1999 överenskom den Europeiska Unionen om Helsinki Headline Goal (HHG). ”HHG” gav ett antalförmågor för krishantering som Unionen skall disponera 2003. Denna uppsats analyserar huröverenskommelsen om ”HHG” påverkat Storbritanniens, Tysklands och Frankrikes strategi ochförsvarsmaktsstruktur. Analysen sker ur Keohanes, Nyes och Hoffmans tolkning om institutionell teoridär även realismen har en stor inverkan. Det empiriska materialet är officiella texter utgivna av de olikastaternas försvarsdepartement. Metoden som använts är en jämförelse mellan staternas strategi ochförsvarsmaktsstruktur före och efter ”HHG”. Analysen påvisar att samtliga tre staters strategi harpåverkats av ”HHG” men i olika omfattning. Störst har den institutionella påverkan varit påStorbritanniens strategi. De tre staternas försvarsmaktsstrukturer har inte påverkats i samma omfattningsom strategierna. Till den mindre förändrade försvarsmaktsstrukturen kan finnas många förklaringar. Enjämförelse med den stat som bevisligen har autonom förmåga att genomföra krishanteringsoperationer,USA, visar behovet av samarbete mellan de tre staterna för att uppnå effekt. En förklaring till hurstaterna agerar kan återfinnas i statens självbild. Hur staten uppfattar sig själv ger motiv till dess uttryckatt vara en jämbördig partner till dem de uppfattar som sina likar i Europa. / In 1999 the European Union agreed upon “The Helsinki Headline Goal”(HHG),an agreement, which created a number of goals for European crisismanagement. These are to be fulfilled by 2003. This essay analysis how thisagreement has affected Great Britain’s, Germany’s and France’s strategies andstructures of their armed forces. The analysis is conducted out of the perspectiveof Keohane´s, Nye´s and Hoffman´s version of institutional theory. Theempirical material is mainly official documents from the different departmentsof Defence. The method used is a comparison between the states strategiesbefore and after the agreement of “HHG”. The states structures of the armedforces are analysed in the same matter. The analysis show that all three stateshave been affected by the agreement but there are differences in how big animpact the “HHG” has had. The greatest difference is to be found in GreatBritain’s strategy. The three countries structure of their defence forces has notshown a similar change. A comparison with the United States, which as a factcan conduct peace-enforcement operations alone, shows the need for these threestates of co-operation. An explanation to the results may be found in the statesimage of themselves as equal partners. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 00-02

Syftet med denna uppsats är att ge en bild av eventuella skillnader mellan fyra länder vad det gäller bonus till VD. Företagen som undersöks är ifrån Sverige, Storbritannien, USA och Norge. I uppsatsen redovisas teorier kring ersättningar och regelverk. Teorierna leder fram till tre stycken hypoteser som testas.Antal bolag från varje land som undersöks är 10 stycken, totalt 40 stycken. Bolagen har valts ut ifrån börslistor där de största bolagen från varje land finns med.Metoden som valts för undersökningen är en kvantitativ metod. Årsredovisningar och Proxy Statements undersöktes för att generera data.Undersökningen resulterar i att de två första hypoteserna styrks och den tredje kan inte få något stöd utifrån de material som undersöks. Som avslutning så ges förslag till vidare forskning inom ämnet.

Denna uppsats ger en förklaring av begreppet luftöverlägsenhet utifrån ett teoretiskt perspektiv baserat på svensk doktrin för luftoperationer samt teoretikerna Douhet, Slessor och Warden. Frågor som vad luftöverlägsenhet innebär och hur viktigt det är för utfallet av ett krig tas upp. Dessa frågor kopplas sedan mot Falklandskriget i en fallstudie för att undersöka om luftöverlägsenhet var en faktor i konflikten. Inledningsvis återfinns en innehållsanalys av litteratur om de olika teoretikernas luftmakts-teorier med fokus på begreppet luftöverlägsenhet. Denna analys utmynnar i några kriterier och strecksatser som blir relevanta för den fortsatta analysen. Sedan följer en innehållsanalys av relevant litteratur inom ramen för en fallstudie om Falklandskriget, uppdelat i fyra olika faser till vilka en komparativ analys görs. Slutligen anträffas en resultatdiskussion vilken knyter an till problemformulering och frågeställningar för att utröna resultatet av undersökningen samt huruvida uppsatsens syfte uppfyllts. I de olika faserna av Falklandskriget står det klart att Storbritannien relativt obehindrat kunnat genomföra sina operationer samtidigt som de förhindrat Argentina från att åsamka tillräcklig skada för att hindra dessa operationer. En slutsats dras att Storbritannien lyckades mycket tack vare sin luftöverlägsenhet, vilken samtliga arenor bidrog till att skapa i enlighet med Wardens teori.

This master thesis deals with the driving forces and perceived benefits that form the basis for Sweden's accession to the defence cooperation Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF). Since Sweden is already involved in a number of different defence and security collaborations, the question arises for what value another cooperation should be entered, and why JEF is considered appropriate.  With Russia's annexation of Crimea, there was a crucial change in the close environment which created a security policy situation that has put more focus on Northern Europe and the Baltic Sea region. This caused a need for new cooperation strategies in which Sweden together with others has to deal with this change.  By using Graham Allison's theoretical models this thesis analyse the underlying process of connecting JEF from a rational and bureaucratic perspective. The models intend to explain on what reasons connection to JEF was made, but also reveal different actors and their role and impact on the decision. From this, driving forces and benefits with JEF can be identified.   The results point to a strong political and military consensus with equal perception of external threats and opportunities. An overarching driver is to create a military integration with other regional actors in order to create a threshold and counterbalance to Russian action. Here, the UK is seen as a valuable player that Sweden wishes to have strong ties with in any crisis and conflict scenario. The cooperation is also expected to create the conditions for development of important military capabilities together with partners in the region. In contrast to former research this study shows that reasons to join cooperation’s has become more threat-driven. That might be a sign of tendency towards realism as a suitable explanatory model in times of increased threat and the pursuit of military utility in wake of Russian behaviour.

Utgångspunkt för uppsatsen är de nya krigen och deras strategiska karaktärsdrag. Syftet är att seom dessa ligger till utgångspunkt för svensk och brittisk militärstrategisk doktrin. Frågeställningarsom behandlas är vilka strategiska karaktärsdrag de nya krigen kan sägas ha, hur väl dessaöverensstämmer med svensk och brittisk doktrin, samt vilka likheter och skillnader som kanidentifieras.Undersökningen och jämförelsen genomförs med hjälp av ett verktyg som omfattar parametrarnaaktörer, moraliska resurser, medel, metoder, arena och stridskrafter. Med detta verktyg skapasutifrån litteratur om de nya krigen en typbild som visar den strategiska karaktären. Källmaterialet,svensk och brittisk doktrin, undersöks genom kvalitativ textanalys i ett komparativt upplägg.Studien visar att det finns en stor överensstämmelse mellan beskrivningen i doktrinerna ochtypbilden. Den svenska framstår som mer generellt hållen medan den brittiska är tydligare och merkonkret i de flesta fall. Skillnader som skulle kunna tolkas ut är att den svenska doktrinen visar påen småstat som ser farorna och hoten men inte vågar bli alltför konkret i utpekandet av dem, samtär beroende av att få internationellt stöd för sitt agerande och att få aktören media på sin sida. Denbrittiska visar i sin tur mer på en stat med mer erfarenhet av att agera på egen hand och som ärmedveten om vilka faror och konsekvenser som detta medför.En övergripande slutsats är att konflikternas komplexa och asymmetriska karaktär inte kan mötasmed enbart en militär strategi. Det krävs en samlad nationell strategi och samverkan på alla nivåer. / The thesis deals with the new kind of war and it´s strategic context and characteristics. Theapproach is to create a “strategic footprint” from literature concerning the issue and then makea comparison between Swedish and British military strategic doctrine.The objective is to conclude to what extent the new kind of war can be seen as a basis forSwedish doctrine. It is also to see what similarities and differences it is possible to identifybetween Swedish and British doctrine. In order to do this, strategic theory is used astheoretical framework.The thesis concludes that there is a great deal of correspondence between the “strategicfootprint” and the both doctrines. However, the Swedish doctrine can be seen as moregeneric, while the British is more precise and to the point.An overarching conclusion is that the new strategic context cannot be approached by militarystrategy and military means alone, but needs a national strategy and a comprehensive view. / <p>Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps. Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03</p>

Climate change is one of the hottest topics on the globe as of right now. The deadline of reaching both the Sustainable Development Goals and the Paris Agreement is getting closer, and actions are needed. This thesis focus on how two countries, Sweden and the United Kingdom are working towards achieving goal 13 of the Sustainable Development Goals. Policies, implementations of policies and actions are assessed. The study is a comparative case study that is based on secondary data presented by each country in official reports, the annual Sustainable Development Report as well as the Nationally Determined Contribution report by each country. The International Regime Approach is the theoretical framework used for consideration and comparison between the actions and non-actions by the two countries, where the relationship to the European Union plays an important role. The findings of the study shows that both Sweden and the United Kingdom is passionately working towards achieving the climate goals and has pointed out relevant policies and actions to meet the SDGs. Progress has been made in both countries as emission rates has been radically reduced but despite their devotion, both countries are far from reaching the climate goals as the overall progress of implementation of policies are not on satisfactory levels.

Purpose with the thesis is to describe the housing situation in the UK, identify challenges and key solutions to them. To meet the purpose three research questions have been formulated: How has the British housing market developed since world war 2? Which challenges does the British housing market face? Which are the possible solutions to the challenges on the housing market? The method used is literature sources, statistics databases well as interviews and surveys with professionals within the field. Most information was collected in the UK where were based for two months. The result and analyses are divided up in a chapter containing the housing history for UK as a whole to get a solid ground and to better understand the statistics, the main problems and potential solutions. After presenting the history I have identified the main problems in the housing market and their solutions. Problems which have their roots in the past and have developed during the years and solutions which are either new or something which worked in the past. To get a short summary of the history the most important decades are summarised in the following table. Summary 1946-1979 The era had both the Socialdemocratic Labour in power and the right wing Conservatives. The planning agenda was first oriented towards physical planning where the physical was in focus to solve the problems. During the 1960s and 1970s it was the planning which was more focused towards scientific and economic solutions to solve the problems in the cities. New houses were built mostly by the public sector which built more than 1.7 million new homes. Along with the new dwellings towns where also built and dimensioned for about 20000-60000 inhabitants. Prefabrication was introduced in order to build many houses fast and cheap. The overall building of new homes peaked in 1968 and then declined thereafter because of focus on reinvesting in the existing housing. 1980-1999 During the 1980s with the conservative Thatcher in power the view was that the state had too much power, they spent too much money and there was a limitation on free market. This showed in the urban policies which were more entrepreneurial than before. The state put a cap on the public spending which affected the building of new housing. They also sold out their share of the housing market through the “right to buy” act. During the 1990s there was a backlash to the 1980s models and it become more popular to focus on publicprivate partnerships. 2000-2019 The first half of this era had Labour in power and in the other half the Conservatives. What characterised this time was that the population as well as the economy grew but the housing building was stable and low. This meant the gap between dwellings and amount of inhabitants grew. During the first part of the era Labour focused on building and investing in existing areas in order to create better communities but this was abandoned by the Conservatives which focused more on economic growth. The challenges can be divided up in two categories; how we ensure there is more housing built and how we steer and maintain existing houses. On the UK market and specially in London there is a unbalance in the relationship between supply and demand, where the supply is not big enough compared to the demand. The reason to why supply is not enough is because there aren’t enough buildings built and the demand has increased at the same time. In the past the council built their own houses in order to ensure there was enough supply on the market, however the last 40 years the housing market has been left to private sector. The existing properties are sold out by the municipalities in order to fund other sectors within the community. The buyers of different properties are often wealthy people who later let out to the people for a high rent. The thesis present six different solutions, both market oriented and public sector oriented. The solutions are the following: 1. Lowering Construction Cost through prefabrication 2. More Effective and Smaller living 3. Temporary Housing and Temporary Permissions 4. Local Authorities builds new housing 5. Reinterpreting “Land Value” 6. CLT – community owned land trust I have come to the conclusion that since housing is a complex matter we need different sorts of solutions. We need both market oriented and public sector oriented solutions in order to find a solution and an end on the housing shortage. Therefore all six solutions which was presented is valid on different scale solving different angles of the problems with housing shortage.

The purpose of this study is to examine how the narration between Swedish and British textbooks in history differs, with focus on the era of the Cold War. This study will also examine how the narration between countries has developed in history textbooks between 1959 and 2020, with three textbooks from each country. One textbook from Sweden and Britain written at the beginning of the Cold War, one from each country at the end of the Cold War and finally one from each country written in modern time for a retrospective view on the era. From what this study has concluded is that Swedish and British textbooks in history does differ in the earlier history textbooks with Sweden having a focus on a democracy narration during 1959 and 1996, but changes it's pragmatic neutrality story to a story of equality between the decades. The British history textbooks from 1963 and 1989 have in contrast a different focus, it's narration. During 1963 Britain has a variability story which develops into a prosperity story during the 1990’s. In the modern era of the 21-centuary, the textbooks from both Sweden and Great Britain share a similar form of narration, as both tell a history with focus on democracy and a latter form of the equality story.

Bakgrunnen for innføringen av CJTF-konseptet, og dermed innslag av multinasjonale enheter, varreduksjoner i de alliertes nasjonale styrkestrukturer. Dessuten er flernasjonale styrker blitt mer vanlige bådei internasjonale fredsstøtteoperasjoner og for å løse mer tradisjonelle allierte oppgaver.Det er viktig å kunne se sammenhengen mellom NATOs nye deployeringskonsepter. Tidligere hadde ikkeNATO et system som ivaretok de prosesser og aktiviteter som var nødvendige i perioden fra krisen var etfaktum til en CJTF var operativ. NRF er ment å skulle fylle dette tomrommet.Den forsvars- og sikkerhetspolitiske utviklingen er, og har vært, preget av mange begivenheter. NATOstilnærming til Europa, European Security and Defence Identity, og EUs militære fokusering, EuropeanSecurity and Defence Policy, er begge viktige milepæler for ulike nasjoners militære fokusering.Sammen med nye operasjonsområder og tilhørende konfliktskala, ulike konfliktløsere og nasjonersalliansetilhørighet, vil jeg belyse tre valgte lands maritime evne og villighet til å delta internasjonalt iNATOs nye konsepter.Sverige – på tross av sitt medlemskap i EU, en stadig tilnærming til NATO samt satsning på kystnæreoperasjonskonsepter – har tydelige begrensninger. Den politiske viljen er ikke alltid like presis og dethersker en for stor diskrepans mellom mål og midler. Norge har med sitt NATO medlemskap opparbeidetseg verdifull erfaring, de har en velutviklet konseptuel basis, men må være observant sin marginale flåtepark.Storbritannia – som en europeisk stormakt og foregangsland på mange områder – har gjentatte gangerdemonstrert evne, politisk vilje og handlekraft. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-uppsHylla: Upps. ChP 02-04

− Mitt syfte med denna uppsats är att pröva förhärskande luftmaktsteori på ett verkligtskeende. I uppsatsen prövas därför giltigheten av John Boyds och John A. Warden III teorier påSlaget om Storbritannien. Min avsikt med detta är inte att ställa Warden mot Boyd för attdärigenom pröva vilken av teorierna som framstår som bättre än den andra, utan metoden attpröva dessa på ett verkligt skeende syftar endast till att pröva dem var för sig. Min frågeställningblir därför;Fråga: Håller dessa teorier för en prövning på en verklig händelse?− För att svara på min frågeställning har jag gått till väga på följande sätt. Uppsatsens förstadel handlar om vad luftmakt är, dess grundläggande egenskaper, fördelar samt begränsningar.Detta för att skapa förståelse för uttrycket som sådant. Därefter följer en genomgång och analysav vad förhärskande luftmakts teori är och tankarna bakom denna. De teorier som behandlasunder detta epitet är de av John Boyd och John A. Warden III. Därefter knyts denna och förstadelen ihop för att därigenom skapa förståelse och en helhetssyn av begreppet luftmakt ochförhärskande luftmaktsteori. Som tredje del i uppsatsen kommer själva prövningen av teoriernamot Slaget om Storbritannien. Denna del är uppdelad i fyra olika faser som avgränsas viadatum. Detta för att skapa en lättöverskådlig struktur. Faserna är i sig indelade i beskrivning avfasen, genomförande och slutresultat. Teorin prövas genom att jag jämför teori med verkligtskeende i varje fas, slutsatser rörande teorins giltighet dras därav och sammanfattas i varje del.Slutligen avslutas uppsatsen med en sammanfattning där svar ges på frågeställningen.− Avgränsningar och motiv till dessa görs under uppsatsens gång varför jag endast redovisardessa i punktform här.Jag behandlar enbart Slaget om Storbritannien, tidsperiod 10 juli 1940-31 oktober samma år.Jag behandlar enbart luftkrigetJag behandlar Warden på det tyska agerandet och Boyd på det brittiska. / My purpose with this Essay is to examine if the theories of John Boyd andJohn A. Warden III will stand a test of reality. I therefore look at theplanning, execution and result of The Battle of Britain in order to do this.The essay is divided into four different parts. The first part deals with theexpression Air Power, its basic characteristics, advantages and limitations.This part is meant to lead a non air force officer into the essay and make itunderstandable. The next part is an analysis of the theories and the thoughtsbehind them. After this the two parts is amalgamated in order to createknowledge and a comprehensive view of Air Power and its theories. Thethird part is the test of the theories. In this part The Battle of Britain isdivided into four different phases in order to create a good structure and apossibility for the reader to follow me in my discussions. The theories aretested by looking at preparation, carrying through and results in bothGerman and British behaviour. By saying this I want to stress that thepurpose with the essay is not to examine why the German campaign endedas it did or why RAF took the victory, nor is it a test of which one of thetheories is the better one. It is a test where I look at Boyd by examineRAF/FC planning, carrying through and results and Warden by doing thesame on Luftwaffe. The fourth part is a summing up, where the question ofthe essay is answered.In my answer I level criticism against the “five ring model” of JohnWarden. The remark I do concerns the idea of separating the political willfrom the people. I find this separation valid only when looking on adictatorship not a democracy. In this discussion I find that the targetingmodel affects the theory in the way that it only suits physical destructionbased on parallel attacks and not psychic breakdown.The theory of John Boyd passes without remarks.Having said this I discuss what these results tells us. I find that the essayproves the possibility to falsify a theory but that the result is valid in thiscase only. The main issue I want to point out with my result though is thatit can work as a springboard for further examinations of these theories. Ifother authors come to the same result as I, with their examinations made onother real events, the conclusion must be that the answers all togetherproofs that the theory limps. How many answers that must point in thesame direction I don’t know, the important thing is that the theories aretested, otherwise the risk is that they can be looked at as truths, which theyare not. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03