This thesis seeks to explain the evolution of non-state welfare provision in the People’s Republic of China under Xi Jinping and his recent predecessors. In particular, it examines the emergence, spread and institutionalization of a policy of government contracting services to non-governmental organizational (NGOs) and related political dynamics at the national, local, and state-NGO interaction levels. This thesis makes several theoretical claims regarding the causes and process of institutional change and the political implications of these transformations. I contend that decentralization, international influences, and authoritarian consolidation have combined to produce gradual institutional change characterized by processes of layering, conversion, and drift. These incremental changes have led to local institutional frameworks and practices of government contracting that remain incomplete and beset by unequal power dynamics between party-state and NGO actors. Notwithstanding the intent to increase the supply of services and promote state-NGO collaboration at local levels, purchase-of-service contracting policies are inseparable from strategies of political control, consent making, and governing techniques deployed by the ruling party-state. This dissertation reveals the presence of informal rules and power relations between purchasers and regulators (local governments) and service providers (NGOs) behind the façade of increasingly institutionalized state-NGO partnerships and of market-based standardized bidding competition processes. In this context, NGOs have adopted mitigating and adaptive strategies in order to cope with new opportunities and constraints. This thesis draws on interviews with NGO leaders and subject matter experts conducted during fieldwork in Shanghai, Beijing and Nanjing. It also leverages policy documents, media sources, and an extensive review of distinct bodies of scholarly literature.

L'enjeu des politiques anticorruption occupe une grande partie du discours politique en Malaisie. Après des événements tels que la crise financière de 1997, ou encore l'affaire Anwar en 1998, les politiques anticorruption ont été catapultées au sein du débat politique, dans lequel elles sont constamment observées, scrutées et critiquées. Ce mémoire étudie ces politiques à travers l'analyse du contrôle politique, notamment en ce qui concerne leur autonomie et leur indépendance bureaucratique. En se concentrant plus précisément sur le cas de l'agence anticorruption, notre mémoire offre un regard sur la nouvelle agence indépendante qui a récemment vu le jour en 2009, ainsi que celle qui la précède. Cette étude démontre que la nature du contrôle politique exercé a entravé et ralentit la mise en œuvre des politiques anticorruption. / The issue of anticorruption policies has permeated a significant part of the political discourse in Malaysia. After events such as the 1997 financial crisis, or the Anwar affair in 1998, anticorruption policies have been catapulted in the midst of political debate, in which their efficiency is constantly observed, scrutinized and criticized. This thesis examines anticorruption policies through the analytical lense of political control, specifically in regards to its bureaucratic independance and autonomy. Our study concentrates itself more specifically on the case of the independent anticorruption agency freshly instituted in 2009, as well as its predecessor. The conclusions drawn support the argument that the nature of the political control exercised on anticorruption policies have hampered and slowed down their implementation.

É possível medir a eficiência do Estado? A proposta desta dissertação de mestrado é apresentar a avaliação de impacto regulatório AIR como uma das ferramentas possíveis e existentes para atender a esse desafio exigido pela Constituição Federal a partir da Emenda Constitucional 19/98, tendo como referencial analítico as decisões regulatórias. A AIR é instrumento de controle da atividade regulatória do Estado por meio de procedimento administrativo voltado à análise das decisões regulatórias a serem adotadas ou já adotadas pelos agentes reguladores com base em evidências empíricas, resultando na introdução de mecanismos de legitimação democrática e de responsabilização do regulador. Ela se baseia no uso sistemático de análises dos possíveis custos e benefícios das várias alternativas existentes para atender à(s) finalidade(s) desejada(s) e sinalizada(s) nas políticas públicas setoriais. Fala-se em mecanismos de legitimação democrática e de responsabilização do regulador diante do seu potencial de reduzir o déficit democrático presente no modelo do Estado regulador, em que o agente administrativo não eleito, no exercício de seus poderes, toma decisões que podem gerar impacto significativo aos particulares. Sustenta-se que isso é possível por meio da transparência e da publicidade do processo de tomada de decisão a partir da utilização da AIR pelos agentes reguladores. Esse aspecto leva a outro: a AIR como instrumento de controle. Essa ferramenta também possibilita a redução do risco da agência presente na delegação de poder do principal (Poder Legislativo e o Chefe do Poder Executivo) para o agente (agentes reguladores). A AIR ganha especial importância com o Programa de Fortalecimento da Capacidade Institucional para Gestão em Regulação (instituído pelo Decreto 6.062 de 16 de março de 2007) que tem como objetivo idealizar e implementar essa ferramenta na administração pública federal. / Is it possible to measure State efficiency? This dissertation aims to introduce regulatory impact assessment RIA as an existing possible tool to tackle this challenge assigned by the Federal Constitution in the constitutional amendment 19/98. RIA is an instrument to control the State via an administrative procedure based on the analysis of empirical evidences of regulatory decisions either to be taken or already taken by regulators. As a result, it introduces democratic legitimacy mechanisms and accountability of regulators. Its methodology is based on the systematic use of cost-benefit analysis of proposed alternatives in order to apply a public policy in a regulated sector. The mechanisms for democratic legitimation and accountability of regulators are justified by its potential to reduce the democratic deficit within the regulatory State, in which the non-elected administrative agent, in the exercise of his/hers own powers, makes decisions that can impact individuals. This is due to the transparency and publicity of the decision-making process that derives from the adoption of RIA. Another aspect then arises: RIA as an instrument of control. This tool will enable the reduction of the agency risk characteristic of the power delegation from the principal (Legislative Power and chief of Executive Power) to the agent (regulators). RIA gets more attention with the creation of the governmental program for strengthening the institutional capacity for regulation (Presidential Decree 6.062, March, 16th of 2007), whose scope is to conceptualize and implement such a tool in the federal public administration.

Trata a presente tese de estudo acerca do instituto denominado recall, existente nos Estados Unidos da América do Norte, que constitui mecanismo que permite a destituição de autoridades públicas e a revogação de decisões judiciais, por meio de decisão popular. O ineditismo da tese decorre do aprofundamento que se fez sobre o tema, bem como da análise minuciosa sobre as condições de aplicação desse instituto no Brasil. Para compreensão integral do objeto em análise, inicialmente, buscou-se compreender o fenômeno da representação política, não só sob o aspecto jurídico-formal como também pelo aspecto histórico, político e social. As teorias acerca da representação política são abordadas dentro de uma perspectiva evolutiva, histórica, desde os seus traços primitivos nas sociedades antigas, passando pelas instruções e mandato imperativo do período medieval, até as concepções de Hobbes, Locke, Burke e Siéyès, não deixando de lado as posições mais modernas e os dilemas existentes sobre o tema. Busca-se também a essência desse mecanismo denominado recall. Para tanto, torna-se obrigatória a passagem pelas suas origens e pela sua configuração jurídica, que se encontra relacionada com o princípio federativo, os sistemas eleitorais, sua caracterização como direito político, instituto de democracia participativa e semidireta, bem como seu caráter sancionador e como forma de expressão da oposição política. Faz-se, além disso, uma análise comparativa do recall no direito contemporâneo. Inicialmente focando o instituto nos Estados Unidos da América do Norte, pelo âmbito de aplicação do instituto na Federação norte-americana, as hipóteses e procedimentos de cada Estado-membro (onde se permite o instituto) e os resultados gerais de sua aplicação. Analisar-se-á, outrossim, institutos semelhantes ao recall existentes em outros sistemas jurídicos. Ao final, será tratada a questão relacionada ao recall e o sistema jurídico brasileiro, apresentando-se a história da revogação do mandato político no país, o panorama jurídico pelo aspecto federativo e dos sistemas eleitorais, bem como as condições para viabilizar a aplicação do instituto no Brasil. Tudo isso, para se demonstrar que o recall deve ser um mecanismo democrático a ser utilizado por eleitores responsáveis contra eleitos irresponsáveis. / This dissertation focuses on the mechanism referred to as recall, which exists in the United States of America, and is a mechanism that provides for the removal of public officials and the repeal of judicial decisions by means of public opinion. The originality of this dissertation arises out of the further understanding of the subject, as well as of the thorough analysis of the conditions under which such mechanism could be applied in Brazil. In order to fully understand the analyzed object, it was first necessary to understand the phenomenon of political representation, not only from the formal-legal aspect, but also from the historical, political and social perspectives. The theories on political representation are approached from a historical-developing standpoint, from its primitive traces in ancient societies, to the medieval instruments and imperative mandate, to the ideas of Hobbes, Locke, Burke and Siéyès, in addition to the more modern schools of thought and existing dilemmas on the subject-matter. The dissertation also focuses on the essence of the recall mechanism. In order to do so, it was necessary to examine its origins and its legal configuration, which has to do with the federative principle, the electoral systems, its characterization as public law, participatory and semi-direct democracy, as well as its sanctioning ability and political opposition form of expression. Furthermore, the comparative analysis of recall in contemporary law is also carried out. The assessment is initially focused on the mechanism in the United States of America, as per its application in the North American Federation, the hypotheses and procedures of each Member-State (in which the mechanism is provided for) and the general results of its application. Moreover, similar mechanisms available in other legal systems are also analyzed. Finally, the issue of the recall mechanism and the Brazilian legal system is assessed, through the history of the repeal of political mandates in the country, its legal framework on the federative aspect and the electoral systems, as well as the conditions necessary in order to render the application of the recall mechanism in Brazil feasible. The objective is to demonstrate that the recall mechanism should be a democratic mechanism to be used by responsible voters against irresponsible elected officials.

La thèse traite de l'émigration organisée italienne vers la Belgique pendant la première décennie du deuxième après-guerre (1946-1956) et, notamment, des "aspects politiques" du recrutement des travailleurs et du "contrôle politique" de leurs activités dans le pays de destination. Malgré l’origine principalement économique de ce phénomène migratoire, on s’est proposé de centrer le travail de recherche sur les questions d’ordre politique qui caractérisèrent l’administration de ce flux migratoire, liées soit aux deux contextes nationaux de départ et arrivée, soit à la conjoncture internationale de la Guerre froide. Les buts de la recherche ont donc été la reconsidération de l’entrecroisement de facteurs économiques et politiques dans la gestion de cet exode de travail, l’analyse des stratégies et des divergents intérêts politiques de l’Italie et de la Belgique, ainsi que l’examen de l’incidence concrète de ces questions politiques sur la vie des migrants. L’étude a été structurée en deux parties. Dans la première partie, on a analysé le système de recrutement des travailleurs en Italie et les opérations de sélection des candidats à l’émigration mises en œuvre par la Mission belge et par les autres fonctionnaires belges installés auprès du Centre d’émigration à Milan. Dans la deuxième partie, d’un côté on a analysé l’encadrement politique des migrants italiens en Belgique – au niveau de l’assistance et des services sociaux, du syndicalisme et de la presse destinée à la communauté italienne – et de l’autre côté, face à l’interdiction aux étrangers de faire de la politique, on a pris en considération la surveillance policière et les expulsions des Italiens du territoire belge. / The thesis deals with the post-war Italian assisted migration to Belgium (1946-1956) and it is particularly focused on the "political aspects" of the selection of migrant workers and on the "political control" of their activities in the receiving country. Despite the economic origins of this migration flow, my intention was in fact to study all the political issues concerning the management of the phenomenon, with reference both to the two national contexts of departure and arrival, and to international political circumstances, marked by the Cold War. The principal aims of my research were, therefore, to reconsider the interconnection between economic and political factors; to delve into the divergent strategies and political interests of the two countries involved in organising such working exodus; and to examine the real implications of political questions on migrants’ lives. The dissertation is composed of two main parts. In the first part, I have examined the recruitment system implemented in Italy, as well as the selection of candidates carried out by the Belgian Commission and by other Belgian officials at the Migration Centre in Milan. In the second part, instead, I have studied the political control over Italian migrants with respect to associations, social care and services, trade unions and newspapers on the one hand, and on the other hand, I have taken into account police surveillance and expulsion measures related to the Belgian ban on foreigners getting into politics. / La tesi tratta dell'emigrazione assistita italiana verso il Belgio nel primo decennio del secondo dopoguerra (1946-1956) e, in particolare, degli "aspetti politici" del reclutamento dei lavoratori migranti e del "controllo politico" delle loro attività nel Paese di destinazione. Nonostante la matrice essenzialmente economica dell’esodo lavorativo in esame, mi sono proposta di incentrare lo studio sulle questioni di natura politica che caratterizzarono l’amministrazione del flusso migratorio, legate tanto ai due contesti nazionali di partenza e di arrivo, quanto al contesto internazionale della Guerra fredda. La ricerca intendeva insomma riconsiderare l’intreccio tra fattori politici ed economici nell’organizzazione dell’emigrazione organizzata postbellica verso il Belgio, esaminare le strategie e gli interessi politici dei due Paesi coinvolti, nonché indagare il concreto impatto di tali questioni politiche sulle vite dei migranti. La trattazione si articola quindi in due parti. Nella prima parte ho analizzato il sistema di reclutamento dei lavoratori sul territorio italiano, oltre che le operazioni di selezione dei candidati all’emigrazione effettuate dalla Commissione belga e dai vari funzionari belgi presso il Centro di emigrazione di Milano. Nella seconda parte invece sono state prese in esame, da un lato, le strategie di "contenimento politico" della collettività italiana nel Royaume – nell’ambito dell’assistenza, dell’associazionismo, del sindacalismo e della stampa – dall’altro lato, la sorveglianza da parte della polizia belga e le espulsioni di immigrati italiani per motivi di ordine politico.

É possível medir a eficiência do Estado? A proposta desta dissertação de mestrado é apresentar a avaliação de impacto regulatório AIR como uma das ferramentas possíveis e existentes para atender a esse desafio exigido pela Constituição Federal a partir da Emenda Constitucional 19/98, tendo como referencial analítico as decisões regulatórias. A AIR é instrumento de controle da atividade regulatória do Estado por meio de procedimento administrativo voltado à análise das decisões regulatórias a serem adotadas ou já adotadas pelos agentes reguladores com base em evidências empíricas, resultando na introdução de mecanismos de legitimação democrática e de responsabilização do regulador. Ela se baseia no uso sistemático de análises dos possíveis custos e benefícios das várias alternativas existentes para atender à(s) finalidade(s) desejada(s) e sinalizada(s) nas políticas públicas setoriais. Fala-se em mecanismos de legitimação democrática e de responsabilização do regulador diante do seu potencial de reduzir o déficit democrático presente no modelo do Estado regulador, em que o agente administrativo não eleito, no exercício de seus poderes, toma decisões que podem gerar impacto significativo aos particulares. Sustenta-se que isso é possível por meio da transparência e da publicidade do processo de tomada de decisão a partir da utilização da AIR pelos agentes reguladores. Esse aspecto leva a outro: a AIR como instrumento de controle. Essa ferramenta também possibilita a redução do risco da agência presente na delegação de poder do principal (Poder Legislativo e o Chefe do Poder Executivo) para o agente (agentes reguladores). A AIR ganha especial importância com o Programa de Fortalecimento da Capacidade Institucional para Gestão em Regulação (instituído pelo Decreto 6.062 de 16 de março de 2007) que tem como objetivo idealizar e implementar essa ferramenta na administração pública federal. / Is it possible to measure State efficiency? This dissertation aims to introduce regulatory impact assessment RIA as an existing possible tool to tackle this challenge assigned by the Federal Constitution in the constitutional amendment 19/98. RIA is an instrument to control the State via an administrative procedure based on the analysis of empirical evidences of regulatory decisions either to be taken or already taken by regulators. As a result, it introduces democratic legitimacy mechanisms and accountability of regulators. Its methodology is based on the systematic use of cost-benefit analysis of proposed alternatives in order to apply a public policy in a regulated sector. The mechanisms for democratic legitimation and accountability of regulators are justified by its potential to reduce the democratic deficit within the regulatory State, in which the non-elected administrative agent, in the exercise of his/hers own powers, makes decisions that can impact individuals. This is due to the transparency and publicity of the decision-making process that derives from the adoption of RIA. Another aspect then arises: RIA as an instrument of control. This tool will enable the reduction of the agency risk characteristic of the power delegation from the principal (Legislative Power and chief of Executive Power) to the agent (regulators). RIA gets more attention with the creation of the governmental program for strengthening the institutional capacity for regulation (Presidential Decree 6.062, March, 16th of 2007), whose scope is to conceptualize and implement such a tool in the federal public administration.

在報禁開放後，由報業市場中不斷推陳出新的發行競爭以及目前三報鼎立 的發行態勢，本研究意欲探究報禁開放前後台灣報業發行作法的差異， 並以政治控制以及市場影響力的兩個方向，來思考形成台灣報業發行變化 的原因。在現存的傳播研究中，對於報業發行的文獻極為有限，而本研究 是第一份以報業立場分析台灣報業發行變遷的研究，一方面以報業整體的 發行狀況作為分析的起點，也以報業的觀點來分析台灣報業的發行競爭。 本文採取質化研究法中的個案研究法以及非結構性訪談法，藉著與台灣 北中南三地涉及報業發行業務的人士進行五十次以上的訪談，蒐集報禁 開放前後報業發行狀況的資料。研究結果發現，過去在報禁時期，台灣 吻合了發展中國家所普遍出現的媒介環境，為報禁政策提出合理化的 背書，而隨著經濟的發展，報禁政策對於報業發行發展的限制與控制則 愈來愈明顯，而在報禁開放後的自由市場競爭之中，強者愈強弱者愈弱的 報業發行特性，重塑台灣報業的發展趨勢。 / After the lifting of martial law in Taiwan

Studiens syfte är att få en inblick i hur musikämnet på två grundskolor i västra Sverige hanteras. För att undersöka detta har fyra kvalitativa intervjuer genomförts med en musiklärare och en rektor på respektive skola. Studien utgår ifrån teorier som handlar om skolans kulturella förändring och den politiska styrningen av skolan. Musikämnet i skolan har genomgått en stor förändring under 1900-talet, från att vara starkt knutet till kyrkan och dess nytta, till att på 2000-talet vara ett ämne vars egenvärde betonas. Genom de historiska perspektiven är det möjligt att se och förstå varför musikämnet är utformat som det är idag. I resultatet visas rektorernas och lärarnas syn på hur musikämnet hanteras, vilken status ämnet har och vilka resurser ämnet ges. Där framkommer att musikämnet under senare tid fått ett större egenvärde och att ämnet anses ha relativt hög status. Det framkommer också att ämnet ses som en hjälpande funktion till andra mer teoretiska ämnen. Diskussion förs om vilka förändringar skolan genomgått, på vilka sätt de påverkar musikämnet samt även hur decentraliseringen av skolan och den politiska styrningen påverkar undervisningen. / The purpose of this study is to get an insight into how the subject of music is handled at two different elementary schools in western Sweden. To investigate this, four qualitative interviews with one music teacher and one principal at each school have been implemented. This study is based on theories that involve the school’s cultural change and the political control of the primary school. During the 20th century the subject of music has gone through quite some changes, for example being very associated with the church and to where it stands today with high intrinsic value. With these historical perspectives it is possible to come to an understanding why the subject of music is designed the way it is today. The result of this study shows the principals’ and teachers’ views about how the subject of music is handled, the status of the subject and what resources it is given. As it shows, the subject of music has over the last years been given a greater space and is even believed to have quite high status. It also appears to be known as a helping function to other more theoretical subjects. A discussion about what changes the school has gone through, how the decentralization of the school and the political control and how it affects the teaching and subject of music is held.

La rationalisation du parlementarisme se définit comme la constitutionnalisation du principe parlementaire, c’est-à-dire le fait de soumettre complètement la vie politique au droit constitutionnel. C'est le fait de normaliser la vie parlementaire par des règles constitutionnelles pour lutter contre le despotisme du parlement. Cette idée a été prise en compte, dès 1918, par les nouvelles Constitutions Européennes. Plusieurs États arabes s’en sont ensuite inspirés dans leur constitution. Compte tenu de l'importante de cette rationalisation, les constituants se sont préoccupés de renforcer l’exécutif face au parlement et ont tenté de préserver la stabilité du gouvernement face aux embuscades parlementaires. Ce sujet est important, surtout dans un pays arabe comme le Koweït, où l'expérience de la démocratie parlementaire est encore jeune, pour montrer les tentatives constitutionnelles concernant la rationalisation du parlementarisme et la question du contrôle politique. Les constituants koweïtiens se sont efforcés d’établir une rationalisation du parlementarisme concernant la question de contrôle politique du gouvernement afin d’en assurer la stabilité. Cette étude, au regard de l’expérience française permet de préciser les mécanismes de la rationalisation du parlementarisme adoptée dans les deux États. Ces deux états ont opté pour un régime parlementaire, cependant ils diffèrent concernant l’organisation politique dans leurs pays respectifs, ainsi que la mise en œuvre des mécanismes de la rationalisation du parlementarisme. / The rationalized parliamentarism defines itself as the constitutionalisation of the parliamentary principle that is the act of completely submitting the political life to the constitutional law. This idea was introduced in the new European Constitutions as early as 1918. Several Arab States were inspired by it in their constitutions. It meant normalizing the parliamentary life by constitutional rules to fight the tyranny of the parliament. The constitutional competence granted to the parliament, to watch the activities of the government counts among the major principles of the parliamentary system and is a typical element of the relationships between the powers in a parliamentary system. The constituents’ concern resulted in a double effort: to ensure, through constitutional procedures, both the right of the Assemblies to control the government and the political stability of the government. This subject is important, especially in an Arab Country such as Kuwait where the experience of the parliamentary democracy is still young, in order to show the constitutional attempts concerning the rationalization of the parliamentary government and the question of the political control. This study, with regard to the French experience, allows to put some light on the mechanisms of rationalised parliamentarism adopted in both States. These states have both opted for a parliamentary system, however they differ concerning the political organization in their respective countries, as well as the implementation of the mechanisms of rationalised parliamentarism.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The French tradition based the sovereignty of the people on the sovereignty of the parliament, being unthinkable any form of control of the legislative acts. The French Constitutional Council was created, through the 1958 Constitution, with the purpose of safeguarding the powers of the Executive in the face of the acts of the legislator. So the simple creation of the Council has already represented a paradigm shift. In the 1970s, major changes were implemented by the 1971 Council decision and the constitutional revision of 1974. They were essential in the evolutionary leap of the process of constitutionalisation of law in France. Before, the Civil Code was seen as the French Constitution, because its stability was much greater than that experienced in French constitutionalism. Thus, the Constitutional Council stands as a body that controls the constitutionality of laws, an authentic Constitutional Court. It was different from the other Constitutional Courts and Supreme Courts, for only providing for a constitutional control prior to the enactment of laws, the application of the regulations of the National Assembly and the Senate, the ratification of international commitments. A posteriori control was only inserted in the Constitution in 2008 and implemented in 2010. The French tradition based on the private law and the lack of control after the enactment of the laws, differentiating it from the North American and German system, made Luís Roberto Barroso assert that in the French system a true constitutional jurisdiction does not exist. Many brazilian doctrinators follow the same position as Barroso. Such an affirmation is the object of this study, whose purpose is to ascertain its veracity by analyzing the Constitutional Council - its composition, functions and decisions; and the characteristics of the models of constitutional jurisdiction pointed out by the doctrine - the North American and the European model. This study will also analyze the characteristics of a constitutional jurisdiction and doctrinal classifications, since the typological method will be used. The sources will be the bibliographic review and the French legal provisions. It will carried out A simple random sample analysis of Council decisions. / A tradição francesa baseava a soberania do povo na soberania do parlamento, sendo impensável qualquer forma de controle dos atos do legislativo. O Conselho Constitucional Francês foi criado, através da Constituição de 1958, com a finalidade de salvaguardar as competências do Executivo em face dos atos do legislador. Então, a simples criação do Conselho já representou uma quebra de paradigma. Nos anos setenta, foram implementadas grandes transformações pela decisão do Conselho de 1971 e a revisão constitucional de 1974. Elas foram essenciais no salto evolucional do processo de constitucionalização do direito na França. Antes o Código Civil era visto como a Constituição Francesa, pois sua estabilidade era muito maior que a vivenciada no constitucionalismo francês. Assim, o Conselho Constitucional firma-se como um órgão controlador da constitucionalidade das leis, um autêntico Tribunal Constitucional. Ele se diferenciava dos demais Tribunais Constitucionais e Cortes Supremas, por só prever um controle de constitucionalidade anterior à promulgação das leis, a aplicação dos regulamentos da Assembleia Nacional e do Senado, a ratificação de compromissos internacionais. O controle a posteriori só foi inserido na Constituição em 2008 e implantado em 2010. A tradição francesa baseada no direito privado e na inexistência de controle posterior a promulgação das leis, diferenciando-o do sistema norte-americano e alemão, fez com que Luís Roberto Barroso afirmasse que não há no sistema francês uma verdadeira jurisdição constitucional. Muitos doutrinadores brasileiros seguem a mesma posição de Barroso. Tal afirmação é o objeto deste estudo, o qual tem por finalidade averiguar a sua veracidade analisando o Conselho Constitucional- a sua composição, suas funções, suas decisões; e as características dos modelos de jurisdição constitucional apontados pela doutrina- o modelo norte-americano e o europeu. Serão analisadas nesse estudo ainda as características de uma jurisdição constitucional e as classificações doutrinárias, vez que será utilizado o método tipológico. As fontes serão a revisão bibliográfica sobre os temas e os dispositivos legais franceses. Também será realizada a análise de amostra aleatória simples das decisões do Conselho.