O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que intervenção regulatória para promoção do pluralismo nos meios de comunicação social é condizente com a ordem democrática instituída pela Constituição Brasileira de 1988, e tem papel fundamental na garantia do pleno exercício do direito à liberdade de expressão. Demonstraremos que a proposta está em harmonia com as concepções contemporâneas sobre o regime democrático, que emergiram na segunda metade do século XX. Serão explorados os preceitos constitucionais que incidem sobre a discussão, quais sejam, o pluralismo político, a liberdade de expressão e o dever de proporcionalidade, que vincula a atividade dos poderes públicos. Delinearemos os contornos do conceito de regulação, expondo a discussão sobre sua aplicabilidade ao setor de comunicação social, e os tipos de políticas públicas comuns nesse sentido, o que inclui a promoção de pluralismo. Listaremos os mecanismos de promoção de pluralismo interno e externo verificados no direito comparado. À luz dos entendimentos consignados no texto e das discussões em voga sobre a regulação do mercado de comunicação, iremos propor parâmetros de interpretação para futuras políticas públicas de promoção do pluralismo no mercado de comunicação social brasileiro. / The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that regulatory intervention aiming to promote pluralism in the media is consistent with the democratic order established by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, and has a fundamental role in ensuring full exercise of the right to freedom of expression. We shall reveal hereinafter that the above proposal is in harmony with contemporary conceptions regarding the democratic regime, all of which arisen in the second half of the twentieth century. Thus we shall explore constitutional principles that focus on such discussion; namely, political pluralism, freedom of expression, and the duty of proportionality which binds public authorities actions. We shall outline regulation concept boundaries, depicting the discussion upon their applicability to the media sector and the types of public policies that are common in this sense, including the promotion of pluralism. Consequently we shall list the mechanisms to promote internal and external pluralism as verified in comparative law. In light of the understandings comprised in the text and of the discussions in vogue on the media market regulation, we shall hereby propose construal parameters concerning future public policies aimed to promote pluralism in the Brazilian media market.

究竟「色情言論」（pornography）是否屬於言論自由保障的範疇，一直是爭論的焦點。但這樣的討論多是站在「性別中立」的角度。換言之，它以猥褻性言論對「人」的影響為重心，但是往往主要討論者是男性，考慮的對象又多以男性為主，鮮少考慮到女性角色在這種言論中所具有的特殊性。於是，在歷經1960年代一連串婦女解放運動後，女性主義者開始以一種嶄新的角度觀察這個問題，而引發激烈的爭論。 之所以引發爭議，乃是因為對於某些女性主義者而言，色情不僅是單純的「言論」問題而已，它是一種性別壓迫的結果與表徵之一，是男性宰制力量的展現，此外，更會引致男人向女人施以暴力。換言之，是一種壓迫與傷害女性的機制，對女性帶來有形及無形的傷害，並藉此使女性作為人的主體性被否定。基此，為追求女性平等地位、權利與主體性，也是為促進言論自由，必須對色情言論加以限制。固然，色情言論絕非造成性別歧視、刻板印象唯一或最重要機制，但重點不是其是否為唯一，而是其是否確實帶來傷害。如果答案是肯定的，色情言論僅以言論自由的保障做為盾牌，是否足夠？在這些言論自由的基本理論背後，是否有性別偏見存在的可能性？如果在涉及性別間不平等權力關係的議題上，刻意避免性別問題，堅持所謂之性別中立，是否亦為另一種性別歧視？有女性主義者質疑，這種保障色情言論的言論自由，是否也是以男性為主體所建構的法律文化，為男性霸權制度的一部份，會對女性造成壓迫與傷害。 在許多女性主義者的努力下，美國明尼蘇達州的Minneapolis和印第安那州首府Indianapolis，都曾嘗試立法限制，惟最終仍遭否決或被宣告違憲。其之所以被宣告違憲，主要理由在於保障言論自由。但令人懷疑的是，法院在進行考量時是否亦考量了性別不平等的問題。言論自由固然重要，在現代社會中有許多來自私人的力量對言論自由造成影響，這已不是消極的避免國家力量介入即可解決，有時還必須國家積極介入方能使言論自由獲得實質的保障。自由權利本非絕對，言論自由是並非絕對勝過性別平等、女性權益的保障等利益。女性主義者所嘗試的立法，或有不足之處，但若肯認色情言論所可能造成的影響，或許更重要的問題是如何去改善這些缺點，而不是一昧否定所有規範的可能性。 這些問題，在現今色情益發氾濫的台灣，同樣值得重視。隨著資訊流通的迅速，有線電視、電腦網路等的普及，色情問題已經成為台灣不得不面對的重要問題。但關於「性」，在我國向來屬於「猥褻」的範疇，著重的是「道德」問題，而對於其中所隱含的性別平等議題，幾乎未有深入討論。新近的大法官會議相關解釋，提供了「猥褻」涵確的詳盡說明，惟未更進一步探討性別平等問題，即是一例。大家關懷的是善良社會風氣是否受到不良影響，卻忽略了：色情氾濫下，女性是否受到傷害？受到什麼樣的傷害？多少女性因為色情言論的影響而成為犯罪被害人？台灣社會中的色情氾濫與性別不平等間有多大的關連性？ 基此，本文嘗試以女性主義者的觀點切入，以美國之發展為例，分析立法管制的可能性與宣告違憲的理論基礎及其可能存在的問題。第一章介紹女性主義的法學方法。第二章則探討色情言論的定義問題，釐清「色情言論」與「猥褻性言論」意義上之不同。第三章介紹言論自由基本理論，以瞭解言論自由之所以被認為具有崇高之價值之理論基礎。此外，本章亦對美國於實務上所發展出來的若干原理原則加以說明，並以我國大法官會議相關解釋為對象，概略分析該等基本原理原則在我國實務之運作。第四章為女性主義者對色情言論自由之觀點，亦為本文重點之所在。本章除介紹女性主義陣營中認為應對色情言論加以限制之觀點，亦對其他不同觀點加以說明。第五章則為與色情言論相關之重要判決的分析與討論，以美國之立法經驗為對象，探討女性主義者將理念付諸實行時所遭遇的問題，以及該法之所以被認為違憲之理由。最後一章則除對本文之研究結果作一整理並提出本文的立場，此外，亦就我國狀況與該種立法引進我國之可能性作一分析。

Esta tesis propone modelos para cambios socio-culturales en Internet. Proyectos en red en colaboración fueran el objeto de este estudio. Fueran elegidos 100 proyectos para una base de datos donde se hizo un análisis detallado. Después de un estudio de los resultados de la base de datos, asimismo basándose en teorías de multitud, resistencia, tolerancia, controle y protocolo, cultura libre y realismo virtual, modelos emergieron. Los proyectos fueron divididos en 3 áreas: diseño, colaboración, y metas. Diseño como una manera de categorizar proyectos referente a su uso de elementos visuales. Luego, esbozase formatos de cómo las contribuciones son presentadas a los usuarios y cómo está estructurada la toma de decisión. Metas, como foco de esta investigación, apuntaron a cuatro modelos: discutir, reflexionar, expresar y actuar. Estos son útiles para la comprensión de cambios socio-culturales en Internet; además, plantean implicación en el espectro de relaciones y redes sociales. / This thesis proposes models for socio-cultural changes on the Internet. Network projects were the object of study, and through collaboration they achieve transformation. I selected 100 projects to be part of a database to a detailed examination. After an analysis of the results of this database, and based on theories of multitude resistance, tolerance, protocol and control, free culture, and virtual realism, models emerged. The projects were divided in 3 areas: design, collaboration, and goals. Design as a way to categorize projects in relation to their use of visual aesthetics elements. Shortly, it is outlined formats on how the contributions are displayed to users and how is decision-making structuralized. Goals, the focus of this investigation, suggested four models: discuss, reflect, express, and act. These models are helpful to the understanding of socio-cultural changes on the Internet; moreover, they have implication on the spectrum of social relations and networks.

The dissertation thesis examines czech literary censorship after 1989. It presents a polemical addition to a monograph published one year earlier entitled V obecném zájmu [In the General Interest], which covered the same period. The main methodological resource is represented by the books of a British theatrologist Helen Freshwater, who based her inclusive model of censorship on the border crossing of hard and soft censorship. Moreover, she moved her emphasis on discourse as the main indicator of what is considered a censor´s intervention in a particular historical moment. The core of the thesis consists of four chapters, which on the basis of the original research examine the typical cases of censorship and related discourse. These chapters are included in a broader frame of a changing notion of censorship and political correctness in the discussed period. The chapter devoted to the banned skinhead music group Braník is based on the examination of the respective court´s files and the analysis of the changing notion of freedom of speech in the beginning of the 1990s. The chapter about the censorship of literature for children and youth is based on the comparison of various editions of books written by Bohumil Říha. Furthermore, the conditions are observed, under which the interventions to these new editions were identified as censorship. Censorship on internet is treated in the chapter devoted to the regulation of the virtual (literary) child pornography, while the chapter devoted to political correctness focuses on texts and paratexts of splatterpunk literature. This doctoral work should offer a complex picture of changing ways of censorship and thinking after 1989.

O objetivo deste trabalho é demonstrar que intervenção regulatória para promoção do pluralismo nos meios de comunicação social é condizente com a ordem democrática instituída pela Constituição Brasileira de 1988, e tem papel fundamental na garantia do pleno exercício do direito à liberdade de expressão. Demonstraremos que a proposta está em harmonia com as concepções contemporâneas sobre o regime democrático, que emergiram na segunda metade do século XX. Serão explorados os preceitos constitucionais que incidem sobre a discussão, quais sejam, o pluralismo político, a liberdade de expressão e o dever de proporcionalidade, que vincula a atividade dos poderes públicos. Delinearemos os contornos do conceito de regulação, expondo a discussão sobre sua aplicabilidade ao setor de comunicação social, e os tipos de políticas públicas comuns nesse sentido, o que inclui a promoção de pluralismo. Listaremos os mecanismos de promoção de pluralismo interno e externo verificados no direito comparado. À luz dos entendimentos consignados no texto e das discussões em voga sobre a regulação do mercado de comunicação, iremos propor parâmetros de interpretação para futuras políticas públicas de promoção do pluralismo no mercado de comunicação social brasileiro. / The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate that regulatory intervention aiming to promote pluralism in the media is consistent with the democratic order established by the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, and has a fundamental role in ensuring full exercise of the right to freedom of expression. We shall reveal hereinafter that the above proposal is in harmony with contemporary conceptions regarding the democratic regime, all of which arisen in the second half of the twentieth century. Thus we shall explore constitutional principles that focus on such discussion; namely, political pluralism, freedom of expression, and the duty of proportionality which binds public authorities actions. We shall outline regulation concept boundaries, depicting the discussion upon their applicability to the media sector and the types of public policies that are common in this sense, including the promotion of pluralism. Consequently we shall list the mechanisms to promote internal and external pluralism as verified in comparative law. In light of the understandings comprised in the text and of the discussions in vogue on the media market regulation, we shall hereby propose construal parameters concerning future public policies aimed to promote pluralism in the Brazilian media market.

Abstract: The purpose with this study is to analyse the political debate about freedom of speech in Sweden and Denmark, after the caricatures of the Islamic Prophet Mohammed that the Danish newspaper Jyllandsposten published in September 2005. For this debate four political parties have been chosen. These are: Socialdemokratiska Partiet and Moderata Samlingspartiet in Sweden and Socialdemokraterne and Venstre in Denmark. An idea analysis has been chosen as method, and dimensions as an analysing tool. The overall result of the analysis is that right- and left political parties in Sweden and Denmark are more alike, than different in their political debate about free speech. They all wish for total freedom of speech, and see that as the foundation of the democratic society. The difference between the parties is that left parties put more weight on personal responsibility and minorities, than right parties that mostly debate about the meaning of democracy and why freedom of speech should not be restricted.

This study explored the development of the Federal Communications Commission's Fairness Doctrine policy from its beginnings in the 1920's until the FCC eliminated most of its requirements in 1987. The chapters discuss the Reverend Carl D. McIntire's battle with the FCC concerning the policy's impact on free speech in broadcasting. McIntire lost his battle with the FCC and became the first broadcaster to lose his license for Fairness Doctrine violations. The problem in this study focused on the difficulty of reconciling government regulation of broadcasting with the rights of licensees to speak freely and be heard by their listeners. The study concluded that today the FCC advocates First Amendment protection for broadcasters but it remains questionable whether present policy will continue.

No description available.

Dans le cadre de ce mémoire de maîtrise, nous nous pencherons sur les positions et discours des associations étudiantes sur la liberté d’expression et académique au sein des universités québécoises. Pour ce faire, nous avons procédé à onze entretiens semi-dirigés avec un(e) représentant(e) de l’exécutif des associations. Cinq de ces associations étudiantes proviennent d’universités montréalaises et six évoluent à l’extérieur de la métropole. Pour analyser les discours et les positions des associations étudiantes, nous avons construit une grille d’analyse fondée à partir de deux visions opposées des libertés universitaires : le libéralisme (Stephen Hicks) et le postmodernisme (Stanley Fish). Nous concluons que les associations étudiantes qui viennent de l’extérieur de Montréal sont légèrement plus disposées à adopter des positions et des discours libéraux que les associations montréalaises lorsqu’il s’agit de permettre l’utilisation de mots chargés, de refuser d’annuler ou de perturber des conférences sur des sujets controversés ou encore de faire de l’université un « espace protégé ». Néanmoins, la tendance générale que nous observons est que les associations étudiantes québécoises embrassent plus significativement le postmodernisme de Stanley Fish. Cela se traduit notamment par un rapport revisité vis-à-vis la liberté d’expression alors qu’elles estiment qu’il faut revoir la manière dont les enseignant(e)s présentent leur matière, plus particulièrement lorsqu’il s’agit de sujets difficiles. / This master's thesis examines the positions and discourses of student union on free speech and academic freedom within Quebec universities. To do this, we conducted semi-structured interviews with a representative of the executive of eleven associations. Five of these student associations come from Montreal universities and six operate outside the city. To analyze the speeches and positions of student associations, we built an analysis grid based on two opposing visions of academic freedom: liberalism (Stephen Hicks) and postmodernism (Stanley Fish). We conclude that student union from outside Montreal are slightly more willing to adopt liberal positions and discourses than the association from Montreal when it comes to allowing the use of loaded words, refusing to cancel or to disrupt conferences on controversial subjects or to turn the university into a “protected space”. Nevertheless, the general trend we observe is that Quebec student associations are embracing Stanley Fish's postmodernism more significantly. This is expressed through a revisited relationship with freedom of expression, in particular in the context of expectations that professors revisit the way they present course content, more particularly when it comes to difficult topics

No description available.