Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-02T20:06:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSÉ MARCIANO MONTEIRO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2009..pdf: 25360236 bytes, checksum: 4c6b3e5f7855e597f161ebfedad4e947 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-02T20:06:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSÉ MARCIANO MONTEIRO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2009..pdf: 25360236 bytes, checksum: 4c6b3e5f7855e597f161ebfedad4e947 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03 / A presente dissertação tem por objetivo analisar os discursos e as práticas que permitiram a perpetuação do poder local da família Ernesto-Rêgo no município de Queimadas – PB. Analisa o exercício do domínio político por mais de quatro gerações no município e as razões pelas quais a política queimadense, desde o seu processo de emancipação, tem apresentado em suas disputas eleitorais ao cargo executivo, uma forte presença e definindo, a seu favor, a continuidade do poder no interior do grupo familiar ou de seus prepostos. Objetiva-se responder às seguintes questões: Através de que práticas se instituíram tal dominação? Qual a origem genealógica dessa família e seus ramos parentais? Quais as formas ou maneiras dessas famílias realizarem as ações políticas locais? Para responder a estas questões, em termos metodológicos, fez-se uso do trabalho de campo e da história oral, recorrendo principalmente, à memória, através de entrevistas abertas; outra fonte de pesquisa foram os jornais, vídeos e pesquisa bibliográfica. E como fio teórico condutor da análise, a abordagem de Pierre Bourdieu, a partir de sua proposta de Sociologia da Prática, pautada na noção de campo, habitus e capitais, atravessa todo o texto analítico. O texto assim, discorre sobre a genealogia desta família, tentando compreender os capitais que, historicamente, foram sendo construídos. E associado a isto, a dominação política que esta família foi exercendo através dos capitais construídos historicamente e das práticas e ações desenvolvidas localmente. Capitais estes que estão relacionados ao “nome da família”, a posse de terras, as práticas e ações que dizem respeito às relações de compadrio e as trocas de favores na sociedade queimadense. Desta feita, constatou-se que a dominação política local se estabelece a partir das ações de dependência construídas por aqueles que são detentores de um maior quantum de capital possível em relação àqueles que são desprovidos de capital. Fato que permite concluir que a dominação política exercida por esta família a partir das relações de compadrio e das relações de favores, é quem constroem os laços sentimentais e pragmáticos que ligam as pessoas à liderança, e a dependência política se traduz na triste frase “eu devo favor”, o que significa uma forma de gratidão, uma dívida cujo preço é a fidelidade sem limites, que pode resultar na possibilidade constante de subordinação pessoal e familiar, ou seja, na mais profunda violência simbólica. / The present dissertation objectives to analyze the discourses and the practices that allowed the perpetuation of local power of the family Ernesto-Rêgo in the city of Queimadas - PB. Analyzes the exercise of politic domain extended for more than four generations in the city and the reasons why politic of Queimadas, since its process of emancipation, has presented on its electoral disputes for executive loads, an strong presence and defined on its favor, the continuity of power in the interior of familiar groups or its functionaries. We objective to answer the following questions: Which practices instituted this domination? What are the genealogic origin of this family and its parental branches? How does this family realizes local politic actions? To answer these questions, in methodological terms, we did a camp work and oral history, appealing mainly to memory, through open interviews; another font of researches were the newspapers, videos and bibliographic research. And conducing this analyze, the boarding of Pierre Bourdieu, from his propose of Sociology of Practice, following the notions of campo, habitus e capitais, pass through the analytic text. The text discuss about the genealogy of this family, trying to understand the capitais that historically, were being build. And, associated to this, the politic domination that this family was doing through capitals historically constructed and the practices and actions developed locally. These capitals are related to “family name”, land ownership, the practices and actions that are related to proximal relationships and exchanged favors on the society. We contacted that local politic domination is established from actions of dependency built for those who detain the biggest quantity of possible capital in relation to that who are disproved of that. Fact that allows to conclude that politic domination exerted for this family of proximal relationships and favors relationships, build sentimental bows and pragmatics that link people to leadership, and political dependency is traduced in the sad statement: “I must reattribute a favor”, what means a way of gratitude, one bill that price is the fidelity without limits, that can result on the possibility of personal subordination and familiar, that is, the deepest symbolic violence.

Dans un essai qui aurait tout aussi bien pu s'intituler « L'islam chiite entre la politique et la religion, le cas du Liban », une analyse de l'islam politique demeure nécessaire pour mettre la lumière sur la différence entre islamisme et religion musulmane. Avec un peu moins de deux milliards de musulmans dans le monde, la religion musulmane est devenue la première religion pratiquée dans le monde actuel. Le dynamique de cette religion a permis la création d'un immense empire aux populations hétérogènes. Ainsi que, la coexistence entre religion et régime politique a provoquée de véritables luttes armées entre les grandes familles politico-religieuses, notamment le sunnisme et le chiisme. Le sunnisme ayant souvent l'étiquette d'orthodoxie a gardé cette aspect alors que le chiisme devint autres chose ce qu'il était à l'origine, lorsqu'on y voyait seulement le parti qui s'était rassemblé autour d'Ali ibn Abî Tâlib, cousin et gendre du prophète Mohammad. Dans ses quelques traitements de la doctrine islamique nous constatons que ces familles politico-religieuses, tant sunnites que chiites, proliférèrent les unes à côté des autres en même temps qu'elles se combattirent et souvent se condamnèrent réciproquement. Ceci est dû au fait qu'en l'islam, il n'y a jamais eu de pouvoir interprétatif qualifié, individuel ou collégial capable de s'imposer sans conteste.L'effondrement de l'Empire Ottoman donna l'occasion à la France et la Grande-Bretagne de partager le monde arabe sur la base des fameux accords Sykes-picot. La France va restructurer les territoires syrien et libanais, elle établit la structure constitutionnelle confessionnelle complexe du Liban, faisant du pays de Cèdre le plus grand laboratoire du communautarisme. Dans le Liban d'après-guerre, le communautarisme va de soi, il reflète l'état de la société et celle de la conciliation entre spécificités confessionnelle et principe fondamental de l'Etat nation. Le communautarisme libanais va évoluer à travers des mutations économiques, sociales et politiques, notamment chez la communauté chiite. Nous présenterons l'évolution de la communauté chiite dans cet environnement, ainsi que le rôle fondamental joué par Moussa el-Sadr dans la libération de la communauté chiite. Son objectif étant une réaction à la conscience politique du «Metwali». Sa première action était la lutte contre les inégalités sociales et devait s'engager avec l'Etat libanais dans une série d'affrontements qui couvraient souvent un aspect spectaculaire: grève générale en 1970, avertissement au gouvernement et à la réunion de 1974 à Baalbeck que Moussa-El -Sadr a annoncé la naissance du mouvement AMAL. Ce mouvement joue un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique libanaise. Enfin, nous consacrons une partie de ce travail à l'émergence d'une milice radicale pro-iranienne chiite, le Hezbollah, qui a pénétré le système politique libanais. Sa place est privilégiée à cause de ses succès dans la résistance contre Israël, de ses actions sociales et humaines et de ses organisations. La timide participation du « parti de Dieu » au parlement libanais constituait un premier pas vers la « libanisation » du parti. En 2012, le parti chiite annonce sa participation aux combats en Syrie à côté de l'armée de Bachar el-Assad, freinant ainsi le processus de libanisation. Le Hezbollah devient un des acteurs incontournables de la géopolitique du Moyen Orient et retourne en force sur la scène politique libanaise pour s'inscrire dans le cadre d'un chiisme politique international. / In an essay that might as well have been entitled "Shia Islam between politics and religion, the case of Lebanon", an analysis of political Islam remains necessary to shed light on the difference between Islamism and religion Muslim. With just under two billion Muslims in the world, the Muslim religion has become the first religion practiced in the world today.The dynamics of this religion allowed the creation of an immense empire with heterogeneous populations. As well as, the coexistence between religion and political regime provoked real armed struggles between the big politico-religious families, notably Sunnism and Shiism.Sunnism often had the label of orthodoxy, but Shiism became something else that it was originally when one saw only the party that had gathered around Ali ibn Abi. Tâlib, cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Mohammad. In his few treatments of Islamic doctrine we find that these politico-religious families, both Sunni and Shiite, proliferated alongside each other at the same time that they fought each other and often condemned each other. This is due to the fact that in Islam there has never been a qualified, individual or collegiate interpretative power capable of imposing itself unquestionably.The collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave France and Britain the opportunity to share the Arab world on the basis of the famous Sykes-picot agreements. France will restructure the Syrian and Lebanese territories, it establishes the complex confessional constitutional structure of Lebanon, making the country of Cedar the largest laboratory of communitarianism. In post-war Lebanon, communitarianism is self-evident, reflecting the state of society and the reconciliation of confessional specificities with the fundamental principle of the nation-state. Lebanese communitarianism will evolve through economic, social and political changes, especially among the Shia community.We will present the evolution of the Shiite community in this environment, as well as the fundamental role played by Moussa el-Sadr in the liberation of the Shia community. His goal is a reaction to the political conscience of "Metwali". Its first action was the fight against social inequalities and was to engage with the Lebanese State in a series of clashes that often covered a spectacular aspect: general strike in 1970, warning to the government and to the 1974 meeting in Baalbeck that Moussa-El -Sadr announced the birth of the AMAL movement. This movement plays a vital role in Lebanese politics. Finally, we devote part of this work to the emergence of a radical pro-Iranian Shiite militia, Hezbollah, which has penetrated the Lebanese political system. His place is privileged because of his successes in the resistance against Israel, his social and human actions and his organizations. The timid participation of the "party of God" in the Lebanese parliament was a first step towards the "libanization" of the party. In 2012, the Shiite party announced its participation in the fighting in Syria next to the army of Bashar al-Assad, thus curbing the process of Lebanization. Hezbollah becomes one of the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East and returns in force on the Lebanese political scene to be part of an international political Shiism.

The thesis consists of seven chapters with each chapter focusing on a particular aspect of the research topic. Chapter One deals with conventional preliminaries such as aim of study, method of approach, literature overview and other introductory material. Chapter Two is an an overview of the foundations of Bishop Dwane's spirituality and his church's struggle for autonomy. It also covers the origins, the nature and the purpose of Ethiopianism as the central thread in Dwane's theologizing and family history. Chapter Three reflects the attitude of the Anglican Church to African traditional culture as reflected in three historical phases - the era of total onslaught on African culture and religion, the period of accommodation, and the phase of turning a blind eye to these matters for as long as Anglicanism remains intact. Chapter Four contains Dwane's views on various cultural issues culminating in his decision to indigenize his Ethiopian Episcopal Church's liturgy and other forms of worship by incorporating traditional healers into the church and invoking the presence of Qamata and the ancestors in worship. Chapter Five analyses Dwane's prophetic spirituality as evidenced by his advocacy role in fighting for justice and human rights in this country. He relentlessly fought for the rights of those who were victimized by the government of the day, and those who were willfully discriminated against. Chapter Six is on the evolution of an authentic Xhosa spirituality, in particular, and African spirituality in general, in the Ethiopian Episcopal Church. While the main focus of the study is the evolution of Xhosa spirituality, it should be emphasized that the thrust of Dwane's theologizing extended to the evolution of other African spiritualities in the broader church. Chapter Seven is a general conclusion that highlights the main elements of Dwane's spirituality and the heritage he left behind in this regard. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Systematic Theology)

This study explores the operations of Sesotho masculinity: its dominant ideas and practices and their effects on Basotho women and men and this latter‟s resistance to a gender-ethical consciousness gaining momentum in Lesotho. It challenges a deep running belief among the Basotho that being born male necessarily means being born into a superior social position and status that is naturally and divinely sanctioned. It investigates how the dominant postcolonial discourse called sekoele (a return to the traditions of the ancestors) and the Christian churches‟ discourses of the “true”/“authentic” Christian life, framed by the classical biblical and confessional dogmatic traditions, actually support and sustain this belief and so reinforce the imbalance of power in favour of men in the order of gender relations in Lesotho. On the contrary, through the principles of the contextual theologies of liberating praxis, social construction theory, a narrative approach to therapy, gender-ethical consciousness and participatory approach, the study argues that masculinity and ways of being and thinking about men are socially constructed through historical and cultural processes and practices. It is in these processes and practices that Basotho men have been and continue to be advantaged and privileged over women. This study has challenged this situation by tracing the existence of alternative, more ethical ways of being and thinking about men in those historical and cultural processes and practices; ways which are more open to women and children and their wellbeing in the everyday life interactions. In this way, the study argues for a gender-ethical consciousness, which, in particular, invites Basotho men to engage in a reflection on their participation in a culture and practices which oppress the other, especially women and children. It invites Basotho men to accountability and responsibility. In this sense a gender-ethical consciousness is understood as watershed of masculinity in Lesotho. The participation of a group of Basotho men who offered to reflect on their relationship with the dominant masculinities, demonstrates how Basotho men are struggling to transform yet they fill us with the hope that change is possible. / Humanities Social Sciences and Theology / D. Th. (Practical Theology with specialisation in Pastoral Therapy)

Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) war ein französischer Ethnologe und Soziologe, der von 1981 bis 2001 einen Lehrstuhl für Soziologie am Collège de France innehatte. Sein zentrales Erkenntnisinteresse richtete Bourdieu auf die Beständigkeit der sozialen Verhältnisse, deren zentralen Mechanismus er im Phänomen der symbolischen Gewalt fand. Bourdieu beschreibt dabei, wie in der sozialen Praxis über Akte des Klassifizierens Herrschafts- und Machtverhältnisse konstituiert und perpetuiert werden. Als Beispiel schlechthin für die symbolische Gewalt benennt Bourdieu die „Männliche Herrschaft“. Die Rezeption dieses Konzepts ist in der deutschsprachigen Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung bis heute jedoch eher zurückhaltend.

L’islamisation est une des questions les plus intéressantes de l’histoire ottomane. La longue durée de la domination des Ottomans dans les Balkans a modifié le profil culturel et démographique de la région et l’islamisation a joué un rôle capital. Le changement de foi ne s’accompagnait pas d’un changement de langue, impossible à réaliser et qui n’intéressait pas les sociétés pré modernes comme la société ottomane. Un des groupes les plus connus à avoir été islamisé sur le territoire grec est celui des musulmans hellénophones de Macédoine occidentale, connus sous le surnom ironique de « Vallahades ». Leur langue d’origine grecque et leur maintien de nombreuses croyances chrétiennes et préchrétiennes dans leur comportement religieux les a fait paraître comme des musulmans étranges aux yeux de leurs voisins chrétiens, autant que de ceux des voyageurs et chercheurs qui se sont rendus en Macédoine occidentale au cours des deux derniers siècles de l’empire ottoman. On a ainsi formulé de nombreuses affirmations contradictoires sur leur origine, leur conversion à l’islam, leurs us et coutumes. L’objectif de la présente étude est d’analyser le processus de l’islamisation, en examinant pas à pas à travers les sources de chaque époque les conditions politiques, économiques et sociales qui ont favorisé en tant que motifs fondamentaux le changement de foi ainsi que les facteurs qui ont aidé à l’expansion de l’islam (ordres mystiques et bektachisme). Un autre objectif fondamental est de distinguer la vérité historique de la riche mythologie historique qui s’est inévitablement développée à propos des Vallahades sous l’influence de l’idéologie des États nations à partir du 18e siècle. / Islamization is one of the most interesting issues in Ottoman history. It has played a major role in the change of the cultural and demographic character of the Balkans during the long Ottoman rule of the region. Conversion in religion did not mean change in language as well. The latter was impossible to happen and it did not concern pre-modern societies like the Ottoman one. One of the best known islamized groups in Greece is the case of the Greek-speaking Muslims of western Macedonia, commonly labelled with the pejorative term “Vallahades”. Speaking Greek and maintaining numerous Christian and pre-Christian customs in their religious culture, they seemed like awkward Muslims in the eyes of their Christian neighbours, as well as in the eyes of travellers and researchers visiting the region in the last two centuries of the Ottoman empire. This led a number of contradictory theories regarding their origin, their conversion to Islam, and their culture. The aim of the present thesis is to analyse the process of Islamization and to examine step by step through the sources those political, economic and social circumstances of each period that encouraged the conversion and the general spread of Islam (mainly mystical orders and bektashism). Another important aim is to distinguish the historical truth from the legends regarding the Vallahades that inevitably flourished under the influence of the Nation-states ideology of the eighteenth century.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Breno Martins Campos.pdf: 1808092 bytes, checksum: 924beffaae55ecb4c71aacad09e530b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Women in review: a sociology of knowledge of the feminine in the Presbyterian Brazil (1994-2002) is a thesis with three sociological interests: knowledge, domination and religion. With its focus on the Presbyterian Church of Brazil, it searches to understand the reason why women are excluded from the positions legally stated of power and domination: the ordered office. Its historical cut is the transition from the 20th to 21st century, in which there were official attempts and an alto for alteration of denominational status quo. Two enterprises of constitutional reformation were proposed and debated in the competent councils in less than eight years, that included in the discussion the alteration of women statute in Presbyterian Church of Brazil, for her official space of actuation was amplified and her condition as a member equaled to the men s, with complete rights. The same historical period watched to a movement in which the puritan ethics and fundamentalist theology were used by the reactionary group to reaffirm the tradition and stop the opening of a new time, more feminine, dialogic and inclusive. Inheritance of the United States protestant missions of the 19th century for Brazilian churches, the puritan ethics proposes as a way of salvation a kind of active ascetic practices that deny the world at the same time in which fight for its transformation; the fundamentalism is the literalist Bible interpretation pattern that works for the arrest of the truth rather than to exclude dissent groups and people. The hermeneutical literalism forbids that biblical texts could be used in behalf of feminine ordering; the puritan ethics suggests or imposes to the women a proper space under to men, at home and in the church. The changing projects intended by the Presbyterian Church of Brazil high hierarchy, leaded by Rev. Guilhermino Cunha, were aborted, in dynamic peculiar to the function of religious field. In the very 21st century women cannot be pastors, elders or deacons in IPB: condition in such a flagrant contradiction with the democratic-representative system of government. The reading of official speeches of the denomination, by its journal, the Brasil Presbiteriano, and by Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina s magazine, the SAF em Revista, allows to affirm that the Brazilian Presbyterian leaderships, masculine and feminine, at the doors of 21st century, opted for the permanence in the 20th century, or rather than, in 19th century. To open the 21st century, or to open itself to it, is the challenge for the contemporary Presbyterian Church of Brazil, specially to the women, in order that the religious institution promotes and amplifies the internal dialogue, inter-religious and with society, the first steps to the legitimate exercise of democracy, inclusion, fight against prejudice and discrimination, and for the establishment of an ethical project for all / Mulheres em revista: uma sociologia da compreensão do feminino no Brasil presbiteriano (1994-2002) é uma tese com triplo interesse sociológico: compreensão, dominação e religião. Com o foco direcionado para a Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil (IPB), busca compreender por que as mulheres são excluídas das posições legalmente estatuídas de poder e dominação: o oficialato ordenado. Ainda no calor da hora, seu recorte histórico é a passagem do século XX para o século XXI, na qual houve tentativas oficiais e pelo alto de alteração do status quo denominacional. Foram propostas e debatidas nos concílios competentes duas iniciativas de reforma constitucional em menos de oito anos, que incluíam na discussão a alteração do estatuto da mulher na IPB, para que seu espaço oficial de atuação fosse ampliado e sua condição de membro, igualada à do homem com plenos direitos. O mesmo período histórico assistiu a um movimento em que ética puritana e teologia fundamentalista foram utilizadas pelo grupo reacionário dos que detêm o poder na IPB para reafirmar a tradição e impedir a abertura de um novo tempo, mais feminino, dialógico e inclusivo. Herança das missões protestantes estadunidenses do século XIX para as igrejas brasileiras, a ética puritana propõe como caminho de salvação uma espécie de ascese ativa, que nega o mundo ao mesmo tempo em que luta pela sua transformação; o fundamentalismo é o modelo literalista de interpretação da Bíblia, que funciona pelo aprisionamento da verdade a excluir grupos e pessoas divergentes. O literalismo hermenêutico proíbe que textos bíblicos possam ser usados em favor da ordenação feminina; a ética puritana sugere ou impõe à mulher um espaço próprio e subordinado ao homem, na casa e na igreja. Os projetos de mudança pretendidos por parte da cúpula da IPB, Rev. Guilhermino Cunha à frente, foram abortados também pelo alto, em dinâmica própria ao funcionamento do campo religioso. Em pleno século XXI, as mulheres não podem ser pastoras, presbíteras ou diaconisas na IPB: condição em flagrante contradição com o autodenominado sistema democrático-representativo de governo. A leitura dos discursos oficiais da denominação, por meio de seu jornal, o Brasil Presbiteriano, e da revista da Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina, a SAF em Revista, permite a afirmação de que as lideranças presbiterianas do Brasil, masculina e feminina, às portas do século XXI optaram pela permanência no século XX ou, antes disso, no século XIX. Abrir o século XXI, ou abrir-se para ele, é o desafio para IPB contemporânea, especialmente, para suas mulheres, a fim de que a instituição religiosa promova e amplie o diálogo interno, inter-religioso e com a sociedade, os primeiros passos para o exercício legítimo da democracia, inclusão, luta contra preconceito e discriminação, e para o estabelecimento de um projeto de ética para todos

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:55:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Breno Martins Campos.pdf: 1808092 bytes, checksum: 924beffaae55ecb4c71aacad09e530b1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Women in review: a sociology of knowledge of the feminine in the Presbyterian Brazil (1994-2002) is a thesis with three sociological interests: knowledge, domination and religion. With its focus on the Presbyterian Church of Brazil, it searches to understand the reason why women are excluded from the positions legally stated of power and domination: the ordered office. Its historical cut is the transition from the 20th to 21st century, in which there were official attempts and an alto for alteration of denominational status quo. Two enterprises of constitutional reformation were proposed and debated in the competent councils in less than eight years, that included in the discussion the alteration of women statute in Presbyterian Church of Brazil, for her official space of actuation was amplified and her condition as a member equaled to the men s, with complete rights. The same historical period watched to a movement in which the puritan ethics and fundamentalist theology were used by the reactionary group to reaffirm the tradition and stop the opening of a new time, more feminine, dialogic and inclusive. Inheritance of the United States protestant missions of the 19th century for Brazilian churches, the puritan ethics proposes as a way of salvation a kind of active ascetic practices that deny the world at the same time in which fight for its transformation; the fundamentalism is the literalist Bible interpretation pattern that works for the arrest of the truth rather than to exclude dissent groups and people. The hermeneutical literalism forbids that biblical texts could be used in behalf of feminine ordering; the puritan ethics suggests or imposes to the women a proper space under to men, at home and in the church. The changing projects intended by the Presbyterian Church of Brazil high hierarchy, leaded by Rev. Guilhermino Cunha, were aborted, in dynamic peculiar to the function of religious field. In the very 21st century women cannot be pastors, elders or deacons in IPB: condition in such a flagrant contradiction with the democratic-representative system of government. The reading of official speeches of the denomination, by its journal, the Brasil Presbiteriano, and by Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina s magazine, the SAF em Revista, allows to affirm that the Brazilian Presbyterian leaderships, masculine and feminine, at the doors of 21st century, opted for the permanence in the 20th century, or rather than, in 19th century. To open the 21st century, or to open itself to it, is the challenge for the contemporary Presbyterian Church of Brazil, specially to the women, in order that the religious institution promotes and amplifies the internal dialogue, inter-religious and with society, the first steps to the legitimate exercise of democracy, inclusion, fight against prejudice and discrimination, and for the establishment of an ethical project for all / Mulheres em revista: uma sociologia da compreensão do feminino no Brasil presbiteriano (1994-2002) é uma tese com triplo interesse sociológico: compreensão, dominação e religião. Com o foco direcionado para a Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil (IPB), busca compreender por que as mulheres são excluídas das posições legalmente estatuídas de poder e dominação: o oficialato ordenado. Ainda no calor da hora, seu recorte histórico é a passagem do século XX para o século XXI, na qual houve tentativas oficiais e pelo alto de alteração do status quo denominacional. Foram propostas e debatidas nos concílios competentes duas iniciativas de reforma constitucional em menos de oito anos, que incluíam na discussão a alteração do estatuto da mulher na IPB, para que seu espaço oficial de atuação fosse ampliado e sua condição de membro, igualada à do homem com plenos direitos. O mesmo período histórico assistiu a um movimento em que ética puritana e teologia fundamentalista foram utilizadas pelo grupo reacionário dos que detêm o poder na IPB para reafirmar a tradição e impedir a abertura de um novo tempo, mais feminino, dialógico e inclusivo. Herança das missões protestantes estadunidenses do século XIX para as igrejas brasileiras, a ética puritana propõe como caminho de salvação uma espécie de ascese ativa, que nega o mundo ao mesmo tempo em que luta pela sua transformação; o fundamentalismo é o modelo literalista de interpretação da Bíblia, que funciona pelo aprisionamento da verdade a excluir grupos e pessoas divergentes. O literalismo hermenêutico proíbe que textos bíblicos possam ser usados em favor da ordenação feminina; a ética puritana sugere ou impõe à mulher um espaço próprio e subordinado ao homem, na casa e na igreja. Os projetos de mudança pretendidos por parte da cúpula da IPB, Rev. Guilhermino Cunha à frente, foram abortados também pelo alto, em dinâmica própria ao funcionamento do campo religioso. Em pleno século XXI, as mulheres não podem ser pastoras, presbíteras ou diaconisas na IPB: condição em flagrante contradição com o autodenominado sistema democrático-representativo de governo. A leitura dos discursos oficiais da denominação, por meio de seu jornal, o Brasil Presbiteriano, e da revista da Sociedade Auxiliadora Feminina, a SAF em Revista, permite a afirmação de que as lideranças presbiterianas do Brasil, masculina e feminina, às portas do século XXI optaram pela permanência no século XX ou, antes disso, no século XIX. Abrir o século XXI, ou abrir-se para ele, é o desafio para IPB contemporânea, especialmente, para suas mulheres, a fim de que a instituição religiosa promova e amplie o diálogo interno, inter-religioso e com a sociedade, os primeiros passos para o exercício legítimo da democracia, inclusão, luta contra preconceito e discriminação, e para o estabelecimento de um projeto de ética para todos

Partant de la volonté de nous libérer de définitions techniques, technicistes ou produites dans la sociologie de l'appropriation sociale des usages des TIC afin de qualifier les usages de l'Internet par des organisations de femmes ou féministes en Afrique, nous avons privilégié dans cette thèse les travaux théoriques portant sur le patriarcat et sur la colonialité du pouvoir (ensemble des relations sociales caractérisées par la subalternité - hiérarchisation entre dominants et dominés - produite par l'expansion du capitalisme). Ce parti pris nous a permis de poser un cadre d'analyse opératoire ne plaquant pas des analyses théoriques occidentales, sud-américaines ou asiatiques sur l'Afrique. Il a facilité la façon dont nous avons problématisé la relation entre domination masculine et domination liée à la colonialité de pouvoir, que nous avons nommée colonialitaire, dans un contexte de mondialisation et d'hypermodernité. Les manifestations différenciées de cette relation en Afrique du Sud et au Sénégal nous ont aidé à circonscrire le terrain et le contexte à partir desquels les organisations de femmes et féministes locales utilisent ou non l'Internet. La confrontation de leurs représentations avec le cadre conceptuel est devenue informative et s'est avérée indispensable afin de qualifier la politisation de leurs usages. Il nous est ainsi apparu que l'Internet cristallise parmi les technologies de l'information et de la communication un moyen par lequel la " société de l'information " est le produit comme la production d'une mondialisation hypermoderne où la colonialité du pouvoir et le patriarcat, en tant que systèmes, s'exercent conjointement. Cette conjonction s'exprime par les biais théorique autant qu'empirique. Notamment nous avons observé que l'épistémologie utilisée dans ce cadre renoue avec des constructions traditionnalistes, nationalistes, paternalistes et masculinistes des savoirs en écho à ce que permet cet outil : l'accélération de l'appropriation du corps des femmes, la surenchère rhétorique et politique des dominants, l'institutionnalisation des concepts, l'occidentalisation des pensées, les privatisations en tous secteurs, les concurrences croisées de l'Occident, l'Extrême et le Moyen-Orient sur les terrains tant économique, politique que socioculturel, religieux. Il est alors apparu que les inégalités de genre s'aggravent en même temps que les identités sexuelles à tous les niveaux (État, institutions, population) deviennent souterraines et que les rapports différenciés de " race " et de classe se creusent. Fort de ce constat, nos analyses nous ont mené à réaliser que les femmes de " la base " se retrouvent en situation d'accentuer la prise en charge immédiate de la gestion de l'urgence (augmentation de la pauvreté, des violences, diminution de l'accès aux ressources, à la santé, à l'éducation...), parfois d'accepter leur subalternité tout en la négociant auprès des dominants. Aussi, peu à peu, les nouvelles modalités d'action politique des organisations de femmes ou féministes se sont affinées. Faisant face à une régression multiforme, ces organisations doivent modifier leur approche. L'heure est davantage à la préservation des droits des femmes qu'à leur conquête, à la défensive qu'à la subversion. Souhaitant sortir de ce constat alarmiste ou pessimiste, nous avons cherché à nuancer les manifestations de cette double domination sur le réel et avons opté pour une analyste réflexive des représentations de ces organisations sur le virtuel. Ainsi, des pistes d'innovation dans les usages de l'Internet, en marge d'une vision de la communication principalement en termes de marketing et corporate, ont été mises en lumière. Elles privilégient la visibilité de savoirs non savants de femmes ou de jeunes, dans le but de créer les bases d'une citoyenneté féministe. L'étincelle épistémique provoquée par ce choix nous conduit à la conclusion que ses effets politiques interrogent la démocratie et détrône l'injonction à " être connecté " par l'informalité qui caractérise ce parti pris.

Twentieth-century scholars have extensively studied how Rousseau's domestic discourse impacted the patriarchal ideology in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and contributed to women's exclusion from the public sphere. Joan Landes, Lynn Hunt, and many others, argued that the French Revolution excluded women from the public sphere and confined them to the domestic realm. Joan Landes also argued that the patriarchal discourse was a mere reflection of social reality. In The Other Enlightenment, Carla Hesse argues for the women's presence in the public sphere. One of the goals of this dissertation is to contribute to the debate by analyzing the content of the counter-discourse of selected women authors during the revolutionary era and examine how they challenged and subverted the patriarchal discourse. In the second chapter, I reconstruct the patriarchal discourse. I first examine the official (or legal) discourse in crucial works which remain absent from major modern sources: Jean Domat's Loix civiles dans leur order naturel and Louis de Héricourt's Loix eccleésiastiques de France dans leur order naturel. Then I look at how scientists like Monroe, Roussel, Lignac, Venel, and Robert used discoveries regarding woman's physiology to create a medical discourse that justifies woman's inferiority so as to confine them into the domestic/private sphere. I examine how intellectuals such as Rousseau, Diderot, Montesquieu, Coyer and Laclos, reinforced women's domesticity. In chapter 3, I examine women's participation in the early stage of the Revolution and the overt attempt by some women to claim their place in the public sphere and to challenge and subvert the oppressive patriarchal discourse through their writings. Chapter 4 focuses on Olympe de Gouges's theater and a specific example of subversion of the patriarchal discourse: I compare the father figure in Diderot's La Religieuse and de Gouges's play Le Couvent, ou les Voeux forcés. Finally chapter 5 examines women's involvement in the French Revolution after 1794 and Constance de Salm's attack on patriarchy.