The purpose of this study was to find an explanation for why Amnesty International in Sweden has seen an increasing number of members, while the number of participants at the national annual meeting has decreased. The method of the study was done with an inductive approach in which the problem has affected the choice of theory and empirical data. The empirical data has been collected through both qualitative and quantitative method in which the analysis was implemented with support by statistics and interviews. To strengthen the arguments in the paper, sociological theories on organizations are used and also theories about social movements. The conclusion of the study is that Amnesty International Sweden has undergone a transformation towards a decentralized organization because it is not longer relevant for people who are members to achieve the purpose of the organization to participate at the annual meeting. This because that these members accesses the recourses they want to achieve by working on a local level. The main conclusion of this study is that Amnesty has moved towards being an organization that to some extent are working as a social movement, where there is no longer any clear link between local work and the central board of Directors.

Title: “Bitter bitches and incels” - A qualitative study about how the conflict between feminists and antifeminists is expressed in discussion forums at Flashback Authors: Ella Östman Skala and Molly Lindman  The purpose of this study is to examine the conflict between feminists and antifeminists and how it is expressed on the internet through interaction at the discussion forum Flashback. We also aim to shed particular light to the antifeminist approach to the feminist movement in order to contribute to a greater understanding of the nature of the conflict as well as to gain an idea of the reasoning behind the resistance. Our data is collected through a qualitative method in the form of netnography where we observe six discussion forums online. The theoretical perspectives that are used in order to interpret the empirical data are: Wettergren & Jamison´s (2013) understanding of social movements, Gemzöe´s definitions of feminist orientations (2002), Mollwing´s definitions of antifeminist orientations (2021) as well as Brown´s (1988) theory about intergroup conflict and Allport´s (1979) contact hypothesis. Theoretical concepts that came to be crucial in our understanding of the conflict and its aspects were stereotyping, incompatible goals, collective identity and structural tensions.  The results of the study shows that the expression of the conflict can be understood through the following three fundamental aspects: the occurrence of different perceptions about the significance of feminism, attribution of negative characteristics as well as stereotypes to each other and lastly, disagreements about whether today's society can be considered equal or not. Feminists tend to argue that the society we live in today still requires development for us to be able to entitle ourselves as equal, and the feminist movement is seen to be striving to achieve this equality between the sexes. As a result of this, feminists are assigned negative attributes by antifeminists, such as being annoying, incomprehensible and unnecessary. Antifeminists however claim that feminism cannot be equated with gender equality as the movement has undergone a radicalization that results in feminism being interpreted as a man hating movement that only favors women and therefore oppresses men. The society we live in today is by antifeminists perceived to be equal since a long way back, which makes the continued feminist battle unjustified. As a consequence of this antifeminists are, by feminists assigned with characteristics such as being misogynistic, conservative, diminishing and deniers of a major societal problem. The process of attributing negative characteristics to one another indicates that there is a will to distance themselves from each other that goes beyond the natural distancing that occurs as a part of the dynamics between two groups.

Denna studie har behandlat fri mjukvara ur ideologanalytiskt perspektiv. Studien bygger på en analys av Free Software Foundation, mjukvaruplattformen GNU samt ett forum som främst diskuterar fri mjukvara. Studien har först och främst behandlat ämnet som en social rörelse, och sökt att förstå de ideologiska resonemangen som görs inom rörelsen, för att kunna se vad rörelsen ställer för krav och hur de önskar att världen ”borde vara”. Genom att använda en så kallad ”diskursiv ideologianalys”, så har materialet sållat fram värden, tankar och idéer. Genom materialet har det funnits en idé att undersöka hur de olika delarna tolkar varandra, och hur ideologin har samspelat mellan dem. Dessa har sedan försökts att förstås och problematiserats genom olika ideologiska texter och teorier, i hoppet om att förstå vad för världsbild som faktiskt konstrueras. Men det har också varit av vikt att undersöka om det faktiskt råder en konsensus i det som har funnits, eller om det istället har handlat om ideologiska krockar inom rörelsen.

Den här studien behandlar Facebookgruppen #jagärhär och hur de som social rörelse arbetar för att främja ett moraliskt debattklimat. Syftet med studien är att genom en kvalitativ forskningsintervju och digital observation analysera organisering och deltagande i #jagärhär och diskutera detta utifrån teorier om sociala rörelser, medierat kollektivt agerande och moral. Frågor om deras betydelse på nätet såväl som deras samhälleliga relevans diskuteras löpande i analysen. Studien visar att medlemmarna i #jagärhär utnyttjar digitala medier med syftet att bedriva en politisk fråga. Med hjälp av Facebooks funktioner mobiliserar sig medlemmar för att samordna aktivistiska aktiviteter i vilka de tillsammans visar civilkurage för att motarbeta det hatiska klimatet i kommentarsfälten. Samtidigt indikerar #jagärhärs existens och engagemang att det finns ett etablerat problem i samhället på grund av bristfälliga lagar och regler relaterade till internet. / This study examines the Facebook group #jagärhär and how they could be seen as a social movement that promotes a moral debate atmosphere. The purpose of this study is, through a qualitative interview and digital observation, to analyse the arrangement and participation in #jagärhär and to discuss this through theories about social movements, mediated collective action and morality. Questions related to their purpose and importance both on the Internet as well as their role in the society is discussed throughout the analysis. The study shows that members of #jagärhär utilize digital media to pursue a political matter. Members mobilize with the help of functions provided by Facebook to coordinate activist actions in which they together show moral courage to prevent the hateful debate atmosphere in the comment sections. At the same time could the existence and engagement of #jagärhär indicate that there is an established societal issue due to deficient laws and rules related to the Internet.

Social movements focusing on environmental issues experienced a renaissance in September 2018, and concurrently the environmentally focused social movement Extinction Rebellion was founded. Previous research reveals that social media has become an important tool for social movements for both mobilising and spreading knowledge and information. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to examine Extinction Rebellion Sweden's strategic communication and work processes during the campaign Novemberupproret (The November revolt), and to identify what characterized the posts on Extinction Rebellion Sweden's Facebook during the campaign. The theoretical frameworks used in this study was Grunig's two-way symmetrical and asymmetrical communication (Falkheimer & Heide 2014), Habermas theory regarding social actions (Falkheimer & Heide 2018) and ultimately semiotics by Barthes (1977). The findings are based on interviews with two members of Extinction Rebellion Sweden, along with a qualitative content analysis and a semiotic analysis. The findings of this study reveal that Extinction Rebellion Sweden mainly focuses, both in terms of strategies and work processes, on content regarding information and knowledge sharing, rather than mobilising content. The empirical material shows that the posts with two-way asymmetrical communication have generated more interaction in terms of likes, comments and sharing on Facebook, which opposes Grunig's theory regarding two-way communication. Further, it is revealed that Extinction Rebellions Sweden's most frequently used communication strategy during Novemberupproret were consciously hidden strategic actions. Lastly the findings show that the movement´s work process during Novemberupproret was built on democratic and collective principles both between Extinction Rebellion Sweden's internal project groups and within the national media group.

Syftet är att bidra med ökad förståelse kring hur Fridays For Future använder digitala medier samt på vilket sätt de använder det transmediala berättandet för att kommunicera klimatförändringar externt. Kvalitativa intervjuer genomfördes med Fridays For Future medlemmar och resulterade i ett material som bearbetades genom en kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Den netnografiska observationen resulterade i stor mängd data från Fridays For Future kampanjen #Withdrawthecap som bearbetades genom en kvalitativ dataanalys och med stöd av Gambaratos (2013) analytiska överväganden. Utifrån analys och diskussion av studiens resultat drogs slutsatserna att digitala medier används för mobilisering av strejker. Vidare används digitala medier för att snabbt kunna svara på politikers beslut rörande klimatfrågan. Ytterligare dras slutsatsen att transmedial mobilisering används i kommunikationen. I kampanjen #Withdrawthecap används flertalet beståndsdelar som utgör ett transmedialt berättande vilket visar på att berättandeformen används till viss del för att kommunicera klimatförändringar. / How does the social movement Fridays For Future use digital media when communicating their stance on climate change? The study at hand employs qualitative interviews in order to discern how the organisation use digital media and external transmedia storytelling in their fight for climate preservation. Here, representatives of the organisation are interviewed about strategic decisions taken in regards to organisational digital media use. The collected data was categorized using qualitive content analysis. Additionally, a supplementary netnographic study is featured in which the campaign #Withdrawthecap is examined. The netnographic study resulted in a large amount of data, which was processed through a qualitive data analysis with the support of Gambarato's (2013) analytic considerations. This study unveils the prominence of transmedia mobilization. Furthermore, digital media are used to organize strikes and quickly respond to politicians' decisions regarding the climate issue. The #Withdrawthecap campaign uses most of the elements that defines transmedia storytelling which indicate that the narrative form is used to some extent to communicate climate change.

The study “The Mobilization of Civil Disobedience” intends to shed light on how environmental movements frame climate change issues, present solutions and mobilize climate action through their communication on the social media platform Instagram. This study will examine the case of Återställ våtmarker (Restore wetlands), a Swedish movement known for its civil disobedience protests. The study’s theoretical framework consists of Collective action frames, Core framing tasks, and Emotional frames. The qualitative content analysis method is used to analyze the content together with the multimodal analysis tools of modality, lexical choices, denotation, and connotation to analyze both textual and visual modes.   The analysis showed that the organization makes a unique case by communicating strong emotions and opinions through its Instagram content. The main issue is explained as excavated wetlands that produce huge amounts of anthropogenic greenhouse gases. The cause of the issue was claimed to be the lack of action from the Swedish government, and they are also argued to be responsible for restoring the wetlands and saving the climate. However, the organization strongly emphasizes the Swedish citizens' democratic and civil responsibility to fight climate change and engage in protests. Occasionally, the organization even blames individual citizens for not prioritizing climate change or saving their children’s futures. The motivational reasons to act are made by an apocalyptic doom narrative, where the climate crisis is explained as urgent and as an ongoing catastrophe or a future “climate hell”. Despite the presence of moral emotions, such as guilt and shame, the organization sometimes offers a more hopeful motivational framing that citizens' collective action is a powerful and successful way to pressure politicians to act.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka Pantrarna genom att se på vad för typ av social rörelse Pantrarna är. Sociala faktorer som låg bakom bildandet, deras förebilder, metoderna de använde, hur de organiserade sig och vad de ville uppnå undersöktes. Bakgrunden till bildandet av en social rörelse som Pantrarna var komplex och flera teorier och begrepp fick därför användas för att försöka förklara kontext såväl som Pantrarna som social rörelse. Uppsatsen är gjord genom en kvalitativ metod bestående av intervjuer, innehållsanalys på filmen om dem, observation vid deras festival, netnografisk studie av rörelsen där Facebook,Youtube och deras hemsida studerats. De viktigaste resultatet som hittades var att Pantrarna är en social rörelse som bygger på ett konfliktperspektiv där de använder metoder som att storma politikers möten och genom demonstrationer. De anordnar även föreläsningar och en årlig musikfestival som är gratis. Medlemmarna upplever ett utanförskap och upplever att de inte har möjligheter att uppnå sina mål och drömmar som boende i andra områden utanför förorten. Men möjligen är det så att deär fast i sin egen upplevelse av alienation mot det omgivande samhället och snarare bidrar till den än att, som de vill, motverka den.Nyckelord: Social rörelse, Förorten, Alienation / The purpose of this paper was to investigate Pantrarna by looking at what kind of social movement Pantrarna are. Social factors behind the founding, the rolemodels, methods used, how they were organized and what they wanted to achieve was studied. The background ofthe founding of the social movement like Pantrarna was complex and therefore several theories and concepts were used to try to understand the context as well as Pantrarna as a social movement. Qualitative method consisting of interviews, content analysis of the movie about them, observation at their festival, a netnographic study of the movement through Facebook, Youtube and on their website.The most important findings was that Pantrarna is a social movement that rests on a conflictperspective where they use methods like storming politicians meetings and through demonstrations. They also arrange lectures and a yearly music festival that’s free. The members experience an exclusion and they feel that they don’t have the same possibilities to achieve their goals and dreams like the residents in other areas outside the suburbs. But maybe they are stuck in their own experience of alienation towards the surrounding society and rather contribute to it, as oppose to doing what they want, counteract it.Keywords: Social movement, Suburb, Alienation.

This study examines who is part of the Swedish network of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism and whether the social network is a case of „new social movement‟. Through a social network analysis of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremists in Sweden the results shows that there is a loose Swedish network with global nodes. The social network in Sweden is analyzed through the framework of New Social Movement theory and the connections between the global jihad and the Swedish network are examined. The result is that the network cannot be seen as a case of „new social movement‟. However, several individuals of the network can be seen as part of the global jihad and therefore a case of „new social movement‟. More academic research is needed on violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism in Sweden, especially on why and how these actors are radicalized. In addition, more research is needed on how to prevent and counter violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism.

Syftet med denna studie var att öka kunskapen om motiv som leder till att medborgare organiserar sig mot vapenvåld och för en tryggare ort, efter att en ung man i området skjutits till döds på öppen gata. Vidare var syftet att få en förståelse för hur de mobiliserande processerna tar sig uttryck i Skarpnäck. Studiens frågeställningar har besvarats genom kvalitativa intervjuer med sju medborgare som deltar i mobiliseringen, samt ostrukturerade observationer av mobiliseringens skeende. Studiens data har analyserats med teorin om sociala rörelser, samt Bourdieus kapitalformer i kombination med begreppen fält och habitus. Resultaten visar på att motiven till deltagandet grundar sig i en kombination av faktorer, som exempelvis sociala relationer, platsidentitet och gemenskap. Vidare framkommer det av resultatet att området präglas av bland annat boendesegregation och resursbrister i den kommunala skolan, som på olika sätt bidrar med en distans mellan medborgarna och aktörer inom den offentliga sektorn. Mobiliseringen i Skarpnäck utgörs av ett kritiskt och kollektivt handlade som fokuserar på att kartlägga behov i området, vilket sedermera framförts till Stadsdelsnämnden i form av ett medborgarförslag. / The aim of this paper is to increase knowledge on the motives that lead to citizens organizing against gun violence and for a safer neighborhood, after a young man in the community was shot to death on an open street. Furthermore, the aim of this paper is to gain an understanding of how the process of mobilisation took place in Skarpnäck. The study’s questions have been answered through two research methods; qualitative interviews with seven citizens who took part in the mobilization, as well as by unstructured observations of mobilising events. Theories applied whilst analysing the collected data were social movement theoryand Bourdieu’s theory of capital as well as the terms field and habitus. Results show that citizen participation is motivated by several factors, such as social ties,  place identity and  community. Results also show that the neighborhood, amongst other things, is affected by segregation and lack of resources in the local public school, which in different ways  contribute to a distance between citizens and civil servants in the public sector. Mobilisation in Skarpnäck takes form through critical and collective action that focuses on mapping needs in the neighborhood, which are then presented to the districts committee as citizen proposals.