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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 181 to 190 of 205 (0.028 seconds)| 181 |
Экологическая политика США в ООН (2001–2021) : магистерская диссертация / US Environmental Policy at the UN (2001–2021)Степакина, С. В., Stepakina, S. V. January 2023 (has links)
Данное исследование посвящено изучению экологической политики США при администрациях Джорджа Буша-мл. (2001–2009), Барака Обамы (2009–2017) и Дональда Трампа (2017–2021), анализу стратегий реализации внутриполитической экологической повестки в рамках Организации Объединенных Наций, поиску партийной корреляции и оценке степени преемственности экологических курсов администраций. / This study examines US environmental policy during the George W. Bush (2001–2009), Barack Obama (2009–2017) and Donald Trump (2017–2021) administrations, analyze the strategies for implementing the domestic political environmental agenda at the United Nations, search for party correlation and assess the degree of continuity of environmental policies of the administrations.
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Obama, Interactivity and the Millennials: A Case StudyZake, Susan K. 13 December 2011 (has links)
No description available.
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Political Campaigning 2.0: How the 2008 Obama-Biden and McCain-Palin Campaigns and Web Users Framed Race, Gender, and AgeArmstrong, Erin H. January 2013 (has links)
No description available.
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Hope in America: Lyotard and Rorty, Dobson and Obama, and the Struggle to Maintain Hope in Postmodern TimesKeen, Daniel E. Rossi 25 September 2008 (has links)
No description available.
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Representative form and the visual ideograph : the Obama "Hope" posterTerrell-Curtis, Kara Beth 29 January 2014 (has links)
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / In this study, Janis Edwards and Carol Winkler’s method, based on Michael McGee’s ideograph, is applied to non-discursive forms in order to understand the extent to which these images can be understood as a representative form functioning ideographically. Artifacts for analysis include the 2008 Shepard Fairey Obama “PROGRESS” and “HOPE” images, related campaign graphics, and parodies, political and non-political, humorous and serious. Literature on visual rhetoric, the ideograph, and extensions of McGee’s ideograph to visual forms was reviewed. When the method was applied to the artifacts, the Obama “HOPE” image was found to be an example of a representative form. Additionally, the representative form was demonstrated to function ideographically in the parodied examples analyzed in this thesis. Opportunities for further study on the visual ideograph and additional artifacts were proposed.
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Barack Obama et les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques : héritages, tensions, adaptations (2004-2010) / Barack Obama and civil rights organizations : heritage, tensions, adjustments (2004-2010)Onanga Ndjila, Blanchard 25 October 2013 (has links)
La présente étude examine comment les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques que sont la Rainbow Push Coalition, la NAACP et la National Urban League ont contribué à l’élection du 44e président des États-Unis, Barack Obama. Elle établit dans un premier temps comment la participation du Révérend Jesse Jackson aux élections de 1984 et 1988 a contribué à l’émergence du processus démocratique à l’origine de l’élection de Barack Obama, premier président américain issu de la communauté africaine américaine. Dans un second temps, elle met en évidence comment l’action transformative du mouvement des droits civiques ayant conduit à la promulgation du Voting Rights Act de 1965 par le président Lyndon B. Johnson, sous l’impulsion du Dr Martin Luther King, mais aussi de Roy Wilkins et Whitney Young contribua à l’élection de Barack Obama en 2008. En analysant la participation de Jesse Jackson aux élections présidentielles américaines, notre objectif est de montrer comment il est parvenu à faire changer les règles de nomination des candidats issus des minorités au sein du parti démocrate. Elle a permis de montrer comment Obama en fut le bénéficiaire en devenant d’abord le nominé du parti démocrate, puis le président des États-Unis. D’où notre analyse du processus électoral de 2008. L’étude fait ainsi un tour d’horizon des désaccords qui ont surgi lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2008, entre Hillary Clinton et Barack Obama d’une part, puis entre ce dernier et John McCain d’autre part. Elle examine, par ailleurs, dans une perspective sociologique, les conflits qui se sont succédés au sein de la communauté africaine américaine, notamment entre certains dirigeants africains américains et Obama avant et pendant l’élection présidentielle de 2008, relatifs aux valeurs familiales, à l’incident racial des “Six de Jena” ou encore à la participation de Barack Obama à l’élection présidentielle. La question relative à la notion d’une Amérique post-raciale qui se présenta suite à l’élection d’Obama sera également abordée. Elle démontre comment son élection n’a malheureusement pas pu changer les mentalités des Américains au sujet de la question raciale de manière radicale et combien le racisme demeure une question fondamentale, majeure aux États-Unis au 21e siècle. Enfin, l’étude examine la collaboration post-électorale entre les organisations de lutte pour les droits civiques et l’administration Obama. / This dissertation discusses how Black Civil Rights Organizations such as the NAACP, the National Urban League and the Rainbow Push Coalition paved the way for the election of the 44th US President, Barack Obama. It specifically establishes a direct link connecting the 1965 Voting Rights Act victory won under the leadership of Dr Martin Luther King, Roy Wilkins, and Whitney Young along with the Reverend Jesse Jackson’s 1984 and 1988 presidential bids, showing from a historical approach how the Civil Rights Movement contributed to the election of the first African-American US President. By examining Reverend Jesse Jackson’s two presidential bids, this dissertation aims at demonstrating how he made it easier and more accessible for Barack Obama to become the Democratic Party nominee ultimately elected to the US Presidency. The dissertation further examines the electoral process through which Obama ascended to the Land’s Highest Office. In that regard, it revisits crucial hostilities that occurred during the 2008 presidential election within the Democratic Party between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama. By the same token, it looks back on upheavals that broke out between Obama and Senator John McCain during the general election. The dissertation discusses from a sociological viewpoint disputes over leadership within the black community among African-American leaders and Barack Obama prior to, and during the 2008 presidential election. These clashes were notably related to family values, Obama’s 2008 presidential bid, and the Jena Six racial incident. This dissertation, further, addresses issues of America being a post-racial nation pointing out how the election of the first African-American President failed in fundamentally shifting Americans’ view on race relations and how racism is still a relevant issue in twenty-first century America while examining from another standpoint the relationship between the Obama Administration and the aforementioned Black Civil Rights Organizations
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...And Reconcile Us With Evil : A Critical Investigation of the Imagery of Good and Evil in Western Religion, Film and PoliticsGellrich, Arne L January 2016 (has links)
With an eye on the current social and political situation in Europe, and with regards to the so-termed refugee crisis, this study aims to map the discourse on assumed good and evil shared among Western cultures, as represented by Sweden, Germany and the United States. The thesis takes its point of departure from essayistic reflections of the philosophical tradition and theological and religious analytical positions respectively. These are then followed by two investigative main chapters, designed along the lines of Norman Fairclough’s approach to critical discourse analysis (CDA). The first of these chapters studies the narratives of good and evil employed in the mainstream cinema of the past ten years in the mentioned countries. The second analysis is made up of three case studies, in turn looking at similar narratives in the campaigns of the two main competitors in the 2016 presidential race, a German protest movement against free trade agreements, and the everyday political communication of Swedish Facebook users. In a final chapter, findings from all four preceding chapters are brought together in an attempt to sketch an image of the congruences and discrepancies of narratives on good and evil in the overall discursive field. The thesis finds that the discursive field shared by the three investigated societies is largely homogenous, with certain imagery permeating all analysed orders of discourse. Many of the reoccurring images are however likely rooted in the human psyche and therefore less dependent on discourse practice. Furthermore, certain principles are agreed upon in theory while not reproduced in social practice. Themes assigned to either good or evil often seem to take on secondary functions next to assumed fixed identities of in- and out-groups. Being a qualitative study, this thesis aims at giving an overview and delivering a base for further investigations rather than providing definitive answers.
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United States policy and nuclear non-proliferation: a preliminary comparison of the Bush and Obama administrations' approachesNel, Coligny 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The United States of America (USA) has a new president in the White House - a
president whose rhetoric appears to distance himself from the policies of the previous
administration. This also appears to hold true for his approach with regard to nuclear nonproliferation.
The overarching research aim of this study is to explore whether the Obama
administration’s policy with regard to nuclear non-proliferation will differ significantly
from that of the Bush administration. The broader subject of nuclear non-proliferation
will be subdivided into three themes, namely: disarmament, proliferation by non-nuclear
states and nuclear terrorism. In order to sketch the international context within which the
USA’s policy must be viewed, an overview of the nuclear non-proliferation regime is
provided. This will be followed by an exploration of disarmament, proliferation by nonnuclear
states (with Iran and North Korea as case studies) and nuclear terrorism. In each
case, a comparison between the Bush administration and the Obama administration’s
policies will be done. Finally, an analysis will be done of the main similarities and
differences between the two administrations’ approaches, with a focus on the use of hard,
soft and smart power.
The study concludes that the primary difference between the Bush and Obama
administration’s approaches is that Bush pursued only one policy option (hard power) at
a time, while Obama intends to use many different policy options (smart power) at the
same time, with a focus on increasing the use of soft power. This sort of pragmatism
may just be what the USA needs right now in order to address the problem of nuclear
proliferation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Verenigte State van Amerika (VSA) het ‘n nuwe president in die Withuis – ‘n
president wie se uitsprake hom van die beleide van die vorige administrasie blyk te
distansieer. Dit wil ook voorkom asof dit van toepassing is op sy benadering tot
kernwapen versperring.
Die oorhoofse navorsingsdoelwit van hierdie studie is om te ondersoek of die Obama
administrasie se beleid ten opsigte van kernwapen versperring aansienlik van die van die
Bush administrasie gaan verskil. Die breër onderwerp van kernwapen versperring kan in
drie temas opgedeel word, naamlik: ontwapening, proliferasie deur nie-kernwapenstate,
en kernwapen terrorisme. Ten einde die internasionale konteks te skets waarin die VSA
se beleid moet geskied, begin die studie met ‘n oorsig van die kernwapen versperring
regime. Dit word gevolg deur ‘n ondersoek van onderskeidelik ontwapening, proliferasie
deur nie-kernwapenstate (met Iran en Noord-Korea as gevallestudies) en kernwapen
terrorisme. By elkeen van die drie temas word ‘n vergelyking tussen die Bush
administrasie en die Obama adminstrasie se beleide getref. Laastens word ‘n analise van
die hoof verskille en ooreenkomste tussen die twee administrasies se benaderings
onderneem, met die klem op die gebruik van harde, sagte en slim mag.
Die bevinding van die studie is dat die hoof verskille tussen die Bush en Obama
administrasies se benaderings behels dat Bush slegs een beleidsopsie (harde mag) op ‘n
slag nagevolg het, terwyl Obama beoog om terselfdertyd van verskillende beleidsopsies
(slim mag) gebruik te maak, met veral ‘n fokus op ‘n toename in die gebruik van sagte
mag. Die soort pragmatisme mag dalk net wees wat die VSA tans nodig het om die
probleem van kernwapen proliferasie aan te spreek.
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Převod (ne)zdvořilosti při tlumočení / The transfer of (im)politeness in interpretingKavínová, Martina January 2014 (has links)
While the linguistic concept of politeness has been thoroughly analyzed, the same does not apply to its interpreting. The present theoretical-empirical work describes the means for expressing politeness grouped by G. Leechʼs maxims of politeness. The empirical part analyzes recordings of simultaneous interpretation from media and European Parliament settings. This is a quantitative study and the outcome is the number of means for expressing politeness which the interpreters conveyed into Czech. On average and in all of the material 65,7 % of means for expressing politeness were conveyed into Czech in compliance with the maxims. The means analyzed are prosody, non-verbal communication, modality, personal reference, etc. An equivalent interpretation of means of politeness was deemed desirable. The thesis verifies the hypothesis whether the level of politeness significantly increased in comparison with the original speeches. Key words: politeness, pragmatics, illocutionary act, maxims of politeness, face, modality, prosody, non- verbal communication, Czech, English, interpreting, equivalence, US presidential debate, Obama, Romney, Common Agricultural Policy, European Parliament, Catherine Ashton, forms of address
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Human, not too human: a critical semiotic of drones and drone warfareVasko, Timothy 14 January 2013 (has links)
Taking as its starting point Nietzsche’s and Foucault’s theses on liberalism and war, and Dillon and Reid’s extensive engagement thereof, this thesis offers a critical conceptualization of drones and drone warfare. I argue that deployment of drones specifically over and against bodies and communities in conflict zones in and between Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Yemen, Somalia, and until recently, Libya, is the material practice of a legal and political doctrine and precedent that has been established and policed most prominently by the United States and its military and intelligence apparatuses since the end of the Cold War. This novel precedent, however - due to its necessarily mutually constitutive relationship with a perceived danger said to be emerging from specific spaces, bodies, and communities in the decolonized and still-colonized worlds - locates its ontological and thus political genealogy in the anthropological knowledge that legally justified the (in)humanity of peoples and communities in these spaces during the era of high imperialism that lasted roughly from the nineteenth to mid-twentieth centuries. I theorize this as a mode of political, tragic nihilism through a reading of some key theories of Deleuze and Guattari, Foucault, and Nietzsche and specifically, their import to the field of critical security and international relations theory. I demonstrate that the semiotic image of the drone is a highly pertinent point of departure through which we can understand these political stakes of strategic discourses enunciating the imperatives of both the Revolution in Military Affairs as well as recent global counterinsurgency/counterterrorism operations, specifically as they relate to claims about what it is drones are said to productively offer such militaristic projects. Ultimately, I argue that it is through the semiotic image of the drone as a clean, precise tactic that furthers the strategic goals of counterterrorism to target specific bodies that we can begin to politically theorize a particularly malignant political nihilism symptomatic of contemporary liberal societies. However, I also suggest that it is through Nietzsche’s politics of nihilism that we can begin to think about radical critical interventions that resist such a dangerous mode of politics. / Graduate
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