The occurrence of catastrophic incidents in the process industry leave a marked legacy of resulting in staggering economic and societal losses incurred by the company, the government and the society. The work described herein is a novel approach proposed to help predict and mitigate potential catastrophes from occurring and for understanding the stakes at risk for better risk informed decision making. The methodology includes societal impact as risk measures along with tangible asset damage monetization. Predicting incidents as leading metrics is pivotal to improving plant processes and, for individual and societal safety in the vicinity of the plant (portfolio). From this study it can be concluded that the comprehensive judgments of all the risks and losses should entail the analysis of the overall results of all possible incident scenarios. Value-at-Risk (VaR) is most suitable as an overall measure for many scenarios and for large number of portfolio assets. FN-curves and F$-curves can be correlated and this is very beneficial for understanding the trends of historical incidents in the U.S. chemical process industry. Analyzing historical databases can provide valuable information on the incident occurrences and their consequences as lagging metrics (or lagging indicators) for the mitigation of the portfolio risks. From this study it can be concluded that there is a strong statistical relationship between the different consequence tiers of the safety pyramid and Heinrich‘s safety pyramid is comparable to data mined from the HSEES database. Furthermore, any chemical plant operation is robust only when a strategic balance is struck between optimal plant operations and, maintaining health, safety and sustaining environment. The balance emerges from choosing the best option amidst several conflicting parameters. Strategies for normative decision making should be utilized for making choices under uncertainty. Hence, decision theory is utilized here for laying the framework for choice making of optimum portfolio option among several competing portfolios. For understanding the strategic interactions of the different contributing representative sets that play a key role in determining the most preferred action for optimum production and safety, the concepts of game theory are utilized and framework has been provided as novel application to chemical process industry.

<p>The aim for this thesis is to study the international gender equality work from a perspective of the concept of universalism and particularism, with the United Nation’s Declaration of Human Rights, and especially -“The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women”, in focus. The shadowreports of Namibia and Sweden are used as examples of how countries with different historical, political and social contexts are working with gender equality.A theroetical framework is constitued by theories as postmodernism, postcolonialism and feminism with basis from social constructionism. The thesis is methodological influenced by Critical Discourse Analysis. Notions from former studies were also used as tools in the analysis. Some of the main notions, which within the concept of universalism and particularism, appeared as difficulties in the implementing of the CEDAW, were religion, law, democracy and superior position for men towards women.</p>

In this paper, a discussion and analysis on the Swedish participation  in the UN-mission in the Balkan conflict versus the reporting from the Swedish news press Dagens Nyheter (DN) of the same action is held. From a ground in survey questions to Swedish soldiers that took part in the conflict ,what they thought of the conflict and what got reported back to the Swedish civilians via the press and their differences is later held. A question in the survey also treats what the soldiers think got changed in the Swedish Armed Forces due to their actions in the conflict and what the soldiers thought of the view in the 1990s, national and international, on the Swedish Armed Forces. This survey and the articles  from DN that is analyzed is the ground in this papers issues, discussion and results. The paper overall and later the analysis is based on a theory in Oral history taken of Malin Thor's previous researches in the field and also strengthened with other researchers in the same field of studies.   The title to this paper is from the English press reporting about the Swedes taking charge of the UNPROFOR-mission in the Balkan conflict and is about the Colonel Ulf Henricsson, commander of the UN Nordic battalion (NordBat2) in central Bosnia and his firm hand and authority against the local warlords. Later the title went famous international and a lot of different newspapers used it as a headline when reporting about the Swedish soldiers acting aggressively and firmly towards the war-criminals when protecting civilians and their properties in Bosnia.

The aim for this thesis is to study the international gender equality work from a perspective of the concept of universalism and particularism, with the United Nation’s Declaration of Human Rights, and especially -“The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women”, in focus. The shadowreports of Namibia and Sweden are used as examples of how countries with different historical, political and social contexts are working with gender equality.A theroetical framework is constitued by theories as postmodernism, postcolonialism and feminism with basis from social constructionism. The thesis is methodological influenced by Critical Discourse Analysis. Notions from former studies were also used as tools in the analysis. Some of the main notions, which within the concept of universalism and particularism, appeared as difficulties in the implementing of the CEDAW, were religion, law, democracy and superior position for men towards women.

This security study attempts to explain the dynamics of international conflict management of an intrastate conflict, through a combination of three theoretical frameworks. The conflict in Syria is shown to be managed mainly through strategies using coercive diplomacy, and some main contributions within the research field relating to strategies of coercion are used for guidance, to important factors which could affect coercive international conflict management, as well as to additional theories which could enhance the study’s explanatory power through a combined theoretical framework. The two added theoretical frameworks are Power Balancing and a Multidimensional concept of Power. With the aid of analytical tools derived from this combined framework the conflict management is analysed within both a multilateral and unilateral setting, offering some explanation as to why international conflict management (practiced by UNSC multilaterally and USA unilaterally) has shown so little progress in regard to the conflict, as well as why one significant, though limited, result could be achieved regarding the destruction of the Syrian regime’s chemical weapons arsenal.

This thesis aims to critically assess the threemain approaches for the legal and political future of humanitarianintervention. It does so through the use of a normative and, to a lesser extent, a dogmatic methodology. The thesis thoroughly examines whether the relevant provisions of the UN Charter provide a satisfactory legal framework. Acknowledging the deficiencies of existing international law, the thesis brings underscrutiny the position that the law should be disregarded. Finding such a worldorder to be unacceptable, the thesis further sets off to explore potential legal and political reforms. The conclusion of the analysis is that a reform must consist of two elements in order to be both effective and legitimate. First, the codification of criteria under which humanitarian intervention is recognised as a legal right. Second, an institutional reform that mitigates the opportunities for states to pursue their political self-interests.

The aim of this paper is to map out the purposes of the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. This is done in order to see if humanitarian tendencies have been an increasingly cause for the UN to initiate an intervention with military means. This paper uses the time period from the end of the cold war until today, since that historic occurrence increased the U.N.’s involvement in peacekeeping. By using this time span it enables the survey to indicate changes in the mapping of humanitarian interventions. The results show that the number of operations increased during the period 1990-1999. The end of the cold war enabled the members of the U.N.’s Security Council to cooperate in peacekeeping operations by sending observers. Therefore the change in the number of operations was mostly due to political and not strictly humanitarian purposes. The number of operations then decreased during the period 2000-2008. The study explains this with a more humanitarian approach in the U.N.’s peacekeeping operations. This made the operations fewer, but more comprehensive and more complicated. A consequence of this is shown in an extended average of the time period for the operations. These results is being analyzed by using the theories of realism and liberalism, along with their moral perspectives; skeptics, state-moralists, and cosmopolites. These theories reveal a transformation in the function of the UN from a skeptic realist view during the cold war, to a state-moralist view during the period 1990-1999. And finally the period 2000-2008 indicate cosmopolitan influences with more humanitarian purposes parallel to the state-moralist thinking.

The United Nations has a responsibility to combat acts of international terrorism, as they constitute a threat to international peace and security. In spite of this, there exists no generally accepted definition of the phenomenom within the UN. By examining resolutions on terrorism, this thesis aims to evaluate the UN’s policy on terrorism since the end of the cold war until 2003. The results show that the UN’s attitude towards terrorism eversince the end of the cold war has been condemning, but that the the events of September 11th 2001 has contributed to an even more firm approach to the problem. Furthermore, it can be established that before September 11th 2001, the UN acted in response to states being responsible for acts of terror. After that date the UN has had to deal with terrorism committed by unknown actors that don’t have any governmental connection.

Resande, globalt engagemang och arbete utomlands av olika former är företeelser som förändrar människors syn på världen. Dessa tillhör samtiden och de blir därmed aktuella och relevanta att diskutera. Att vi lever i en global värld påverkar våra livsvillkor och innebär i sin tur nya möjligheter och förutsättningar för individen. Begrepp som är centrala att diskutera blir därmed livsstil, engagemang, svenskhet och världsmedborgarskap.

This thesis aims at finding the reasons for the genocide in Rwanda, not only in the history of the country, but also the reason why the international institutions failed to prevent it. The thesis begins with a historical background of Rwanda where key actors in the conflict are presented and in the end presents an explanatory model which is based upon the facts gathered during the thesis. The model aims at explaining why the genocide happened and it is built up of layers. These layers have their background in Rwanda’s history and also international institutions, such as the UN. The layers of importance which led to the genocide are: Rwanda’s colonial past, the Arusha Accords and the mandate of UNAMIR (failure of the United Nations), a uni-polar world, increasing poverty, and the assassination of President Habyarimana. There were few available strategies in the standard arsenal of international political means that could have been used to stop the genocide, both before it broke out, but especially after it had begun. / Uppsatsen ämnar hitta de bakomliggande orsaker till folkmordet, inte bara i Rwandas historia men också varför internationella instutitioner, så som FN, inte bidrog till att förhindra folkmorden. I det fortlöpande arbetet med uppsatsen har en modell utvecklats vilken ämnar förklara vad som hände, och som är byggd på den information som framkommit under arbetets gång. Modellen bygger på ett flertal lager av händelser. Dessa lager bygger på händelser som inte bara rör Rwandas historia utan också på vad de internationella institutionerna bidrog med i konflikten. De identifierade lagren som ligger till grund för konflikten är Rwandas koloniala bakgrund, Arusha Accords och mandatet för UNAMIR, en unipolär värld, ökande fattigdom samt mordet på President Habyarimana. Det fanns få tillgängliga politiska strategier som kunde ha använts för att stoppa folkmordet.