崛起中的中國大陸，對國際政治、經濟秩序而言，是一個日趨重要的影響因素。尤其是對美外交為中共對外政策之主軸，其重要性實不言可喻，深具研究價值。 研究中共對美外交政策，可以發現在政策演變的過程中，其對美政策取向與內涵係因應內外環境的轉變及美中的互動關係而逐漸形成。因此，經由中共美外交政策的系統研究，可進一步掌握其政策思維與運作內涵，正確分析影響其外交政策的要素，以瞭解其發展與演變之脈絡。 基此，本文的研究目的在於： 一、闡明中共外交形成的因素，無論是在宏觀層面，諸如國內外環境因素導致中共外交理論與原則的改變、決策過程機制以及參與程度與範圍之變化；配合微觀層次決策者所起的作用，以檢視中共外交政策內涵，以瞭解其發展與演變。 二、經由中共與美國互動情形，分由政治、經濟、軍事、涉台外交等層面分析雙方關係內涵，以論證中共對美外交政策之發展與特質。 三、由於雙邊關係日趨密切，合作範圍與領域日增，因此經由雙邊互動模式之探討，以展望雙邊關係未來的可能發展。 四、「台灣問題」在雙邊關係的重要性日增，美中關係有可能因為「台灣問題」而面臨嚴峻的挑戰，因此格外值得探討。 經由上述議題之探討，本文歸納了影響美中關係的可能因素，並對政策的持續面與演變面加以探討，最後並提出美中關係未來發展之看法，作為本文之總結。 / China, as a rising power, is a factor with growing impact that affects international politics and economic order. Being at the core of its foreign policy, China’s US policy is of great importance and worth a close look. By examining China’s foreign policy regarding the US, we can find that China shapes the orientation and content of its US policy in accordance with changes in domestic and international circumstances and in US-China interactions. Therefore, by studying China’s US policy systematically, we can further understand its policy reasoning and course of implementation, analyze correctly the influential factors, and hence obtain a clear view of the context of its policy forming. Therefore, the purposes of the article are: 1.To elucidate influences upon China’s foreign policy, including macroscopic aspects such as domestic and international circumstances that caused China’s adjustment in the theory and principles of its foreign policy, and variations in policy-making mechanism and the extent of involvement, along with microscopic aspects such as the impact from policy makers. This is to look into the content of China’s foreign policy in order to acquire a clear picture of its development. 2.Via examining the interactions between China and the US, to analyze the China-US relation from aspects of politics, economy, military and Taiwan affairs. This is to find out the course of development and characteristics of China’s US policy. 3.With links between China and Taiwan growing stronger and scope and fields of collaboration increasing, to anticipate the possible development in cross-strait relations by studying patterns of bilateral interactions. 4.With the “Taiwan Issue” being of growing impact upon bilateral relations, the China-US relations can be serious challenged by the issue, and is therefore worth a close investigation. By exploring the above issues, the article catalogues possible factors that will affect China-US relations, observes the potential continuity and alteration of the policy, and finally concludes with a prospect of future China-US relations.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

The diploma thesis describes accession of Croatia and Macedonia to the European union. It analysis their economic situation in context of comparison with EU member states. The information about competitiveness are brought. The goal of the thesis is to clarify readiness of both countries for integration within the EU. Their economy and competitiveness will be evaluated. Integration process is described from two point of view: European union as well as Croatia and Macedonia. There is overview of actual status and negotiation progress of both countries on their way to the EU.

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Untersuchung des institutionellen Wandels in Polen, Tschechien und Ungarn während ihres Beitrittsprozesses zur Europäischen Union. Dabei liegt das Hauptaugenmerk auf den dabei entstandenen Wechselwirkungen zwischen Parteipolitik und den Beitrittsbemühungen. Die Entwicklungen in Mittelosteuropa nach dem Ende der Blockkonfrontation zwang die neuen Demokratien in der Region in einen Zustand des demokratischen und ökonomischen Wettbewerbs um den Zutritt zu westeuropäischen Strukturen, die Wohlstand und Sicherheit versprachen. Die Mitgliedschaft in der EU wurde von ihnen als oberstes Ziel, wenn nicht sogar als Belohnung, ihrer gesellschaftlichen Transformation verstanden. Die Konsolidierung der Demokratie war - im Gegensatz zur vorherigen Demokratisierung - in diesem Zusammenhang keine explizite Anforderung, sondern eine positive Prognose, die spätestens mit der EU-Mitgliedschaft der Realität entsprechen sollte. Das Kernstück dieser Arbeit ist die komparative Dreiländerstudie, in der die innenpolitischen Ereignisse, die Motive der Akteure, die Funktionalität der jeweiligen politischen Systeme und deren Entwicklung nach der Errichtung der Demokratie verglichen werden. Außerdem werden die Strukturen untersucht, die von den Kandidatenländern erschaffen worden sind, um den Beitritt zu organisieren. Die abschließende Bewertung erfolgt hinsichtlich der Gründe, die für etwaige institutionelle Veränderungen verantwortlich waren sind und arbeitet die europapolitischen Determinanten für das Akteursverhalten heraus. Die Verknüpfung von externer Einflußnahme mit institutionellem Wandel im Inneren führt zu folgenden politikwissenschaftlich relevanten Fragen: In wie weit hat der Beitrittsprozeß einen Einfluß auf die Konsolidierung der Demokratie in den Kandidatenländern gehabt? Hatte der Beitrittsprozeß kurz- oder langfristige Veränderungen in den politischen Systemen dieser Länder zur Folge? Haben die nationalen Akteure versucht, den Beitrittsprozeß für ihre eigenen politischen Ziele zu instrumentalisieren? Die Beantwortung dieser Fragen wird helfen, die innenpolitischen Konsequenzen zukünftiger Erweiterungsrunden besser einzuschätzen, einschließlich den dabei zu erwartenden politischen Wechselwirkungen auf der nationalen Ebene der neuen Mitgliedsstaaten. / The present work deals with the research of institutional change in Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary during the accession process to the European Union. The main emphasis rests on the interaction between domestic party politics and accession efforts that took place during this period. The developments in Central Eastern Europe after the end of the East-West conflict forced the new democracies of the region into a state of economic competition for entry to West European structures that promised wealth and security. The membership in the EU was perceived as the main foreign policy objective if not as the reward for their societal transformation. The consolidation of democracy - in contrast to the previous democratization that took place - wasn''t a specific requirement in this context. Instead it was a positive prediction which was believed to come true with the EU-membership at the latest. The central element of this work is a comparative three country study, analyzing the domestic political events, the motives of the actors, the functionality of the given political systems and their development after the initial establishment of institutional democracy. Furthermore it includes an examination of the structures that have been created by the candidate countries for organizing their accession to the EU. The final evaluation is done in regard to the reasons responsible for domestic institutional changes and means an attempt to work out the Europe centered determinants of the domestic actors'' behaviours. The linking of external influence to domestic institutional change leads to the following questions relevant to political science: To what extent the accession process had an impact on the consolidation of democracy in the candidate countries? Has the accession process caused any short or long term changes in the political systems of these countries? Have the domestic actors tried to utilize the accession process for their own political interests? The answers to these questions will help evaluating the domestic consequences of future enlargement rounds, including the correlations on the national level of the new member states.

Au-delà du débat entre méthode intergouvernementale et méthode communautaire, le positionnement des Etats-nations par rapport à la construction européenne demeure une variable essentielle pour comprendre comment s’opère cette construction et à quels compromis elle parvient. Traditionnellement abordé sous l’angle de la puissance et de la géopolitique, le rapport entre les Etats de l’Union européenne, désormais réglé par la coopération institutionnelle, doit faire appel à d’autres grilles d’analyse issues de l’histoire et des différences culturelles, sociologiques, économiques, politiques entre les nations. Cette thèse, fondée à la fois sur une expérience diplomatique et sur des travaux de recherche et de réflexion, met en exergue le rôle central et systémique de la relation franco-allemande, à la lumière notamment de la rédaction du projet de Constitution européenne en 2002-2003, des positions actuelles de l’Union sur la politique d’élargissement et la relation avec la Russie, ou de la résolution des problèmes de l’union monétaire depuis 2010. La négociation du cadre financier pluriannuel de l’Union européenne montre comment les Etats-nations s’orientent à partir de la question des « soldes nets » qui oppose pays bénéficiaires et pays contributeurs. Une plus grande équité dans les dépenses et la répartition de la charge contributive pourrait être un moyen de dépasser ces négociations d’apothicaires. La politique étrangère européenne est encore plus l’exemple d’une politique contrainte par les différents intérêts nationaux, ce qui n’a pas empêché le développement de l’Europe de la défense dès lors que celle-ci restait adossée aux Etats-Unis et à l’OTAN. Revisitant la construction européenne en fonction des préférences nationales, cette thèse se conclut en posant l’articulation géopolitique entre Union européenne, « Europe espace » et « Europe puissance ». / Beyond the debate on intergovernmentalism and the “communautarian method”, the positioning of the “Nation States” in Europe is a key factor determining the European construction and its compromises. Traditionnally analysed through geopolitics and power politics, the relationship between the States of the European Union is nowadays ruled by institutional cooperation and must be addressed by new analytical schemes such as cultural, sociological, economical and political differences between the nations. This thesis, based on diplomatic experience and academic works, emphasizes the role of the franco-german relationship regarding in particular the negociation of the European constitution in 2002-2003, the EU positions on enlargement and the relationship to Russia, or the solution to the Eurozone crisis since 2010. In the negociation of the financial perspectives, the positions of Member States is determined by the question of budgetary balances in which contributors and beneficiaries of the EU budget face eachother. More equity in the sharing of expenditures and resources could be a mean to get out of these tough negociations. EU foreign policy is another example of a policy determined by national interests, which didn’t prevent the EU to develop a common defence policy as far as it remains compatible with NATO and the US Strategy. Having revisited the European integration through these national preferences, this thesis questions in conclusion the links between the EU, the European space and the European power.

In der vorliegenden Arbeit werden verschiedene Fragestellungen zur Integration und Transformation auf den europäischen Agrar- und Ernährungsmärkten untersucht. Eine Weiterentwicklung der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik, die anstehende Osterweiterung der Europäischen Union (EU) sowie Auswirkungen von Ausländischen Direktinvestitionen (ADI) im Ernährungssektor mittel- und osteuropäischer Transformationsländer werden mit Hilfe von partiellen und allgemeinen Gleichgewichtsmodellen simuliert. Das Ziel der Arbeit ist die separate, quantitative Analyse ausgewählter Aspekte der Integration und Transformation sowie das Aufzeigen von Wechselwirkungen zwischen ihnen. Die Ergebnisse sollen dazu dienen, die politischen Rahmenbedingungen in der europäischen Agrar- und Ernährungswirtschaft zu verbessern. Als Hauptinstrumente einer neuen EU-Agrarpolitik werden einheitliche Boden- und Arbeitssubventionen verbunden mit einem weiteren Abbau des Außenschutzes untersucht. Diese würden zu wesentlich geringeren Verzerrungen auf den Produktmärkten und zu deutlichen Budgeteinsparungen gegenüber der derzeitigen Situation führen. Eine einheitliche Bodensubvention mit einer weitergehenden Liberalisierung wird auch als Politikoption für die EU-Osterweiterung analysiert. Der Handel mit Agrar- und Ernährungsgütern innerhalb einer erweiterten EU würde sich in einigen Szenarien verdoppeln. Durch Handelsgewinne und Transferzahlungen aus dem EU-Budget käme es in den Beitrittsländern zu einem Wohlfahrtsgewinn in Höhe von etwa zwei Prozent des Bruttosozialprodukts. Die Bedeutung von ADI im Transformationsprozeß sollte nicht überschätzt werden. Die Modellrechnungen ergeben, daß der Zustrom von ADI seit 1992 zu einem zusätzlichen jährlichen Wachstum des Bruttosozialprodukts von unter einem Prozent in den mitteleuropäischen Ländern und in den Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion geführt hat. Durch zusätzlichen Technologietransfer profitiert die Agrarwirtschaft nicht immer von ADI in der Nahrungsmittelverarbeitung. Grund hierfür sind zum Teil Einsparungen bei der Verwendung landwirtschaftlicher Rohprodukte. Schließlich zeigt die Analyse von ADI in der polnischen Zuckerindustrie, daß handelspolitische Eingriffe, wie z.B. Produktionsquoten, die lokalen Auswirkungen von ADI stark beeinflussen können. ADI sind nur dann deutlich wohlfahrtssteigernd, wenn sie auf relativ unverzerrten Märkten getätigt werden. Die verbesserte Wettbewerbssituation in der Zuckerindustrie würde zu teilweise deutlichen Gewinnen für die Zuckerrübenproduzenten führen. / This dissertation consists of four essays covering various aspects of integration and transition on European agricultural and food markets. Further reform of the European Union's (EU) Common Agricultural Policy, a prospective Eastern enlargement, and the effects of foreign direct investment (FDI) in food industries of the transition countries are analyzed using partial as well as general equilibrium modeling approaches. The overall objective of the study is to quantify these processes separately as well as to demonstrate various interactions between them. The results should be useful for improving the political and economic environment in the European agricultural and food sector. In the discussion about further reform of the Common Agricultural Policy, uniform payments on agricultural land and labor have been proposed in connection with further reductions of border protection. The analysis shows that these policy options would be much less distortionary on product markets and they would lead to significant reductions in budget expenditures compared to the present situation. Furthermore, a uniform payment on land together with further liberalization is also analyzed as a policy option for the EU Eastern enlargement. Trade in agricultural and food products in an enlarged EU would double in some scenarios. Gains from trade and transfer payments from the EU budget would add up to a welfare gain of about two percent of total gross domestic product in the new member countries. The impact of FDI in the transition process should not be over-estimated. The model calculations show that total FDI inflows since 1992 induced additional economic growth of less than one percent per year in the Central European countries and the former Soviet Union. Additional transfers of new technologies into the food industry do not necessarily improve the situation in primary agriculture. The reason is partly input saving technical change which reduces the demand for agricultural raw products. Finally, the analysis of FDI in the Polish sugar industry reveals that trade policy interventions, like production quotas, have a strong influence on the local impact of FDI. Foreign investment is welfare improving to the local economy only if it occurs on more or less undistorted markets. Improved competition in the sugar industry would lead to considerable gains for local sugar beet producers.

O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a geopolítica da Turquia após as transformações que alteraram o ambiente geopolítico em escala mundial. Desde a fundação da República da Turquia, Ancara tem desenvolvido relações preferenciais com o Ocidente, implementando diversas adaptações políticas, sociais e econômicas a fim de superar definitivamente o legado otomano e se ajustar às exigências do mundo ocidental. Durante a Guerra Fria, a Turquia passou a integrar a Aliança Transatlântica e serviu como elemento de contenção da União Soviética. Entretanto, o fim do mundo bipolar reduziu a importância da Turquia para a ampla estratégia de contenção americana, trazendo a necessidade de novos argumentos para manter o seu peso estratégico. Ao mesmo tempo, surgiram novas oportunidades para Ancara, especialmente quanto ao desenvolvimento de relações econômicas e culturais com os Estados independentes da ex-União Soviética. Os atentados de 11 de setembro e a reação norte-americana colocaram a Turquia novamente no centro da política americana como exemplo de compatibilidade entre o Islã e a modernidade ocidental e no combate ao terrorismo. Diversas interpretações do espaço geopolítico mundial destacam a importância da Turquia, desde sua importância estratégico-militar até seu papel como interlocutora entre o Ocidente e o mundo muçulmano, dentro de uma sugestão de choque entre as civilizações. Apesar disso, a Turquia ainda enfrenta sérios desafios externos em todas as direções, entrelaçados com seus problemas internos que, por muitas vezes, ultrapassam suas fronteiras e se tornam assuntos transnacionais. / The aim of this research is to evaluate Turkey\'s Geopolitics after the tectonic forces that reshaped the balance of power and the geopolitcs at a world level. Since its foundation after the Ottoman Empire break up in the years immediately following World War I, Ankara started to adapt itself in Western structures, such as NATO. The collapse of the USSR and Eastern Europe, raised some doubts about Turkey\'s importance to the West. However, the aftershocks at the beginning of the twenty-first century and the War on Terrorism launched by the US and its allies, pushed Turkey from the Western periphery to the very center of world politics, thrusting Turkey into an increasingly role in the Middle East, the Southeastern Europe, and Caucasus/ Central Asia. In addition, its geopolitcal position interpreted by some scholars reinforced its strategic and, at some extend, crucial position to the West and to the system evolution. At the same time, Turkey\'s aspiration to become a member of the European Union, its ethnic, linguistic and religious affinities to the Turkic republics combined with the energy resources issues eastwards and its security concerns in the Middle East, reveal the complexity and the challenges facing Turkey.

This study is a meta-analysis of the transformation of the curriculum for basic education in South Africa. The integration of indigenous knowledge systems (IKSs) in the curriculum is one of the reconciliatory practices adopted in an effort to deal with the rights of indigenous people globally. The study analysed cases relating to IKSs and the curriculum in Canada for a case reference in juxtaposition with South Africa, in particular. Examples of cases drawn from elsewhere in the world have also been included briefly to justify the researcher’s claims for the urgent integration of IKSs into the curriculum, which complies with the human rights course of the rights of indigenous people. Cognitive imperialism – in the form of residential schools and their assimilation policies, which functioned in the context of an informal apartheid system as was the case in South Africa with Bantu education – has been an obstacle to transformation of the curriculum in the education system in Canada. However, the Canadian government of the day has been held to account for recognising the knowledge of the indigenous people (IP) of Canada. In South Africa, the curriculum continues to be characterised by the “mute” tendencies of perpetuating a colonial-type of curriculum, which is still being European in nature and is largely excluding African interests and cultural practices. The affirmation of the United Nations Organisation’s (UNO 2007) advocacy for recognising the rights of indigenous people by means of various international forums motivated a number of scholars globally to shift their attention to a research agenda on IP issues such as their IKSs in relation to education systems that should be transforming their curricular programmes. This study forms part of that indigenous research agenda by proposing that IKSs be integrated into the curriculum for basic education in South Africa, in response to the UNO’s declaration on crucial guidance to developing societies for transforming their education systems to include relevant curricula related to IP. The aim of this study is to explore ways in which the curriculum for basic education in South Africa can be transformed by, among other things, changing the paradigm of knowledge production through emerging concepts in developmental education and using, on the way to recovery, experiences of assimilation in the education system of South Africa, with reference to experiences from Canada, in particular, and elsewhere. An in-depth literature study relating to IKS perspectives of integration in the curriculum, and its implication for transformation in the basic education curriculum in South Africa, was done. The qualitative research approach was used and a cultural phenomenological design was used. Data were collected through a desk research, including pre-meta-analysis (PMA), meta-analysis (MA), in-depth desk research (IDR), and case studies (CSs). The collected data were investigated by means of a pre-meta-analysis, which demonstrated how the transdisciplinary approach can be used to immerse IKS in such a way that it may enable indigenous people to define their own perspectives instead of relying solely on Western research concepts of anthropology and history theorists, which have relegated IKSs to something “exotic”. The synthesis of data in this study “opened a window” to the researcher, which also assisted the researcher to understand the concept of “coming to knowing”1 as an antithesis of the language of conquest that is used in the hidden agenda of assimilation in a curriculum that continues to marginalise the representation of IKSs. The transformation of the curriculum in the education system of South Africa is a political initiative driven by government, by virtue of the establishment of the South African Chairs Initiative (SAChI) which has been entrusted with the task of developing education in the country in the different disciplines. One of the driving concepts of this particular chair, the South African Chair Initiative in Development Education (SAChI-DE), is the methodology of immersion that is based on the notion of “transformation by enlargement” (TbE). Using this methodology, the emergence of new concepts in transformative education is propagated, which, according to the findings of this study, may reverse the negative situation in which the indigenous worldviews is erased for indigenous learners (IL) throughout the world. The findings were used to invoke the attention of the Department of Basic Education (DBE), for them to consider validating the newly emerging concepts of the SAChI-DE, which can make a meaningful contribution to the guidelines for a suggested, Afriko-continuum curriculum for basic education at the foundation level. / Curriculum and Instructional Studies / Ph. D. (Education)

Diese Arbeit hat zum Ziel, marktunterstützende institutionelle Reformen im Transformationsprozess zu analysieren. Als Einstieg in die Thematik wird die Aufnahme mittel- und osteuropäischer Länder in die Europäische Union mit der zurückliegenden Süderweiterung der Europäischen Gemeinschaft verglichen. Die folgenden Kapitel befassen sich mit der Bedeutung weicher Budgetbeschränkungen in Transformationsökonomien. Zunächst werden anhand von Daten bulgarischer und rumänischer Unternehmen theoretische Erklärungsansätze für weiche Budgetbeschränkungen getestet. Im anschließenden Teil wird analysiert, ob Handelskredite einen Teil der normalen Geschäftspraxis darstellen oder ob Handelskredite starke Handelsverflechtungen zwischen Unternehmen unterstützen und damit die Wahrscheinlichkeit von weichen Budgetbeschränkungen erhöhen können. Im empirischen Teil werden Daten aus Ungarn und Rumänien verwendet, die aus Unternehmensbefragungen stammen. Im letzten Kapitel wird die Unternehmensebene verlassen und mit makroökonomischen Daten gearbeitet. Ziel ist es hier, den Einfluss institutioneller Reformen auf das Wirtschaftswachstum zu testen. / Main objective of this work is to analyse market-supporting institutional reforms in the transition process. In the first part of the dissertation, the upcoming enlargement of the European Union towards the east is compared with the earlier southern enlargement. Research in the following chapters is devoted to the problem of soft budget constraints in transition countries. Firstly, theories on the causes of soft budget constraints are empirically tested. Therefore a panel data set consisting of company account data for Bulgarian and Romanian firms is used. Secondly, firm-level survey data from Hungary and Romania is used to test whether trade credits are just part of normal business practice or whether trade credits are representing a systematic phenomenon supporting soft budget constraints of firms in transition. Thirdly, macroeconomic data is utilised to illustrate the impact of implementing institutional change on economic performance.

戰後日本對華政策之研究（一九四九∼一九九七） 　　本論文之研究方法 主要係利用傳統的歷史研究方法為主，採直敘的方式，在戰後各時期日本所面對的國際政治局勢與外交政策中，依序選擇重點作經驗性的探討與分析。而由於在人文社會科學的研究中，任何假設與立論的基礎便是材料。故在研究方法上，筆者採「非實驗性的方法」中之文件分析法。 是故，本研究基本上屬於「描述性研究」，筆者乃以日本的「中國政策」為對象，對戰後以來各個時期之對華政策形成，尋求精確的描述與解釋。再者，於研究途徑的選擇方面，本研究係採「系統理論」作為主要的研究分析途徑。基於此，在研究架構上，筆者將針對戰後日本之「中國政策」選擇重點，依序進行經驗性的探討，詳細敘述戰後以來日本各內閣的成立，與每一任內閣所面對的國內、外環境及在內外環境交互作用下，日本政府如何在其「中國政策」中作出反應，並希望在其間發現日本對華政策之特質。 此外，在日本研究中，政治文化的因素亦為研究者所重視，因此，筆者在研究中，亦自政治文化的分析角度切入，具體地分析日本的諸多文化現象對其「中國政策」的影響。 / The Research on Japan's China Policy after the World War II The research method used in this dissertation is mainly based on the traditionalhistorical research method. Some of the improtant statements on the internationalpolitical status and diplomatic policies, which Japan weere facing after the world War II, have been selected on a time basis. The selected statements are studied andanalyzed experientially. When doing the human and social science studies, the foundation of hypothesis can be considered as the researching material itself. Therefore, the descriptive study used in the non-experimental method is adapted as the research method in this dissertation. The research presented in this dissertation is a descriptive study. Japan'sChina policy are the research subjects. The forming of Japan's post-war Chinapolicy at different stages is studeied in depths, hoping to seek for explanationsfrom the detailed statements given in the disseration. Regarding to the theory of research, system theory is adapted as main researchingand analyzing basis in this dissertation. The research framework is based on some of important Japan's post-war China policy. Detailed descriptions on the formation of Japanese cabinets after the War are given. Also, how the Japanesegovernment reacted on her China policy. when facing the interactions between Japanese domestic and international situations, are sequentially and experientially studied. This is aimed at finding the characteristics of Japan's China policy. Besides, in the studied of Japan researchers have been considering the elementsof political culture. In this dissertation, therefore, analyses are done, from the viewpoint of political culture, on some of Japanese cultures' impacts uponher China policy.