Miljö- och klimatfrågor är något som fått allt större fokus i den politiska sfären de senaste åren samt inför riksdagsvalet 2018 ansågs frågan vara den viktigaste hos de svenska medborgarna. Uppsatsen har som avsikt att undersöka Sverigedemokraternas och Miljöpartiets miljöpolitik utifrån fyra aspekter och vi kommer då undersöka vilken vetenskaplig teori som ligger närmast partiernas miljöpolitiska ståndpunkter. Detta undersöks genom att studera politiska dokument i form av partiprogrammen, där respektive miljöavsnitt valts ut och ligger till grund för analysen. Med utgångspunkt i det teoretiska ramverket har vi satt djupekologi och ekologisk modernisering i relation till partiernas miljöpolitiska ställningstaganden, och därmed synliggjort partiernas åsikter i relation till dessa teorier. Eftersom vi syftat att studera det textuella materialet mer djupgående har studien genomförts genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där vi formulerat ett analysverktyg utifrån fyra kategorier som varit fördefinierade. Med utgångspunkt i empirin och det teoretiska ramverket kan vi urskilja att Miljöpartiets miljöpolitik har en relativt stark djupekologisk karaktär. Sverigedemokraternas miljöpolitik, å andra sidan, går inte tydligt i linje med någon av de valda teorierna utan varierar något, men vår bedömning är att den mest innehar ekomodernistiska drag.

Election promises and their fulfillment are subjects that have been studied quiete extensively within the academics, this thesis seeks to investigate how the promises given by the red-green block in Sweden during the mandate periods of 2014-2018 and 2018-2022 have or have not been fulfilled. The theoretical basis used in this thesis is that of Rational choice with Gunnar Sjöbloms three arenas that parties engage in and that of the responsible party model. In this study the method used is a theory consuming one, this type of method uses multiple theories on the same case and investigates how well each of them can explain the phenomena. The promises were taken from each of the parties manifestos from each mandate period and following this some were left out since they could not be fulfilled with national level policies. The results of the study showed that mandate period 1 followed previous results and studies quite well whilst mandate period 2 results differed from previous results. A number of factors could help explain this vast difference and with these variables accounted for the results became more in line with previous studies results. The study showed that for the most part parties do keep most of their promises to some degree but how these studies also must be conducted on a case by case basis to achieve the best results.

Studiens syfte är att utforska hur Aftonbladet och Expressen gestaltade bostadsministern Mehmet Kaplan från den 14 april 2016 fram till 18 april 2016 då han avgick som minister. Syftet är också att se hur förändring av gestaltningen under dessa dagar ter sig. Slutligen kommer studien att jämföra de två tidningarna för att se om och hur de skiljer sig åt i sin gestaltning. De frågeställningar som studien utifrån detta syfte ämnar behandla är följande. -       Hur gestaltas Mehmet Kaplan mellan den 14- 18 april? -       Hur förändras gestaltningen under dessa dagar? -       Hur skiljer sig de olika tidningarnas gestaltning åt?   Metoden som tillämpas är en kvalitativ textanalys, som i praktiken innebär att ställa frågor till texten. Frågorna har byggts upp utifrån Strömbäcks och Entmans teori och definition av gestaltningens fyra grundläggande egenskaper. Vidare har resonemanget om den journalistiska dramaturgins grundläggande element och språkliga redskap inom sensationsjournalistik, använts som stöd i utformandet av analysfrågorna.   Analysmaterialet är hämtat från Retriever, begränsat på redaktionellt digitalt publicerade artiklar mellan datumen 14 - 18 april. Urvalet resulterade i 23 aktiva analysenheter för studien varav är 11 från Aftonbladet och 12 från Expressen.   Studiens resultat är att Mehmet Kaplan gestaltades från Aftonbladet och Expressens håll som otillgänglig, antisemitisk och islamistisk. Samtidigt vidhöll hans politiska kollegor utåt att Kaplan var humanist, demokrat och antirasist. Rapporteringen under de fyra aktuella dagarna var i olika skeenden. En upptrappning, följas av tystnad och sedan explodera i en enorm rapportering, fram tills att Kaplan avgått. Rapporteringen mellan de tidningarna skiljde sig åt, det förklaras i studien på grund av dess olika politiska ideologier. / The study aims to explore how Aftonbladet and Expressen portrayed Housing Minister Mehmet Kaplan from April 142016 until April 18, 2016 when he resigned as minister. The aim is also to see how the change in depiction during these days seems. Finally, the study will compare the two newspapers to see if and how they differ in their interpretation. The issues that the study on the basis that purpose intend to treat is the following. -How portrayed Mehmet Kaplan from 14-18 April? -How to change the design on these days? -How do the various newspaper design at? The method used is a qualitative text analysis, whichin practice means to put questions to the text. The questions have been built up on the basis Strömbäcks and Entmans theory and definition of Gestalt Association four basic characteristics. Furthermore, the reasoning of the journalistic dramaturgy basic elements and linguistic tools in sensational journalism, used to support the design of analytical questions. The analysis material is taken from the Retriever, bounded on digital editorial articles published between the dates of April 14 to 18. The selection resulted in 23 active units of analysis for the study of which 11 are from Aftonbladet and 12 from Expressen. The study's resultis that Mehmet Kaplan figure was from Aftonbladet and Expressen hold as unavailable, anti-Semitic and Islamist. At the sametime maintained his political colleagues out that Kaplan was a humanist, democrat and anti-racist. Reporting during the four days in question were in various stages. An escalation,followed by silence and then explode in a huge reporting, until the Kaplanresigned. The reporting of the newspapers differed, it is explained in the study because of its different political ideologies.

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Problem definition and purpose: A debated question in journalism today is if the mass media have the power to affect norms and values in the society. There are therefore many who believe that the media must works for democratic and equitable news coverage. Studies have shown that there are still many differences in how women and men are being portrayed in the Swedish media, even if Sweden is one of the most equal countries in the world. This inequality may affect the democracy and equality in the society negative. Previous studies have mainly been using gender as the only explanatory factor to explain the difference of coverage between men and women in the news content. The purpose of this study will therefore not only be to compare the coverage of the Green Partys two spokespersons, Åsa Romson and Gustav Fridolin, from a gender perspective but also to take in count other factors that could contribute to differences in the news coverage. Method and material: To find an answer to the purpose of this thesis a quantitative content analysis have been done on a total of 238 news articles in which Åsa Romson and/or Gustav Fridolin occur. Main results: The results of the content analysis show that Gustav Fridolin occurs more frequently in the news than Romson does, and that the articles he appears in is lager than the articles in which Romson appears. The results also show that the tone towards Fridolin in the articles about him is more positive and less negative than the tone towards Romson in the articles about her. Our results also show that Fridolin mainly occur in content related to school and education while Romson occurs more frequently in content dealing with environmental questions.

Denna uppsats ämnar utforska ett statsvetenskapligt område med en sociologisk teori för att ge ett nytt verktyg i läsandet av partiprogram. Med hjälp av Peter L. Bergers teori om kosmiskt världsbyggande kallad Nomos läses partiprogram för att fram den politiska världsbyggnaden. Genom att identifiera Objektivering (politiska idéer) och Externalisering (politisk handling) i partiprogrammen försöker uppsatsen bryta ner partiprogrammen för att underlätta läsningen. Detta underlättande ger ett verktyg för förståelse av partiprogram och kan i förlängningen leda till en förbättrad källkritisk aspekt genom att läsaren förstår och kan ta ställning till de idéer och mål som presenteras, och inte bara anfalla en vägg av text. / This essay aims to explore a problem within the political sciences with a sociological theory to provide a new approach to reading political parties campaign publications. Through Peter L. Bergers sociological theory about cosmic world construction called Nomos the essay aims to capture a societal world construction through the political parties’ conceptions of society through their campaign publications; a political nomos. By identifying objectivation (political ideas) and externalization (political acts) in the publications we can try to capture the parties’ political nomos that they try to convey to the reader. In extension this provides a tool for educational purposes when trying to explain political parties’ publication to pupils or aiding in the understanding of parties underlying ideas and goals.

This paper addresses how political parties make decisions. Parties often have to choose between conflicting objectives such as influence on policy, control of the government, and support among the voters. This paper examines the behavior of the two Swedish parties on one of their particular policy positions: Swedish withdrawal from the EU. The aim is to describe why the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet) and the Green Party (Miljöpartiet) retain this specific policy position when it on one hand seems damaging to their chances of getting into government, and on the other seems to be an unrealistic policy to realize. I undertake a twocase study of the two Swedish parties, which I assume to represent a population of Nordic parties critical to the EU. I employ a theory based on an analytical framework of three models of party goals and behaviors: office, policy or votes. The analysis seeks to identify the factors and the motives behind the parties’ stubborn policy. By studying material from two party congresses and interviewing representatives from each party, I conclude that the policy position is important mainly for reasons of principle and symbolism. The structure of the EU represents all that the Left and the Greens dislike and, together with the Swedish critical EU opinion, it becomes almost a duty for the parties to keep their strong aversion towards Swedish membership in the EU. And while the parties do not perceive that the keeping of the policy would be an obstacle for other party goals, it will not be cut out from the party program.

The aim of this study has been to investigate why we saw the formation of the green party and junilistan in Swedish politics. The questions being asked is why the individuals behind the party decided to take the step towards forming a new party as well as why they felt it worth forming it. The theories being used is the sequential model created by Gissur Ó Erlingsson, which is complemented with theoretical assumptions by Paul Lucardie. The sequential model illustrates the party forming processes in three steps, which then through process-tracing allows for the identification of events that have exerted an influence on the entrepreneur to decide taking the step towards forming a new party. With the help of Lucardie I presented assumptions which gave me possibility to investigate why they then felt it worth forming the new party. The conclusion showed that the step toward party formation in both cases occurred when the entrepreneurs experienced that their demands where not met. The second question was divided in to two sub questions which showed that the entrepreneurs in both cases made the calculation that a new party would find support amongst the electorate but regarding the ability to finance and attach competence the result was more diverging.

Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att beskriva riksdagsledamöternas twittrande och försöka lyfta framnågot av det som kännetecknar Twittermediet. Det uppfylls genom att besvara frågorna: • Vilken typ av interpersonella språkhandlingar utförs i riksdagsledamöternas twittrande? • Hur kan man kategorisera och beskriva de interpersonella språkhandlingarna? • Skiljer sig språkhandlingarna åt beroende på parti-, blocktillhörighet eller kön? • Finns det några språkliga särdrag som är typiska för riksdagsledamöternas användande avTwittermediet? Frågorna besvaras genom att undersöka alla tweets som skrevs av någon ledamot av Sverigesriksdag den 5 mars 2013. Uppsatsen beskriver flera aspekter av riksdagsledamöternas twittrande. Vanligaste allmänna språkhandling är ett påstående, ibland följt av en fråga. Både beröm och kritikutdelas men följer då alltid mönstret kritik åt politisk motståndare och beröm åt politisk vän. Sverigedemokraterna uttalar sig oftare med tvärsäkerhet och mer sällan med garderingar än övrigapartier. Inga stora skillnader mellan könen och Alliansen respektive de Rödgröna står att finna. Twittermediet är ofta informellt och snabbt vilket ger upphov till nya språkliga konstruktioner ochibland rena fel.

The  aim  of  this  study  sought  to  explore  bias  during  the  period  of  the Swedish government  formation of  2018–2019. By  using  a method of  quantitative content analysis the  thesis examines the  frequency  of  favorable and unfavorable  news published by  Swedish  public service  as well  as  measuring  how  the general newscycle were  percieved  in terms of  the  theoretical  framework known as ”framing”.  In order  to assess eventual  prevalance  of  bias,  the  news published during the government  formation  were examined in  relation  to two oppositional  parties; The  green party  and  the Sweden Democrats.  The study  concluded with  no evidence of  systemic  bias  during  the  timeframe, in  contrast  the news consisted  of  a  rather well  balanced  favorability  and disfavorability  towards  both parties with the majority of  news  published being  of  neutral  statue. However  a  clear  majority  of  the published articles  were  deemed to be  framed in  terms of  being  a  ”zero-sumgame”  with ”winners”  and  ”losers”  during  the examined  time-period.