Uppsatsens syfte är att undersöka hur utanförskapsbegreppet, som är ett närliggande begrepp till begreppet socialexklusion, konstrueras av arbetsutskottet i den nutida svenskariksdagspolitiska debatten. Uppsatsen undersöker även hur begreppet utanförskapär relaterat till arbetslöshet och fas 3, som är ett arbetsmarknadspolitisktprogram för arbetslösa människor. Vidare undersöker uppsatsen hurarbetsmarknadsutskottet konstruerar den önskvärda medborgaren.Forskningsmetoden som används är kritisk diskursteori och kritisk diskursanalysmed inspiration av James Paul Gee. Resultaten kategoriseras i fyra teman inomutanförskapsdiskursen. Denna nutida politiska diskursen konstruerar en ordningav logik och moral inom vilken utanförskap är en metafor för arbetslös; attvara utanför är att vara utanför arbetsmarknaden, vilket innebär att diskursenkonstruerar en generaliserad bild av arbetslösa - som att samtliga arbetslösabefinner sig i utanförskap. Vidare konstruerar diskursen den önskvärdamedborgaren som arbetande, formellt utbildad och icke-invandrare. Resultatendiskuteras i relation till både svensk och internationell forskning kringutanförskap och social exklusion.

I Chile har åtskilliga protester uppkommit under de senaste decennierna, i hopp om att återställa den jämlika samhällsstrukturen som förelåg i landet innan diktaturens uppkomst år 1973. Under det senaste årtiondet har utbildning blivit ett föremål för intresse som år 2011 ledde till att den studentdrivna rörelsens demonstrationer blev de största i landet. Syftet för den här uppsatsen var att studera faktorer som under historiens gång har lett till studentrörelsens uppkomst. McAdams teori om politiska möjlighetsstrukturer tillämpades vilken bidrog till att den första frågeställningen om hur rörelsen ledde till framgång samma år kunde besvaras. Syftet var även att med Benford och Snows teori om framing besvara hur rörelsen ramar in mål och krav för att kunna ge svar på den andra frågeställningen om hur aktivisterna ramade in kraven samma år. Totalt har resultat från sex stycken nätbaserade intervjuer använts som empirisk grund. Respondenterna är aktivister som studerar i Santiago de Chile och har medverkat i pingvinrörelsen 2006, samt studentrörelsen år 2011. Målet har varit att bidra till forskningen med en förståelse om hur man kan förena de båda teorierna som en möjlig förklaring till studentrörelsens framgång, vilket kan understödjas i såväl tidigare forskning som det empiriska materialet. Resultatet visar att landets historiska process har utvecklat rörelsen och dess framgång år 2011. Erfarenheterna från de tidigare protesterna kan ses som en inlärningsprocess vilket har ökat medvetandet bland studenterna och befolkningen. Första frågeställningen besvarades i förhållande till den diagnostiska ramen där orsaker och aktörer som beskylldes för problemet framkom. Den andra frågeställningen utgick ifrån den prognostiska ramen där de resultat som framkom av det empiriska materialet uppvisade att aktivisterna betraktar utbildning som en mänsklig rättighet som ska vara kostnadsfri och av god kvalitet. Användningen av taktikerna frame extention och frame transformation bidrog rörelsen med fler anhängare och skapade nya ramar där samarbete med andra organisationer startades. Samtliga faktorer ledde till framgång och studentrörelsen utvecklades från att ha fokuserat på studier till att bli en social rörelse.

The purpose of the present paper is to examine the political debate on the education of newly arrived immigrant pupils at secondary school age. The following issues are under scrutiny: What are the goals, expressed by politicians during the examined periods, for the education of newly arrived pupils? What ideas about education and what educational ideals can be observed in the political debate on the education of newly arrived pupils? Has there been any change, during the examined period, in the policy debate on the education of newly arrived pupils? The research material consists of reports and statements of the Education Committee, as well as a number of parliamentary protocols. Two five-year periods, 1971-1975 and 2006-2010, are studied and compared. All in all, the material consists of 23 documents issued during these periods. Drawing on theories about formation, power mechanisms and the political development in general, a so-called dimensional map is generated so as to prepare for an analysis of the ideas central to Swedish governmental policies of immigration and education. Toward the backdrop of this dimensional map, the paper presents a descriptive analysis of the key ideas in the policy debate. In previous research, there is no study of this kind. The types of schools available for newly arrived pupils during the two time periods lack the guidance of systematic plans or official curricula. The study shows that there is little policy debate about education of newly arrived pupils and that there is no developed concept of formation used in the debates. The political silence surrounding the education of newly arrived pupils may be interpreted as a way of excluding this issue from the agenda. Views upon the education of newly arrived pupils have gone through subtle changes between the two examined five year periods. In the 1970s, the school situation of newly arrived pupils was treated as a call for political and structural solutions. In the 2000s, however, the political solutions tend to be imposed upon the individuals. The main objective of the education of newly arrived pupils is to provide them with an opportunity to learn the Swedish language and hence to improve their chances at entering higher education or getting employed.

The objective of this undergraduate thesis is to study the Swedish Social Democatic Party’s standpoint of the law allowing asylum seekers to choose where to live (ebo) between 1994-2009. The study’s empirical material is being based on official documents from the Swedish Parliament, which is being analyzed by a method called ”process-tracing”.   A research question has been formulated to supplement the objective: What arguments has the Swedish Social Democratic Party expressed pro and con the law of ”ebo”?   The study’s theoretical framwork is based on two theories which explain incentives behind parties’ decision-making, strategic or ideological, on three arenas. As the law was ratified the party took a positive standpoint, but later shifted to become stricly against it. The main result was that through the theoretical perspecitve one can argue that the party members used a more ideological argumentation, but later on, based their evaluation of ebo on a strategic matter.

Political scandals are constantly abound in the media, rulers face the global tribunal of the mass media and are forced to defend their actions and above all, their position in society. This essay concerns itself with that defence – more specifi- cally with the defence of four Swedish politicians in high office during four different scandals. Gudrun Schymans’ eva- sion, Laila Freivalds’ dealing with the tsunami disaster in Thailand, Annie Lööfs’ tangle concerning representation notes and public documents and Tobias Billströms’ statements concerning undocumented immigrants and asylum seekers. The essays purpose is to study how each and everyone of these politicians communicate and defend themselves, what rhetor- ical strategies are employed and how the two largest newspapers in Sweden, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, frame and portray the scandals. This is in order to discern how current Swedish politicians work rhetorically in situations of crisis where one’s reputation is at stake, and how media mediate these scandals. This is examined with classical rheto- ric’s stasis theory and William L. Benoit’s theories concerning image restoration as the theoretical foundation. This is complemented with the theories of portrayal- and agenda setting to describe the newspapers’ depiction of the separate scandals. The method consists of a qualitative content analysis of news articles, video recordings and TV broadcasts of media appearances. Annie Lööf uses a number of different strategies in her apology, status coniecturalis is prominent initial- ly but however when new information disproves her statements, she moves to status qualitatis, and the state of purgatio, the state she primarily applies together with the defeasibility strategy. Tobias Billström limits himself to only one state and exclusively uses the weakest of status qualitatis states: deprecatio. Laila Freivalds applies primarily the defeasibility strategy but also uses the purgatio and deprecatio. Gudrun Schyman also uses the qualitative state purgatio but also the defeasibility strategy and the theory of image restorations mortification. The newspapers depict all of the scandals differently depending on political affiliation but not depending on gender. The conclusion consists of that an open strategy that changes in pace with the flow of new information should be employed, and that statements that later may turn out to be false should not be used in the defence. The defence should be reactive rather than static. Further it is apparent that political affiliation affects the portrayal and framing of the scandals in the case of both newspapers.

Det pågår en debatt runtom i världen om legalisering av cannabis. Syftet med denna uppsats är att spegla det politiska perspektivet i dagens narkotikapolitiska debatt, för att se vilka tankar de svenska politiska partierna har om cannabis som samhälleligt problem och drogens legalisering. Uppsatsen syftar även till att beskriva legaliseringsdebatten i förhållande till de samhälleliga skadeverkningarna av cannabisanvändning. För att kunna besvara studiens frågeställningar genomfördes kvalitativa strukturerade intervjuer med representanter från sju svenska politiska partier. Den teoretiska ramen för uppsatsen består i huvudsak av teorin om makt och motmakt och resonemang om prohibition och harm reduction. Med denna teori och begrepp kommer det ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklaras vilka tankar de svenska politiska partierna har om cannabis som samhälleligt problem och drogens legalisering. Sammanfattningsvis visar resultatet att samtliga representanter från de politiska partierna är negativt inställda till en legalisering av cannabis i Sverige och i andra länder. De menade att legalisering skulle medföra negativa följder både för individen och för samhället. Dessa konsekvenser kännetecknas främst av ökade vårdkostnader.

This is a study about the relation between the Swedish school and the political system of Sweden. I wanted to see if the relation had changed since the election of 2010 as it was in that election the Sweden Democrats got over five percent of the votes and took seat in the Swedish parliament. The thing that is unique about this election is that it was really the first time a right-wing party had been elected into the Swedish parliament. Many experts argue that this is the first xenophobic party that has been elected into the Swedish parliament. This led to a problem for schools and their principals and a difficult question to answer because xenophobia is contrary to the school’s core values and the school’s democratic mission. Should the school still be open for political parties? How do schools manage to distinguish between political information and political propaganda? If parties still are welcome into the schools, which parties should be allowed? The equality ombudsman has said in a report that the schools have to comply with the principle of objectivity, which stipulates that the public sector has to be unbiased. I have chosen to make use of a qualitative method because I think the study then gets a deeper understanding of the topic. However, it does not provide the same opportunities for generalization as a quantitative method does with a greater range of participants. This study has concluded that Swedish schools are still open for political parties. They have not been scared to invite parties. Schools still arrange debates, and allow political information tables inside their buildings. The principals are of the opinion that the schools should be an open part of the society.

The purpose of this paper is to investigate and describe how principals in Swedish schools handle the issue concerning the participation of political parties. I want to find out a) What factors are the most  important  accordning  to  principals  when  deciding  if  political  parties  and/or  political  youth associations should be allowed in to schools or not? What are their positions on the issue? b) What does  the  process  look  like  when  schools  decide  to  invite  political  parties  and/or  political  youth associations? Who is responsible for inviting the politicians? c) How do principals view the new addition to the school law? How will it affect their work situation in the future?The study is qualitative and based on semi-structured interviews with seven principals from different schools in and around central Sweden. The main theoretical starting points are Herbert A. Simons theory of human decision making and organisational theory in the form of Michel Lipskys theory of the street-level bureaucrat. I´m also using an operationalized version of three categories highlighted by Sture Långström and Arja Virta to describe how pricipals approach the subject; the avoiders, the diggers and the tactics.My  conclusions  are  that  principals  have  a  positive  or  neutral  attitude  to  political  parties participating in schools. They percieve it as a possible tool to help shape the students into being active democratic citizens. Altough the principals are still keen on remaing in control of the day-to- day operations in the schools. Visits have to be informative for the students and a part of the regular education.  Schools  therefore  invite  more  often  for  debates  then  allow  political  parties  to  set  up tables in the corridors. Not all schools invite on a regular basis, some not at all. If schools invite it´s mostly in or around election time. Much of this can be attributed to the teachers. Principals tend to view teachers of social studies as having a special responsibility to take initiative. Teachers mostly plan invitations around election time. Therefore chances decrease that political parties also will be invited between elections.

This study examines how youths discuss politics in online forums in relation to the conditions of deliberative communication. To assess if, and to which extend the communication is deliberative a theoretical framework by Todd Graham and Tamara Witschge is being used.One of the online forums in this study is focused on Swedish politics and the other one is focused on general discussions about any topic. Four topics are examined, and they are the same in both online forums. The topics have been categorized as subjects that are either traditional politics or personal politics. Discussions about nuclear power and political parties are considered traditional, whereas discussions about drugs and legislation for sexual consent are considered personal.The  findings  show  that  in  the  general  online  forum  the  topic  being  discussed  matters. Discussions   categorized   as   personal   politics   matched   the   conditions   of   deliberative communication more than discussions that were about traditional politics. In the political forum the subject did not matter, they were all equal in terms of deliberative communication. The forums are similar in terms of deliberative communication if you exclude the topics that were about traditional politics from the general online forum.

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