentioner vad gäller elevinflytande i förhållande till hur dessa tar sig uttryck i praktiken. För att finna formuleringsarenans intentioner har vi använt oss av Skolkommitténs tre utgångspunkter om varför elever skall ges inflytande i skolan. Skolkommittén har på ett konkret och förståeligt sätt redogjort för tre motiveringar till elevinflytande vilka benämns som: ”Mänsklig rättighet”, ”Demokratifostran” och ”Elevers inflytande över sitt lärande”.   I vår text har vi eftersträvat att ringa in ämnesområdet och ge läsaren en tillräcklig bakgrund för vidare läsning. För att vidga vår förståelse för elevdemokrati idag ser vi det med andra ord som angeläget att mer översiktligt och kort redogöra för en historisk tillbakablick. Med vår undersökning som underlag hävdar vi att elevdemokrati sett ur elevperspektiv, observatörperspektiv och lärarperspektiv kan te sig mycket olika. Eleverna talar om sitt inflytande i förhållande till deras mänskliga rättigheter såsom när de ska sova, äta och om att få vara inomhus när det är kallt. Det framkommer även att praktiserandet av elevdemokrati i de båda undersökta klassrummen tycks vara avhängigt lärarens egen uppfattning om vad elevdemokrati är och vilka demokratiska förmågor som är viktiga att utveckla i klassrummet. Ytterligare en intressant iakttagelse vi har gjort i vår studie är att skolans sociokulturella upptagningsområde inverkar och påverkar skolans förutsättningar och behov att utöva elevdemokrati. Denna iakttagelse förefaller intressant och anses av oss författare som lämplig för vidare studier. Vår uppsats är begränsad av en tidsram och lämnar oss och förmodligen andra med frågor för vidare forskning. Vår förhoppning är att denna uppsats ger läsaren reflektioner och ett väckt intresse kring elevdemokrati och elevinflytande. / Trough our two case studies we have sought to explore how and if, the description of democracy in the Swedish curriculum is viable in the reality. To our benefit the Skolkommitténs three motivations for pupils’ democracy, named “human right”, “democratic upbringing” and “pupils’ influence over their own learning”, has been useful. In this text the reader will find an attempt to surround the subject and give enough background information for comprehension. By using the methods of conversations with pupils, classroom observations and teacher interviews at two different schools, including literature studies, we have been able to make the conclusion that the realisation of the curriculum is a long process of transformation and influence from various angles. We have found that the meaning of pupils’ democracy differs depending on whose perspective is being regarded. Pupils tend to focus their human rights. Such as when to eat, sleep or wanting to stay inside when it is cold outside. Teachers on the other hand seem to solely be the ones to decide what impact pupils’ democracy will have in the classroom, and what democratic abilities that are important for pupils to acquire. Amongst our results we find the sociocultural surroundings from where the pupils derive as distinguished from the others concerning the schools conditions for pupils’ democracy. This fact has also encouraged our interest and we will pass this on as a future matter of research. Our research has nevertheless been restricted by schedule and leaves us and probably others with questions for further research, however our hope is that this essay will give the reader enough thoughts to see the relevance in our research.