This thesis is about the economic aspects of public procurement of services through auctionsin Sweden. It focuses on two different institutions, auctions used to find foste r-parents forboarded out children in the 19th century, and auctions of cleaning service contracts in the 20 thcentury. I n both cases, the contracting entity is the municipality or its representative, thelowest bidder wins the auction, and is paid in accordance with his/her bid.In the child auctions, c hildren were allotted to foster-parents by means of an open biddingprocess, the descending English auction, where the bids were given continuously to theauctioneer. In modern public procurement sealed bids ar e used in accordance with the firstprice,sealed bid auction. The first part of this thesis is about price formation in the childauctions and a study is made of the children who were auctioned several times, indicatingasymmetric information among bidders or adverse selection in this market. These subjects arestudied using field data on 601 child auctions held in Northern Sweden during the period 1863to 1889. The empirical findings in the first paper suggest that the foster-parents had a cleareconomic motive in these auctions. The child characteristics significantly affect the amount ofcompensation paid to the foster-parent. There is also evidence that farmers preferred older,more productive children. The second paper studies whether a re-auctioned child commandeda higher or lower price than a child that was not re-auctioned. The results indicate some formof asymmetric information because foster-parents demanded a higher level of compensationfor a re-auctioned child. The results also suggest that the probability that a child was reauctionedincreased if he/she was not healthy.The third paper in the thesis discusses a kind of "paradox". Although there is a competitiveeffect on the bids in the auction of cleaning service contracts, the contracting entity has anoption, given by law, to restrict the number of bidders. In th is paper, an implementation costis introduced fo r the contracting entity to justify such a restriction. The results, based onSwedish municipality data, indicate that contract and municipality characteristics, assumed toaffect the implementation cost, affect the volume of the procurement, and the number ofbidders, but not necessarily the choice of allocation mechanism. The final paper studiesregional differences in bids, costs, and competition in municipal procurement using the samedata as in paper [3]. The results show higher estimated costs for completing the contract, butlower estimated mean bids in the major city area of Stockholm compared with the res t of thecountry. This is explained by lower profit margins and higher operational costs in the majorcity area. An analysis is also carried out of why the lowest bidder is not always the contractedbidder. / <p>Härtill 4 delar.</p> / digitalisering@umu

This essay presents an example of the musical life of a female composer active in Sweden during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Through a case study on composer Sara Wennerberg-Reuter (1875-1959), the essay contributes information to her biography, which had been lacking specific details. Wennerberg-Reuter's biography has been discussed regarding traditional roles of women in music, her relationship to her own artistry and other active women composers, and finally the contemporary reception of Wennerberg-Reuter as a legitimate composer. Aesthetical theories prevalent during Wennerberg-Reuter’s life has been applied in these discussions, such as those presented by Citron, Öhrström and Hanson, combined with Citron's additional theories considering masculine/feminine elements in the musical approach. The main conclusions reached regarding the specific conditions enabling a professional status as a composer and woman in Sweden during the given time are; a) the liberal permission by the family to pursue higher education in composing, since this was in opposition to the traditions of the time. b) the access to a network of musically active women, from which a sense of being part of a female community can be created. c) the acceptance from musical institutions such as higher educations, composer's societies and media critics.

There were many ways of bordering manliness during the historical period covered by my research. Borders have been metaphorically understood as those invisible, often non-enunciated limits that have safeguarded manliness. There were borders separating masculinity from femininity and from childishnes, but there is also a more distant border, separating masculinity from the bestial. The term un-manliness is a useful concept for this analysis, for it can be used to illuminate the different ways in which masculinity has been interrogated. The concept can also be used in comparative analyses of how tolerance towards men deviating from ideas of ideal masculinity has differed according to situation and culture. It has been my ambition to elucidate the particular attitudes, values, customs, knowledge and requirements that influenced the view of masculinity at both individual and the group level. The clearest-cut aspects of manliness and un-manliness expressed in court proceedings were those having to do with sexuality, relations within the household, and the subordinate and dominant masculinities displayed by different court-room actors. The latter, in turn, reflected contemporary social structures, including the social gap that divided the Livonian peasantry’s serfs or former serfs from the ruling Baltic-German elite. Records from the court proceedings have shown the subordinate masculinity of the defendants, subordinate not only to that of the officers of the court but to that of the witnesses. This subordination was an inevitable consequence of the nature of the accusations, regardless of whether they were deemed well-founded or false.  The defendants were placed in a situation where they were forced constantly to be on the alert, ready to defend themselves and show their best sides. As a result, they would often give extremely clear expression to their views of proper masculinity. Such actors stressed, consciously or unconsciously, certain manly traits and behaviour patterns that characterised themselves and others. Their arguments provide insights into what they thought of each other and how they conceived a man should generally be, behave and act in different situations. By the same token, they clearly showed what kinds of behaviours were considered undesirable or outright unmanly. The positioning of the borders of manliness was linked both to time and to space. Deviations have helped different societies set the borders for what they considered acceptable behaviour. There was a clear cultural and geographical border between Sweden as such, and the Swedish province Livonia. This emerges clearly when one compares Livonian results with earlier studies on bestiality in Sweden. This shows that the view of manliness and the tolerance towards certain kinds of behaviour changed as one moved East.

No description available.

The purpose of this essay is to find out to what female migration from Sweden to Britain looked like in 1894, 1914, 1925, and 1940, and to what extent any changes seen were affected by the economy and political changes to women’s rights. In order to do this I have analysed statistics found in archive material, in addition to literature relating to migration into Britain, the economy, and women’s rights, in order to see if there is a correlation between changes in the statistics presented and changes in society. In doing this, I found that although there are immense changes to the rights of women between 1894 and 1940 in both Sweden and Britain, such as the right to vote, the right to equal work, and the right to equal pensions, migration patterns lean much further towards the economical changes than the political changes. The biggest of these economic factors in Britain was quite clearly the industrial revolution, which affected multiple sectors of work for every type of person. Meanwhile Sweden had a situation where there was an excess of women in the country, and 90% of those that worked were agricultural workers, leading to a large outlier of ‘pigor’ or female farmhands who emigrated in 1894. / Syftet med denna uppsatsen är att undersöka hur kvinnlig migration från Sverige till Storbritannien såg ut under år 1894, 1914, 1925 och 1940. Jag har även undersökt till vilken grad eventuella ändringar, av migrationen, påverkades av ekonomin och även de politiska förändringarna gällande kvinnliga rättigheter. För att uppnå syftet har jag analyserat statistik samlad från arkivmaterial. Detta tillsammans med litteratur kring migration till Storbritannien, ekonomin och kvinnliga rättigheter, för att kunna se ifall det finns en korrelation mellan skillnaderna i den presenterade statistiken och hur samhället ändrades. Genom att göra detta fann jag att fastän det finns stora skillnader i kvinnornas rättigheter mellan 1894 och 1940 i både Sverige och Storbritannien, som till exempel rösträtten, rätt till arbete och rätt till samma pension som män, så lutade ändringen i migrationen mycket mer åt i hur ekonomin ändrade sig än själva politiken. Den största ekonomiska faktorn i Storbritannien var den industriella revolutionen, vilket påverkade många olika arbetssektorer för alla i samhället. Under tiden detta pågick i Storbritannien fann Sverige sig i en situation där det fanns ett överflöd av kvinnor i landet, varav 90% arbetade inom jordbruket. En följd av situationen var den konstaterade utflyttningen av många pigor till Storbritannien år 1894.

In this essay the reception of Helena Munktell’s 1885 1921 compositions are mapped andanalysed. The term reception is used to express to what extent Munktell’s compositions wereperformed, and also how they were received in newspaper reviews. The reception is studiedholistically. This means that all identifiable concerts and all accessible newspaper reviews havebeen taken into consideration, and that the mapping and analysis aims to demonstrate how thereception differs between genres and countries, as wel l as how it changes over time.Helena Munktell (1852 1919) was a Swedish composer, pianist, and singer. Hercatalogue is concise, but she composed music in several different genres. In 1915 she wasinducted into The Royal Swedish Academy of Music Munktell was active in both Sweden andFrance, and her work shows traces of Swedish folk music as well as French style elements. Shestudied composition with a number of teacher s, both in Stockholm and Paris. Her mostinfluential teacher was Vincent d’Indy. Through him directly, and César Franck indirectly, hercompositions came to include neo French mannerisms such as cyclic form, colourful chordchanges, and downplaying the imp ortance of melody in favour of harmonic progression.The analysis was done in four stages. In the first stage facts were collected. Thebulk of the source material was gathered from a scrapbook with reviews from Munktell ’sposthumous collections, and from the national database of Swedish newspapers Svenskadagstidningar In the second stage a calendar of all identifiable concerts was comprised. In thethird stage an account of all compositions, concerts, and reviews for each respective genre wascreated. In the fourth stage the results were analysed from a historical perspective and fromPierre Bourdieu’s theory on capital and fieldApproximately 140 concerts have been identified. The vocal genres are dominantmore than half of the performances concern works for vocal soloists. The opera I Firenze wasperformed in Stockholm 13 times. This accomplishment can be attributed to the fact thatMunktell had an abundance of what Bourdieu call s cultural and social capital. The opera andthe vocal performances were almost exclusively well reviewed. Munktell’s compositions werealso successful in France. She became a member of the prestigious organisation SociétéNationale de Musique where several of her compositions were performed. Three of her fourorchestral works were premiered in France, as was her violin sonata. Munktell’s success inFrance can be explained partly by her compositions having a strong French influence, and thefact that cultural capital is highly valued in France. Dalsvit was the only orchestral work thatwas performed in Sweden during her lifetime and it received very mixed reviews. The violinsonata is the instrumental composition that w as performed the most. It received mixed reviewsin the daily newspapers at the time of its first performance in Stockholm in 1905, butconsiderably more positive appraisal after the memorial concert at The Royal Swedish Operain 1921. This can be explained by the societal interest and appreciation of German musicaldominance giving way to F rench musical styles in a different way in 1921.The account from Swedish Musical Heritage Anders Edling’s biography onHelena Munktell, saying that all contemporary re views of Munktell as a composer were positiveis incorrect; they were mixed, varying between genres, and changing over time.A similar analysis could be carried out concerning other composers works. Suchan analysis would make it possible to compare the reception between two or more composers’work, but also how their different prerequisites may have influenced their reception. / I uppsatsen kartläggs och analyseras receptionen av Helena Munktells kompositioner under åren 1885–1921. Med reception avses dels i vilken utsträckning Munktells kompositioner blev framförda, dels hur de blev mottagna i tidningsrecensioner. Receptionen utforskas ur ett helhetsperspektiv. Det betyder att alla identifierbara konserter och alla tillgängliga recensioner omfattas och att kartläggningen och analysen syftar till att åskådliggöra hur receptionen skiljer sig åt mellan genrer och mellan länder liksom hur den förändras med tiden.  Helena Munktell (1852–1919) var en svensk tonsättare, pianist och sångerska. Hennes verkförteckning är kort men hon komponerade i ett flertal genrer. År 1915 blev hon invald som tonsättare i Kungliga Musikaliska Akademien. Munktell var verksam i både Sverige och Frankrike och i hennes verk finns såväl svenska folkmusikinfluenser som franska stilelement. Hon tog lektioner i komposition för ett flertal lärare, både i Stockholm och Paris. Den lärare som påverkade henne mest var Vincent d’Indy. Genom honom och därmed indirekt genom César Franck kom hennes kompositioner att inrymma stildrag från den nyfranska skolan: cyklisk form, färgskapande ackordväxlingar och nedtoning av melodins betydelse till förmån för harmonisk progression. Undersökningen har genomförts i fyra steg. I första steget samlades fakta in. Huvud-sakligt källmaterial var en klippbok med recensioner från Munktells efterlämnade samlingar samt recensioner från databasen Svenska dagstidningar. I andra steget togs en kalender fram omfattande alla identifierade konserter. I tredje steget utarbetades en redogörelse över kompositioner, konserter och recensioner för respektive genre. I fjärde steget analyserades resultatet ur ett historiskt perspektiv och utifrån Pierre Bourdieus teorier om kapital och fält. Cirka 140 konserter har identifierats. De vokala genrerna dominerar och över hälften av konserterna avser solosång. Operan I Firenze framfördes i Stockholm 13 gånger. Denna bedrift kan till viss del förklaras med att Munktell hade god tillgång till det Bourdieu kallar kulturellt och socialt kapital. Operan och solosångerna fick nästan uteslutande goda omdömen i recensionerna. Munktells kompositioner rönte stora framgångar i Frankrike. Hon blev medlem i den prestigefyllda föreningen Société Nationale de Musique där flera av hennes kompositioner framfördes. Tre av hennes fyra orkesterverk uruppfördes i Frankrike, så också hennes violinsonat. Munktells framgångar i Frankrike kan förklaras dels med att hon till stor del komponerade i fransk stil, dels med att kulturellt kapital värderas mycket högt i Frankrike. Dalsvit var det enda orkesterverk som framfördes i Sverige under hennes levnad och den renderade starkt skiftande omdömen. Munktells violinsonat är den instrumentala komposition som framfördes mest. Sonaten fick ett blandat bemötande i dagspressen efter framförandet i Stockholm 1905 men betydligt positivare omdömen efter minneskonserten på Kungliga Operan 1921. Detta kan förklaras med att den tyska musikstilens dominans hade mattats av och att de franska stildragen uppskattades på ett annat sätt 1921.  Uppgiften i Anders Edlings biografi över Helena Munktell i Levande musikarv om att alla samtidens omdömen om Munktell som tonsättare var positiva stämmer inte; de var skiftande, skiljde sig åt mellan genrer och förändrades med tiden.  En motsvarande undersökning skulle kunna genomföras rörande andra tonsättares verk. En sådan studie skulle göra det möjligt att jämföra receptionen av tonsättarnas verk och också jämföra vilken betydelse tonsättarnas olika förutsättningar kan ha haft för receptionen.

This study treats the topic of smallpox prevention in Sweden during the nascent phase of vaccination between 1798–1805. The aim is to examine how Swedish physicians sought to establish trustworthiness for a new medical treatment as well as to analyse the relation between professional physicians and the unlicensed actors involved in the practice, i.e. the clergy and their assistants. The source material consists of pamphlets, articles in daily papers and annual reports written by Swedish physicians. By drawing upon theories on boundary-work and epistemic authority, this study has found that several boundaries were drawn within the medical space by the physicians who strived to retain the elements of the practice that were considered the most crucial, while delegating others. More importantly, the study has found that the physicians attempted to engage the clergy in the dissemination of knowledge due to their influence over the public. According to the physicians, the clergy were able to establish a credibility for the vaccine which could induce the population to undergo the treatment without coercion or laws made by the government.

The purpose of this essay is to examine whether visiting noblemen at the castles of Borgholm and Kalmar with their vast network of acquaintances can determine a tendency towards a political stance in the civil war of Sweden in the late 16th century. This is done by examining the guests and the company of the bailiff, born as a commoner but later governor and nobleman, Christoffer Gyllengrip Andersson, who in the end of the century would perish in the same manner as many of the peerage who fell at the bloodbath of Linköping in the year 1600. The networks are analyzed with the help of accountings and census records from the above mentioned castles between the years 1579-1592 whereon by the year 1593 the following national as well as local events will be analyzed and presented until the year 1600. The essay shows that allegiance to one or the other side can be seen to certain degree in the presented era delving into Kalmar Castle generally, allthough the true nature of one’s political ideals become most visible in the later 1590s when the noblemen actually are forced to take sides, instead of the double-agent poppycock of which they were in the antecedent decade of 1580. The essay shows that the information given by the census-records can be anchored in history’s more famous line such as when Olof Andersson Oxehufvud (one of many) is assigned as governor in the year 1594 to prevent the eminent empowerment of his uncle Karl, Duke of Södermanland, Närke and Värmland.

It has long been taken for granted that no serious drama work was done in Swedish schools before the 1950s. However, at the Tyringe Helpension – a progressive education girls’ boarding school that existed between the years 1909-1936 – drama was used as a method in many school subjects, as well as for social training. Ester Boman, the founder and principal of Tyringe, even talked about theatre as an experimental laboratory of the humanities. This study explores how that drama work evolved and why it has been forgotten. The study uses traditional history research methods with an emphasison hermeneutics, and with some addition from recent critical text analysis. The educational drama at the Tyringe Helpension is contextualized from five aspects: 1) The life and work of Ester Boman. 2) The private Swedish girls’ school system. 3) The international and the Swedish progressive education movement – Ester Boman was strongly influenced by Sofi Almquist and Ellen Key. She was also a member of the New Education Fellowship. 4) The teaching methods of the Tyringe Helpension as a whole. 5) Previous and contemporary use of drama in education and the theory of the dramatic instinct. The study shows that these five contexts were all important for the evolution of educational drama at the Tyringe Helpension and contributedin making the drama work there exceptionally rich and varied. These contexts are also crucial for the explanation of why this work was so quickly forgotten. However, it also had some importance that the Swedish drama pioneers of the 1950s were not particularly interested in what had been done before

<p>Ämnet som behandlas i denna uppsats är förnamnsutvecklingen i de två värmländska församlingarna Karlstad och Ekshärad. Det är två typer av utvecklingar som studerats. Dels hur många förnamn föräldrarna gav sina barn under perioden 1800-1920, dels vilka förnamn som gavs de nyfödda barnen mellan åren 1800-1859.</p><p>Vad gäller hur många förnamn barnen fick så var det under hela 1800-talet stor skillnad mellan de båda församlingarna. I Karlstad fick en majoritet på mellan 60 och 80 procent av barnen två förnamn. I Ekshärad var det däremot mer vanligt att endast ge dem ett. Först på 1850-talet var det färre än 90% av de döpta som fick ett förnamn. Ännu vid år 1920 hade man inte kommit ikapp Karlstad, men förändringen till att använda fler förnamn var här betydligt snabbare än i Karlstad.</p><p>Det finns inte mycket som tyder på att namnen har spridits från stad till landsbygd, eller åt andra hållet. I Ekshärad är Lars och Per de populäraste namnen på pojkarna. Flickorna heter bland annat Ingeborg, Kerstin eller Marit. Att göra en liknande sammanfattning för Karlstad är inte lika lätt, där de populäraste namnen varierar kraftigt. Hos pojkarna är det bara namnet Johan som alltid finns med bland de fyra toppnamnen. Två andra namn som varit populära är Anders och Carl. Toppnamnet hos flickorna är fram till 1820-talet det relativt korta Caisa. Sedan blir toppnamnet istället det betydligt längre Carolina, som först delar platsen med Christina och vid 1850-talets slut med Augusta.</p><p>Den största skillnaden mellan församlingarna, vad gäller vilka namn barnen gavs, är dock att de 10 populäraste namnen i Ekshärad representerar över 70% av alla namngivna flickor/pojkar. Dessutom är det bara hos flickorna som flernamnsförnamn kommer in på topp 10, vilket sker först på 1840-talet. I Karlstad är motsvarande siffror under 50%. Det finns dessutom både hos flickor och hos pojkar minst ett flernamnsförnamn representerat på topp 10 i Karlstad. Utvecklingen av namngivningen beror troligast på traditionen med att låta förnamnen gå i arv. Namnen verkar inte ha spridits åt något håll mellan de båda församlingarna Karlstad och Ekshärad.</p>