This master thesis is an ethnological study focusing members of a young, urban Jewishdiaspora in Sweden. The study's aim is to problematize and describe the relation between theJewish minority that is regarded as religious, and the secular normative majority societyregarded as non-religious. The study explores questions regarding social positioning,belonging and memory and how Jewish traditions are practiced in contemporary Sweden. Themethodological approaches are interviews and participation observations with a specific focuson food; its symbolic value and how food can materialize identities and communicatememories. The empirical data comprises 24 interviews in total, of which 11 interviews havebeen chosen and thus constitute the material on which the study's analysis is made upon. Theanalysis is mainly based upon the theoretical perspective of phenomenology focusinganalytical concepts as materiality, positionality, (conditional) belonging, minority/majorityand diasporic processes. By being regarded as "well integrated" and at the same time beingdesignated as one of Sweden's national minorities, the Jewish group is given contradictorypositionalities, which is examined in this study. The study also shows that memory and aconnection to the past (both personal and general Jewish history) are of great importance tothese informants when expressing their identities, and that this connection often materializesthrough food. By highlighting the informants' experiences of keeping kosher, it becamevisible that Jewish way of life challenges the normative (imagined) secularity in Sweden.

Spiritual care in hospitals is a well-established practice in Sweden that is justified by religious freedom. Contemporary Sweden is a multicultural society with a culturally and religiously diverse population. Since 2006, a Muslim spiritual care organization has been established in co-operation with the Swedish state. This interview study with Muslim spiritual caregivers examines how Islam is being interpreted and how Muslim spiritual care in Swedish hospitals is apprehended by the informants. By approaching Islam as a discursive tradition and combining historical and ethnological methods, this study sheds light on what aspects of Islam are considered relevant in the hospital context and it examines why that is the case. The study shows that Muslim spiritual care is regarded to be a complement to other healthcare practices. To a large extent, the care is provided by supportive conversations, Islamic counseling, as well as help with religious practices and rituals. To manage a patient’s various wants and the denominational diversity, the Muslim representatives hold that they put the patient’s and the relatives’ needs and interpretations of Islam first. The study concludes that the representatives are spiritual care professionals that are loyal to the state and the secular institutions they serve. This involves staying true to ideals of cultural and religious pluralism and equality but also knowing that these principles are subordinated to the hospital’s rules. This constructs boundaries regarding how Islam is interpreted and has to be negotiated in the efforts of making Islam a natural part of the institution.

Undersökningen syftar till att utforska en postsekulär variant av integrationsbegreppet, genom att kritiskt granska aktuell forskning om integration. Detta genom ett explorativt begreppsstudium som primär metodologisk ansats, ett allmänt litteraturstudium som sekundär ansats, samt ett intersektionellt perspektiv som komplementär teoretisk ansats. Undersökningens postsekulära teoretiska ramverk utgörs av Zygmunt Baumans teori om flytande modernitet, Charles Taylors teori om den dialogiska funktionen, och Seyla Benhabibs teori om deliberativ demokrati. Undersökningen visar på fem centrala dimensioner av det postsekulära integrationsbegreppet; (i) mer än enbart religion, (ii) förändrade maktförhållanden och villkor, (iii) intersektionalitet, (iv) samtida aktivism, och slutligen (v) ideal och visioner. Den första dimensionen syftar till att problematisera den vetenskapliga debatten om postsekularitet, och påpeka dess ensidiga betoning på religion och religiositet i relation till sekulära samhällen. Den andra dimensionen syftar till att undersöka maktförhållanden och villkor, med grund i historiska, ekonomiska, sociala och globala faktorer. En tredje dimension belyser den mänskliga identitetens komplexitet och dess transformation, utifrån maktrelationer och tillhörighetskategorier. Den fjärde dimensionen som trädde fram accentuerade begrepp som deliberativ demokrati, omförhandling, försoning och solidaritet. Fokus lades främst på socialt engagemang och gräsrotsinitiativ som former av aktivism. Den femte och avslutande dimensionen anspelar på idealets och visionernas betydelse, och hur dessa träder fram i samtida sekulär kontext. Med grund i undersökningens resultat, är det möjligt att påvisa hur traditionella förståelser av integrationsbegreppet framträder som otillräckliga och kontraproduktiva i strävan efter jämlik och inkluderande integration. / The purpose of this study is to explore a postsecular alternative to the concept of integration, through a critical examination of current research on integration. This is achieved through an explorative conceptual study as the primary method, a general literature study as the subordinate method, and an intersectional perspective as a complementary theoretical approach. The postsecular theoretical framework of this thesis consists of Zygmunt Bauman’s theory of liquid modernity, Charles Taylor’s theory of the dialogical function, and Seyla Benhabib’s theory of deliberative democracy. The study presents five central features of the postsecular concept of integration as being; (i) more than just religion, (ii) change in power relations and conditions, (iii) intersectionality, (iv) contemporary activism, and lastly (v) ideals and visions. The first feature aims to scrutinize the scientific postsecular debate, and point out its one-sided emphasis on religion and religiosity in relation to secular societies. The second feature aims to examine power relations and conditions, constituted by historical, economic, social and global factors. A third feature illuminates the complexity and transformation of identity, with regards to power relations and categories of belonging. The fourth feature which appeared in the study emphasized concepts like deliberative democracy, renegotiation, reconciliation and solidarity. The focal point being social commitment and grassroots- levels of initiatives as forms of activism. The fifth and concluding feature refers to the significance of ideals and visions and how these appear in contemporary secular context. Based on this study, it is possible to claim how traditional understandings of the concept of integration appear inadequate and counterproductive in the endeavor of an equal and inclusive integration.

Självmord är ett fenomen som funnits så länge vi kan minnas. Självmord och sekularism är ett någorlunda nyare fenomen men diskuterades först av sociologen Emilé Durkheim i hans verk Självmordet (1897/1983). Syftet med denna rapport är att undersöka just sambandet mellan sekularism och självmord, men även andra faktorer som kan spela in på självmordsfrekvensen i dagens moderna samhälle, baserat på de faktorer Durkheim påvisat i sitt verk. Frågeställningarna som rapporten grundas på är 1) Finns det ett klart samband mellan den sekulära befolkningen i ett land och högre självmordsfrekvens inom ny forskning? Och 2) Vilka faktorer, åsido sekularism, spelar in på självmordsfrekvensen i sekulära länder enligt ny forskning? Metoden som används är en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där specifika termer och ord söktes upp i ny forskning. Dessa termer är baserade på de orsaksfaktorer som Durkheim nämnt i sitt verk. Resultaten presenterades genom ett kodschema och visade bland annat att det finns ett samband mellan sekularism och högre självmord, som Durkheim påstått. Det verkar främst vara den religiösa gemenskapen som fungerar som ett skyddsnät för individen och desto mer religiös en gemenskap är desto lägre självmordsfrekvens verkar framkomma. Faktorer, åsido sekularism,  som påvisade högst självmordsfrekvens var bland annat kön (män) , ålder (50+) och socioekonomiska faktorer (specifikt arbetslöshet). / Suicide is a phenomenon that has been around for as long as we can remember. Suicide and secularism are a somewhat newer phenomena but were first discussed by the sociologist Emilé Durkheim in his book Suicide (1897/1983). The purpose of this report is to examine the connection between secularism and suicide, but also other factors that may affect the suicide rate in today's modern society, based on the factors Durkheim previously identified in his book. The questions at issue on which the report is based on are 1) Is there a clear link between the secular population in a country and higher suicide rates shown in new research? And 2) According to new research, what factors, apart from secularism, affect the suicide rate in secular countries? The method used is a qualitative content analysis where specific terms and words were sought in new research. These terms are based on the factors of cause which Durkheim previously mentioned in his book. The results were presented through a ‘code scheme’ and showcased that there is a connection between secularism and higher suicide rates, as Durkheim claimed. It seems to be primarily the religious community that acts as a safety net for the individual and the more religious a community is, the lower the suicide rate appears. Factors, apart from secularism, which were linked to higher suicide rates included gender (male), age (50+) and socio-economic factors (specifically unemployment).

Den breda mitten, eller bara mitten, är ett centralt begrepp i Centerpartiets identitet. Trots detta är Centerpartiets sakpolitik inte särskilt positionerad i ”mitten”. Partiet är snarare det mest högerlutande partiet av samtliga riksdagspartier vad gäller ekonomiska frågor. Samtidigt är själva idén med den breda mitten att etablera ett bredare samarbete över blockgränser men exkludera Vänsterpartiet och Sverigedemokraterna på grund av deras respektive ytterkantsposition. Rent sakpolitiskt är den breda mitten en gåta. Medan fenomenet inte tillåter sig att begripas speciellt väl ur ett sakpolitiskt perspektiv, argumenterar föreliggande uppsats för att det bättre kan förstås utifrån dess symboliska betydelse. Den breda mitten undersöks således som en instans av sekulär religion. Genom intervjuer med Centerpartister kartläggs ett religiöst meningssystem som grundas på; (1) ett heligt ideal om en icke-extrem politisk karaktär i form av mitten; (2) en moralisk gemenskap som sluter upp kring idealet och försvarar det från all form av upplevd extremism, men som är mer intresserad av sitt förakt för Sverigedemokraterna och (3) upplevelser av hur ritualer kring motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna och självuppoffring för idealet erbjuder frälsning från synden att kunna associeras med Sverigedemokraterna via högeridentiteten. Religionens funktion tolkas vara att reglera diskrepansen mellan partiets identitet och praktik genom ritualer och moraliska argument som triumferar över sakliga problem med motstånd mot Sverigedemokraterna som den övertygande mekanismen. Mitten identifieras vidare som den perfekta täckmanteln för en förlorad högeridentitet och för de framgångar som motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna bringar partiet, då motstånd mot båda ytterkantspartierna gör att Centerpartiet kan hävda sig som mitten och därigenom attrahera den större grupp väljare som finns där. Motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna tolkas i sin tur som den grundläggande drivkraften bakom fenomenet den breda mitten, en drivkraft som inte bara bygger på framgångar i termer av en ökad väljarbas utan också på en upplevd välvilja, en dold förhoppning om en alternativ och självständig högergemenskap men även på en möjlighet för Centerpartiet att göra upp med sin egen historia av främlingsfientlighet. / The broad middle, or just the middle, is a central concept in the identity of The Centre Party in Sweden. Despite this, the politics of The Centre Party is not particularly positioned in “the middle”. Rather, The Centre Party is the most right-leaning party of all the parliamentary parties when it comes to economic issues. Simultaneously, the very idea behind the broad middle is to establish wider cooperation across block boundaries but exclude the parliamentary parties The Left Party and The Sweden Democrats due to their respective outer edge position. As a matter of concrete policy, the broad middle is an enigma. While the phenomenon does not allow itself to be understood particularly well from a concrete political perspective, the present thesis argues that it can be better understood based on its symbolic meaning. The broad middle is thus analysed as an instance of secular religion. Through interviews with members of The Centre Party, a religious meaning system is mapped which is based on; (1) a sacred ideal of a non-extreme political character in the form of the middle; (2) a moral community that defends the ideal by protecting it from all sorts of experienced extremism, but whose interest lies more in its contempt for The Sweden Democrats and (3) experiences of how rituals surrounding the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats and self-sacrifice for the ideal offers salvation from the sin of being associated with The Sweden Democrats trough a Right-wing identity. The function of the religion is interpreted as regulating the discrepancy between The Centre Party’s identity and practise through rituals and moral arguments that triumphs over factual problems with the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats as the convincing mechanism. The middle is further identified as the perfect cover for a lost Right-wing identity and for the successes that the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats brings the party, since opposition to both the outer-edge parties allows The Centre Party to assert itself as the middle and thus attract the larger group of voters who are located there. The antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats is in turn identified as the primal driving force behind the phenomenon the broad middle, a driving force that is not only based on successes in term of increased voters but also on an experienced benevolence, a hidden hope for an alternative and independent Right-wing community as well as on an opportunity for redemption with The Centre Party’s own history of xenophobia.