Two international treaty frameworks - Amended Protocol II (APII) to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons and the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (APMBC) - have been developed to prohibit or restrict the use of landmines. However, reflecting a gap in current academic research, there is a lack of knowledge of their effectiveness in supporting the humanitarian goals that underpin both treaties. In order to address gaps in the existing literature, this thesis applies an analytical framework grounded in regime theory to develop new insights into the design, implementation and effectiveness of APII and the APMBC within the broader framework of international humanitarian law (IHL). Two main hypotheses are explored. The first considers the importance for regime effectiveness of the relationship between design and implementation processes. The second analyses the significance for the landmine regimes of regime interplay and nesting within wider IHL and mine action discourses. In addressing these hypotheses, design/implementation interplay, agency dynamics and normative considerations represent key themes that enable us to develop new insights to a specific issue area that also demonstrates important linkages to wider humanitarian, security and developmental agendas.

三十年前北極是一塊具有爭議的領土，許多國家因此在這塊土地產生許多衝突，鮮少透過國際合作的方式解決爭議，今日許多國際政權採取相互合作來處理爭議，在這些政權中北極理事會是最有影響力的，但是怎麼演變到這樣的呢？ 這篇論文認為原因是中等強國的參與，並藉由加拿大的參與來探討北極理事會的形成，研究結果發現諸多加拿大領導人相互合作並說服反對政權的意見共組北極理事會，此研究也同時發現中等強國對政權的組成有極重要的影響，此論文的第二部份檢視中國對北極理事會的反應，此論文發現中國對北極策略採取國際法，而在此同時他們企圖在北極理事會中增進自身的影響力，總歸上述此研究在分析上有三項主要發現：中國作為外來政權的反應、中國對北極議題採取法律規範、中國對加拿大的北極主權看法。 / Thirty years ago the Arctic was a desolate region marked by territorial disputes, mutual suspicion between regional powers, and a complete lack of international cooperation. Today, the Arctic has become a hotbed of cooperation with a mosaic of international regimes governing regional affairs. The Arctic Council has emerged as the most important regime governing Arctic affairs. How did this transformation take place? This thesis argues that middle powers are crucial to regime formation. It examines the role that Canada played in the formation of the Arctic Council. It finds that several Canadian individual leaders acted collectively to bring together the Arctic states and overcome initial resistance in forming the Arctic Council. This study shows that middle powers have the ability to significantly influence regime formation. The second part of this thesis will examine China’s response to the Arctic Council. By surveying the statements of Chinese Arctic officials, it finds that China’s emerging Arctic strategy is to continually stress adherence to international law in Arctic affairs to assuage concerns about China’s Arctic activities while at the same time advocating for a greater decision-making role in Arctic governance for non-Arctic states. An analysis of China’s response to the Arctic Council also reveals three key findings of China’s Arctic cooperation: China’s response in relation to its status as an “outsider” to Arctic affairs, China’s support for the Arctic Council’s transformation from soft law to hard law, and China’s view on Canada’s Arctic sovereignty.

Who runs the development? A comparative study of the construction of residential buildings in Nacka and Södertälje. The aim of this study is to identify actors involved in the initiation and implementation of residential house construction in two Swedish municipalities. This means who is taking initiative for new residential buildings, who affects the planning process, who finances these new buildings and who builds them. By exploring empiric material from the municipalities of Nacka and Södertälje, the above questions will be answered and by referring to pluralism, growth machine theory and regime theory a link to general theories of political science is made. The results found show that the analysed municipalities have quite different possibilities for acting and that these backgrounds are also important for which actors will take initiative for new residential buildings and which actors will be allowed to state their opinion during the planning process. Due to these differences I claim that the empirical material from the two municipalities are best described by two different theories from the above mentioned.

The purpose of this study is to compare how the issue of new shipping opportunities in theArctic region is tackled and met by the governments of Sweden and Iceland when it comes tomaritime security regime building, and to set this into perspective by looking at the shippingindustry’s seemed aspirations and interests for Arctic shipping, the latter to see if policy and“reality” appear to be corresponding. By conducting a qualitative comparative analysisthrough studying previous research, government documents and through interviewingrepresentatives from the shipping industry; using the analytical framework of Regime Theoryfor International Relations; the following research questions have been answered: - In what ways do the governments of Sweden and Iceland contribute to developments of Arctic maritimesecurity regimes, due to new shipping opportunities in the High North? - Are these contributions in line with the shipping industry’s views of and aspirations for Arctic shipping? - (How) does this differ between the countries? - (How) does the shipping industry contribute to maritime security? Sweden and Iceland differ in many aspects, but the general aims at environmental protectionare visible in both countries. Iceland has a larger focus on crisis response due to its locationalexposure and do moreover have a chance on economically exploiting new shipping activitiesfor the same reason. Sweden can be said to have a more general approach to Arctic maritimesecurity, whereas Iceland rather focuses on its own proximity.Both countries’ responses to Arctic shipping are currently to be seen as in line with theshipping industry’s views and aspirations for Arctic shipping.The shipping industry contributes to maritime security by developing new methods andtechnology for addressing the Arctic ice; collectively and on shipping company individualbasis. The shipping industry furthermore contributes by educating ship commanders as well assharing experiences and knowledge with each other.

俗稱「大巨蛋」的臺北文化體育園區，自1990年代起出現於媒體報導中，市府於2000年定案落址松山菸廠，並在2006年與遠雄簽約以BOT興建大巨蛋。2014年11月市長選舉，柯文哲以無黨籍的身份踏入政壇，打破國民黨十六年的臺北市政府執政，上任後開始清查包括大巨蛋等「五大案」。不同政權對於大巨蛋的論述有不同策略，本研究透過都市政治的概念，剖析國民黨市府時代與柯文哲市府時代兩個政權，如何透過傳統媒體以及社群媒體形塑各自的大巨蛋形象。根據Stone（1993）以美國都市政權分析所提出的四種類型為基礎，本研究者聚焦在兩個政權的主要治理任務、選擇性誘因、所需資源等之論述。透過對於新聞報導、社群媒體貼文、官方新聞稿與官方網站的質化論述分析與量化內容分析，探討國民黨市府與柯文哲市府之都市治理聯盟的論述特徵與差異。 　　研究結果發現，國民黨市府治理聯盟偏向發展型政權，其論述特徵圍繞著體育發展為核心，包括將大巨蛋與國際大型運動賽事與國力象徵等概念連結，政治與商業合作開發，以及多功能用途場館來召喚市民支持。柯文哲市府治理聯盟的論述則偏向中產階級進步型、也具備臺灣在地特色的「程序主義型政權」，其論述圍繞著程序的重要性，強調都市計劃中法律程序及透明的重要性。兩者相較，國民黨市府論述著力於國家與體育發展，與資本關係較為緊密，柯文哲市府論述則連結中產階級價值以及市政的公民參與。但兩者皆忽略社會中環境保護的聲音，以及大型運動場館帶給城市的潛在負擔。本研究試圖在兩股政治勢力消長的動態演變中，分析此一期間都市政權對大巨蛋開發案的媒體論述轉變，藉由大型運動場館的再現建構，來反映出臺北的都市政治的意識形態爭霸過程，並重新反思大型運動場館建設之於城市與公民的意義。 / The project of Taipei Dome Complex (known as ‘’Taipei Dome’’) has been revealed in the media since 1990s. It settled in Song Shan Tobacco Factory in 2000 and later signed with a BOT (Build–operate–transfer) contract between Taipei City Government and Farglory Group. In November 2014, the mayor-elect Wen-je Ko, a non-party politician, ended 16 years of KMT rule in Taipei and committed to investigate so-called "Five Scandals”—the Taipei Dome, the Taipei Twin Tower, the Song Shan Cultural and Creative Park, the Syntrend Digital Park, and MeHas City. As the discursive strategies in the issue of Taipei Dome were different among regimes, this study is aimed to understand the use of mass media and social media in construting particular images of this large-scale sport stadium in the constructing process by Taipei City Government under different mayors. This study focues on the main governance tasks—the selective incentives, the resources needed as the analysis structure of the two regimes—which based on the analysis about four types of America urban politics in Stone (1993). Through qualitative discourse analysis and quantitative content analysis on various sources—including news reports, posts in social media, documents on official websites—this study study explores the differences of discursive strategies and struggles between the KMT and the Ko municipal governments. 　　The research results show the differences between the two regimes. The KMT government favored the ideology of “development regimes” to mobilize the supports from citizens, which usually linked the Taipei Dome with the concepts about the development of sports, such as the importance of large-scale international sporting events, the symbolic national power, the close cooporation between government and business, and the multifunctions of the Dome. Compared with the precedent regime, the Ko government has been inclined to the ideology of “middle class progressive regimes,” while also demonstrated a certain degree of “procedualism” under the particular political and economic contexts in Taiwan. The discursive strategy of Ko government emphasizes the importance of legal procedure and transparacy in the urban plan and policy. In sum, the KMT government had a strong connection with corporations and highlighted the significance of national and sporting development, while the Ko government has shown a connection with the middle class and attempted to involve civic participation in the process of policy making. However, both city governments ignored the voice of environmental movement and the potential harm of large-scale sport stadium to the society. This study attempts to analyze the changes of discursive struggle of Taipei Dome in the media represeantions between the two regimes and therefore contribute to understand the influences of large-scale sport stadium on the urban development and citizens.

At the end of 2016, the Swedish petroleum and biofuel company Preem applied for an environmental permit to convert high-sulfur bunker oil to low-sulfur petrol and diesel at Preemraff Lysekil. Something that required an expansion of the refinery. The process ended abruptly in September 2020 when Preem chose to withdraw their application. In connection with the process, two actor coalitions were formed, with one being for an expansion and the other against. Both coalitions had the explicit goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions and preventing climate change. The difference, however, was their view on whether this could be achieved thanks to an expansion of Preemraff Lysekil, or if it could only happen without it. Through their actions the coalitions have tried to influence the policy process in a direction that is desirable for them. This study aims to systematically map the coalitions and their actions and contribute to a deeper understanding of their actions and impact on the process of the planned expansion project of Preemraff Lysekil. The study is designed as a qualitative case study and is based on The Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF), which can be used to explain and understand beliefs and policy change when multiple actors are involved in a policy process. According to the ACF, actors who share similar policy core beliefs come together in coalitions to increase the chances of policy change. The study also uses urban regime theory to understand the informal and unspoken agenda between Preemraff Lysekil and Lysekil municipality. The results from previous research show several common denominators with the Preemraff Lysekil case. The analysis shows that the actors who were against an expansion had similar deep core beliefs and consistent policy core beliefs, they also had a consensus on how the policy change should be implemented. They have tried to influence the process by appealing court decisions and tried to get the Swedish government to take over the assessment of the application, which also happened. The analysis shows that the actors who were in favor of an expansion had more dispersed deep core beliefs but were consistent in their policy core beliefs and secondary beliefs. They have made attempts to stop the government from taking over the case from the court. As these attempts have been unsuccessful, they instead tried to get the government to allow an expansion. By using different forms of resources, both coalitions have tried to get the public and decision-makers to support their own proposal for policy change, with varying results. What ultimately led Preem to withdraw the application is not clarified. Maybe the pressure from those who were against an expansion became too powerful, maybe the COVID-19 pandemic left such a big mark on international production chains and the global market that an expansion was no longer profitable. There is also a possibility that Preem's decision is based on both parts, but we will probably never know.

Two international treaty frameworks ¿ Amended Protocol II (APII) to the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons and the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (APMBC) ¿ have been developed to prohibit or restrict the use of landmines. However, reflecting a gap in current academic research, there is a lack of knowledge of their effectiveness in supporting the humanitarian goals that underpin both treaties. In order to address gaps in the existing literature, this thesis applies an analytical framework grounded in regime theory to develop new insights into the design, implementation and effectiveness of APII and the APMBC within the broader framework of international humanitarian law (IHL). Two main hypotheses are explored. The first considers the importance for regime effectiveness of the relationship between design and implementation processes. The second analyses the significance for the landmine regimes of regime interplay and nesting within wider IHL and mine action discourses. In addressing these hypotheses, design/implementation interplay, agency dynamics and normative considerations represent key themes that enable us to develop new insights to a specific issue area that also demonstrates important linkages to wider humanitarian, security and developmental agendas.

This paper is a study upon a global vision of a sustainable future, to local implementation of environmentally effective solutions, in contemporary urban planning projects. The purpose was to illuminate a gap between the global rationality of sustainability and local rationality of sustainability and to identify the effect it has on sustainable outcomes. To do so, I did qualitative research on the Lynetteholm development project and analyzed the data using document – and critical discourse analysis. My research was guided by the theory of ecological modernization, their perspectives upon sustainable solutions within the capitalist-liberal democratic society, and urban regime theory, which provided an insight into the concept of scale in environmental politics. Through an in-depth analysis of the presented motivation and prime drivers behind the Lynetteholm project proposal and the impact it has on sustainable outcomes, I have found that the local vision of sustainability is constructed by hegemonic narratives of prosperous urbanity, that is equalized with growth, progress, and profit. I have identified economic growth as the prime driver of developing Lynetteholm and concluded that it has a significant impact on sustainable outcomes, as economic growth is not compatible with sustainable development, without political interference. In addition, the gap between global and local rationality of sustainability in urban planning lies in the process of redelegating the responsibility to implement sustainable practices and secure an environmentally beneficial outcome. The issue is that despite much expertise and knowledge of the field, planners and politicians continue to address socio-ecologic impacts isolated and reject the cumulative effects, which inevitably retains the sustainable transformation from taking place.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Water is life. Its availability and quality directly relates to what is possible in agriculture as well as human health. In Southern Africa, water issues have become an important political agenda as a result of the droughts that the region has been experiencing. The Southern Africa Development Community (SADC), in its water protocol advises its member states to set up river basin organisations to manage transboundary rivers in Southern Africa. The aim is to encourage the sustainable use of international rivers. Sharing international rivers has proven to be a very difficult issue as shown by the voting patterns on the UN Convention on the Law of Non Navigational Uses of Transboundary Rivers and the subsequent failure of entry into force of this convention. While strategic interests on the global levels manifest themselves in voting patterns in forums like the UN Assembly, the situation is trickier at the regional level. These strategic interests are ever present as a result of states’ need for recognition of their sovereignty and the inability of states to accept any hierarchical enforcement. This study investigates the impact of these interests at the basin level on the structure of cooperation. With the use of a case study, namely the Okavango River Basin Commission, and guided by regime theory, the study looks at the process of regime formation and maintenance in the basin. It concludes that states use cooperative arrangements (international water cooperation regimes) as tools for the strategic protection of their sovereignty. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Water is lewe. Die beskikbaarheid en kwaliteit het direk te betrekking op wat moontlik toeneemed is in landbou so wel as menslike gesondheid. Water as ʼn noodsaaklike bron in suider-Afrika word meer en meer beskou as ʼn belangrike kwessie op die politieke agenda as gevolg van droogte wat in die streek ondervind word. ʼn Hoë vlak van belangrikheid word aan die bestuur van water binne die streek geheg. Die SAOG (Die Suider – Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings gemeenskap), het in sy water protokol aan sy lid state beveel om rivier kom organisasies te stig om beheer uit te oefen oor riviere in Suider- Afrika wat oor grense heen vloei. Die doel is om lidstate aan te moedig om die volhoubare gebruik van internasionale riviere te bevorder . Die vedeling van internasionale riviere is ‘n komplekse kwessie soos wat VN stempatrone aandui ten opsigte van die Wet op die Verbod teen Navigasie op Oorgrensende Riviere en die daaropvolgende versuim van die inwerkingtreding van die Konvensie aandui. As gevolg van state se behoefte vir erkenning van hul soewereiniteit en hul strategiese belange bly die deel van rivierkomme ‘n moeilike internasionale probleem. Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van die bogenoemde belange op die kom vlak op die struktuur van samewerking. Met die gebruik van ʼn gevallestudie, naamlik die Okovango Rivier Kom Kommissie, en aan die hand van regime teorie, ondersoek die studie die proses van regime formasie asook die problematiek rondom die instandhouding van die Komissie. Die gevolgtrekking is dat state koöperatiewe reëlings (internasionale water samewerking regimes) as instrumente vir die beskerming van hul strategiese soewereiniteit en eie belange gebruik.

Many in Germany argue that the minimum wage and other protective provisions for migrant workers will only be effective when workplace inspections by the enforcement body "Finanzkontrolle Schwarzarbeit" (FKS) are stepped up. For this reason, a novel cooperation agreement between the FKS and migrant workers' counseling offices has been signed, in June 2021. This step is informed by the FKS' public image of being a guardian of the minimum wage and of victims of labor exploitation. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the argument of more inspections lead to less exploitation is oversimplified. Therefore, it explores the role that the FKS has for migrant workers in more detail by using regime theory and a methodological approach informed by ethnographic border regime analysis. An analysis of the FKS' formal duties codified in the law reveals its ambivalent character. Especially the concept of unlawful employment serves as an umbrella term that conflates protective as well as punitive provisions for migrant workers. In eleven qualitative interviews, FKS officers and migrant workers' counselors mostly rejected the FKS' image as a "workers' protection squad". Instead, they think that the FKS only served the interests of the state. As a consequence, exploited workers have no immediate benefit from FKS inspections, and sometimes even experience heavy detriments like the loss of their job, housing, or unpaid wages. The most severe consequences, like expulsions or deportations, result from violations of the Residence Act. For these reasons, counselors reacted differently to the new cooperation agreement. While most counselors have strong reservations or even refuse to work with law enforcement bodies, others have found ways to cooperate without putting their clients at risk. For such successful cooperation it is crucial that FKS officers take workers' and counselors' needs seriously and adapt their routines and protocols in order to instill trust. Under the current legal and institutional configuration, increasing the number of FKS inspections is not pertinent to combat the exploitation of migrant workers. The argument that vulnerabilities of migrant workers emerge from a lack of enforcement is blinding out the fact that the enforcement of labor law itself produces vulnerabilities. Institutions tasked with the enforcement of protective provisions, must not be tasked with enforcing punitive provisions against migrant workers. Instead, workers need to be given an active role in the enforcement of their own rights.