The present work has the aim the stresses between different ways of seeing and thinking about a given subject; in the specific case of this study, the conflict between discursive formations on teenage pregnancy. The interest in this subject has arisen from the perception of the existence of different speeches about teen pregnancy and the experience of questions in the research process beyond that of existing conflicts put in doubt the nature of truth. This perception was possible from the reflection of several previous studies, whose core were interviews with teenage mothers in 2007, in Recife, for a monographie, focused on the pregnancy in adolescents popular classes. In this study I noticed a conflict as a researcher, subjectivized by a discourse of domination not findind what was claimed, that teenage pregnancy is an experience that generates damage. This speech associates teen pregnancy usually with negative factors for both the mother, and the baby and as a problem that needs attention. Yet another speech, I will call here the resistance, sees the pregnancy based on the reality of life that teenager, so that we can understand the emergence of a pregnancy at that time of life, in all its context. This last speech, seems to reinforce notions of social recognition, desire and autonomy. From the notions of discourse, discursive formations, modes of subjectivity, power / toughness of Michel Foucault this study is to address the research perspective as historically determined by the fact of an era. The speech of the teenagers interviewed shows effects of subjectivity of the two types of speech that make the production of knowledge in theform of research as a field of stress that resonates in ways of thinking and acting of the researcher. / O presente trabalho tem como problema tensões e conflitos entre diferentes modos de ver e pensar formações discursivas sobre gravidez na adolescência. O interesse por esse tema surgiu da percepção da existência de discursos diferentes sobre a gravidez na adolescência e da vivência de conflitos no processo de pesquisa que, para além dos conflitos existentes, põem em questão o caráter de verdade. Tal percepção foi possível a partir da reflexão de uma trajetória de estudos, cujo cerne é entrevistas feitas com mães adolescentes em 2007, na cidade de Recife, para monografia que investigava sentidos da gravidez em adolescentes de classes populares. Nestas entrevistas, percebi um conflito vivido enquanto pesquisadora que, há alguns anos, subjetivada por um discurso de dominação, tentava encontrar o que ele afirmava, a saber: a gravidez na adolescência é uma experiência que gera danos. Esse discurso coloca a gravidez na adolescência, geralmente associada a fatores negativos tanto para a mãe quanto para o bebê, como um problema que necessita de atenção. Já outro discurso, que chamarei aqui de resistência, vê a gravidez com base na realidade de vida da adolescente, a fim de entender o surgimento de uma gestação no seu momento, em todo seu contexto. Esse último discurso, parece reforçar noções de reconhecimento social, desejo e autonomia. A partir das noções de discurso, formações discursivas, modos de subjetivação, poder/resistência de Michel Foucault, este estudo tem como perspectiva tratar da pesquisa como historicamente determinada pela verdade de uma época. A fala das adolescentes entrevistadas mostra efeitos de subjetivação dos dois tipos de discurso que tornam a produção de conhecimento como um campo de tensões que repercute nos modos de pensar e agir da pesquisadora.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:35:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriano Cesar Braz Caldeira.pdf: 1112546 bytes, checksum: bd0f5ebb4908b8376a971dd669d3d887 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-24 / The current study aims to analyze the performance of the Brazilian jurisdiction considering the needs of the capital system and the political system, observing the behavior and the role to be played by the Judiciary and the legal thought, especially the procedure in the post-1988 s Federal Constitution period. At first, it was decided to examine, in the first chapter, the role of this Constitution in the process of continuity of the ideals for decades already established by the capital and, later, the political system. Therefore, it was understood well by reviewing, without intending to innovate in this regard, the main reasons that led to each of the Constitutions taken in our country, checking behavior of institutions, in particular the jurisdiction in times of crisis State, considering his parallel action with capital system and political. With this, it was possible to observe that the ideal of democracy, the ideal of the effectiveness of fundamental rights and guarantees is utopian, in other words, impossible while maintaining the conditions of domination established throughout contemporary history. The second chapter is intended to analyze the reasons that lead to loss of boundaries between institutions, both among the representative institutions as between them and the jurisdictional institution, so as to interfere in the outcome of the adjudication, constituting the phenomenon usually called by the doctrine of politicization of jurisdictional actions. As regards the third chapter, the goal pursued is the analysis of traditional scopes of jurisdiction, consolidated with special emphasis throughout the twentieth century, turning the process into a mere usefulness instrument of the substantive law completely abandoning their original purpose, in other words, to reestablish the equalities left behind by the substantive law and the social core itself against the political and economic ideals adopted by our society. Search is also in this chapter, reset the paths to jurisdictional actions directed to the expectations of society, not individually, which implies a new educational, social and judicial review, which goes beyond the resolution of the dispute, consider so as to the real social needs bordering that conflict, allowing the individual to understand the social context in which inserted in. Finally, the fourth and final chapter is intended to study the routes to be followed in order to establish full democracy, which result from a deliberative process, not an imposition. A process whose essence are rooted features like inclusion, equality and freedom, in other words, a democracy that is born from below, directly from the action of the mass that makes up society, organized, able to build a right of society and not of the institutions. / O presente estudo pretende analisar a atuação da jurisdição brasileira diante das necessidades do sistema de capital e do sistema político, observando o comportamento e o papel a ser desempenhado tanto pelo Poder Judiciário quanto pelo pensamento jurídico, especialmente o processual, no período pós-Constituição Federal de 1988, considerando ter sido esse o divisor de águas, ao menos no aspecto formal, em relação ao processo de democratização da sociedade brasileira. De início, optou-se por analisar, no primeiro capítulo, a função da Constituição no processo de continuísmo dos ideais já há décadas estabelecidos pelo sistema de capital e, mais tarde, pelo sistema político. Para tanto, entendeu-se por bem revisar, sem pretensão de inovar quanto a esse aspecto, as principais razões que conduziram a cada uma das Constituições havidas no país, verificando o comportamento das instituições, em especial da jurisdição, nos momentos de crise do Estado, considerando a sua atuação paralela com o sistema de capital e com o sistema político. Com isso, foi possível analisar se o ideal de democracia, de efetividade de direitos e garantias fundamentais, é utópico, ou seja, irrealizável enquanto mantidas as condições de dominação estabelecidas ao longo da história contemporânea. O segundo capítulo é destinado à análise das razões que levam à perda dos limites entre as instituições, tanto entre as representativas quanto entre estas e a jurisdicional, de modo a interferir no resultado da prestação jurisdicional, constituindo fenômeno que a doutrina convencionou denominar de politização da atuação jurisdicional. O terceiro capítulo, por sua vez, visa à análise dos escopos tradicionais da jurisdição, constituídos com especial ênfase ao longo do século XX, transformando o processo em mero instrumento de serventia do direito material, abandonando por completo a sua destinação de fantasia ao restabelecimento das igualdades deixadas de lado por tal direito, bem como pelo próprio núcleo social, face aos ideais políticos e econômicos adotados pela sociedade. Busca-se, ainda, nesse capítulo, redefinir os caminhos para uma atuação jurisdicional voltada aos anseios da sociedade, desindividualizada, organizada e, sobretudo, preparada para a deliberação, o que implica novo processo educacional, social e jurisdicional, que vá além da resolução da lide, passando a considerar as reais necessidades sociais que margeiam aquele conflito, permitindo ao indivíduo entender o contexto social em que está inserido. Por fim, o quarto e último capítulo é destinado ao estudo dos caminhos a serem percorridos para que se estabeleça uma democracia total, que decorra de um processo deliberativo, não de imposição, mas de inclusão de igualdades e de liberdades, uma democracia que parta de baixo, da direta atuação do sujeito social, organizado, capaz de construir um Direito da sociedade, e não das instituições.

Domination in the software application industry has been an issue since its early years. But how do these situations of market domination come into existence? This thesis discusses conventional approaches towards understanding market domination and their inherent weaknesses. As a result a new understanding, based on Actor-Network-Theory and Capital Theory unfolds, which achieves the uncovering of a much deeper complexity on how market domination comes into existence.

Nos recherches traitent de coloration de graphes avec des contraintes de distance (coloration de packing) ou des contraintes sur le voisinage (coloration de Grundy). Soit S={si| i in N*} une série croissante d’entiers. Une S -coloration de packing est une coloration propre de sommets telle que tout ensemble coloré i est un si-packing (un ensemble où tous les sommets sont à distance mutuelle supérieure à si). Un graphe G est (s1,... ,sk)-colorable si il existe une S -coloration de packing de G avec les couleurs 1, ...,,k. Une coloration de Grundy est une coloration propre de sommets telle que pour tout sommet u coloré i, u est adjacent à un sommet coloré j, pour chaque j<i.Dans cette exposé, nous présentons des résultats connus à propos de la S-coloration de packing. Nous apportons de nouveaux résultats à propos de la S-coloration de packing, pour des classes de graphes telles que les chemins, les cycles et les arbres. Nous étudions en détail la complexité du problème de complexité associé à la S-coloration de packing, noté S -COL. Pour certaines instances de S -COL, nous caractérisons des dichotomies entre problèmes NP-complets et problèmes résolubles en tempspolynomial. Nous nous intéressons aux différentes grilles infinies, les grilles hexagonale, carrée, triangulaire et du roi et nous déterminons des propriétés de subdivisions d’un i-packing en plusieurs j-packings, avec j>i. Ces résultats nous permettent de déterminer des S-colorations de packings de ces grilles pour plusieurs séries d’entiers. Nous examinons une classe de graphe jamais étudiée en ce qui concerne la S -coloration de packing: les graphes subcubiques. Nous déterminons que tous les graphes subcubiques sont (1,2,2,2,2,2,2)-colorables et (1,1,2,2,3)-colorables. Un certain nombre de résultats sont prouvés pour certaines sous-classes des graphes subcubiques. Pour finir, nous nous intéressons au nombre de Grundy des graphes réguliers. Nous déterminons une caractérisation des graphes cubiques avec un nombre de Grundy de 4. De plus, nous prouvons que tous les graphes r-réguliers sans carré induit ont pour nombre de Grundy de r+1, pour r<5. / Our research are about graph coloring with distance constraints (packing coloring) or neighborhood constraints (Grundy coloring). Let S={si| i in N*} be a non decreasing sequence of integers. An S-packing coloring is a proper coloring such that every set of color i is an si-packing (a set of vertices at pairwise distance greater than si). A graph G is (s1,... ,sk)-colorable if there exists a packing coloring of G with colors 1,... ,k. A Grundy coloring is a proper vertex coloring such that for every vertex of color i, u is adjacent to a vertex of color j, for each j<i.In this presentation, we present results about S-packing coloring. We prove new results about the S-coloring of graphs including paths, cycles and trees. We study the complexity problem associated to the S-packing coloring, this problem is denoted S-COL. For some instances of S-COL, we characterize dichotomy between NP-complete problems and problems solved by a polynomial time algorithm. We study also different lattices, the hexagonal, square, triangular and king lattices. We determine properties on the subdivision of an i-packing in several j-packings, for j>i. These results allow us to determine S-packing coloring of these lattices for several sequences of integers. We examine a class of graph that has never been studied for S-packing coloring: the subcubic graphs. We determine that every subcubic graph is (1,2,2,2,2,2,2)-colorable and (1,1,2,2,3)-colorable. Few results are proven about some subclasses. Finally, we study the Grundy number of regular graphs. We determine a characterization of the cubic graphs with Grundy number 4. Moreover, we prove that every r-regular graph without induced square has Grundy number r+1, for r<5.

Aim: The principal aim of this qualitative research study is to gain a clearer understanding of oppression as experienced by People with Learning Disabilities (PWLD). In particular, this study investigated: 1) the nature of oppression - the typical kinds of oppression PWLD face during the course of their everyday lives; 2) the causes of their oppressive experiences: 3) the impact these oppressive experiences can have on their quality of life; and 4) their reaction - the strategies PWLD employ to prevent further oppression. Rationale: Despite policies of deinstitutionalisation since the 1980s, many PWLD have not found social integration easy and continue to endure oppressive experiences in community-based settings. The nature/extent of this social problem has often been overlooked by researchers and practitioners. Methods: This research was conducted using interpretive phenomenology as a methodology; an approach which influenced the study’s design, method of data collection and strategy for analysing the rich qualitative findings. Semi-structured interviews were carried out across two sample populations; a group of PWLD (N=11) and a group of community-based practitioners/carers (N=11). The participants were selected through purposive sampling and the qualitative data was analysed using a specific Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) process. Findings: PWLD remain a deeply oppressed social group. Respondents reported experiencing multiple forms of oppression, which seem to interact in complex ways and be present throughout the course of their lives. The two key super-ordinate themes (most dominant forms of oppression experienced by PWLD) emerging from the process of IPA appear to be: 1) The life-long effects of marginalisation (social exclusion, powerlessness and existing as a socio-economic underclass) and 2) Multiple forms of victimisation (coping with exploitation, intimidation and abuse, both overt and subtle, from the public, family members and at times practitioners). Respondents believe that the underlying cause of their oppressive experiences is society’s negative perception. Negative attitudes and beliefs arise from oppressive social forces such as: the use of diagnostic labels, segregated special needs education and limited opportunities for employment. These are experiences which respondents assert often do little more than spoil their social identity as human beings. Conclusion: The findings confirm that PWLD living in the community continue to encounter negative social experiences which are pervasive. This research attempts to draw together and make sense of these experiences in terms of the concept of oppression. Through gaining a clearer understanding of the marginalised and victimised status of PWLD policy makers will be more informed about how to respond to their social and economic needs, and in turn help alleviate their experiences of oppression.

This study explores the manner in which Anne Michaels uses figurative language, particularly metaphor, in her poetry and prose. In her first novel, Fugitive Pieces, and in certain of her poems, Michaels demonstrates the powers of language to destroy and to recuperate. For her, metaphor is not simply a literary device; it is an essential mechanism in the creation of an authentic story or poem. Moreover, in contrast to other figurative language such as euphemism, which she feels can be used to conceal the truth and make moral that which is immoral, metaphor in her view can be used to gain access to the truth and is therefore moral. Thus, as this study demonstrates, Michaels proposes as well as utilises the moral power of language. The ideas of four language theorists provide the basis of this study, and prove highly useful in application to Michaels’s work. With the aid of Certeau and Bourdieu, we examine Michaels’s participation in and literary presentation of the relationship of domination and subordination in which people seem to interact and which takes place partly through language. In the light of Ricoeur’s explication of the precise functions of metaphor, we discuss Fugitive Pieces as a novel whose engagement with the topic of the Holocaust in intensely emotive and figurative language makes it controversial in terms of what may or may not constitute the appropriate manner of Holocaust literary representation. Klemperer’s meticulous, first-hand study of the Nazis’ use of the German language during the period of the Third Reich proves illuminating in our exploration of the works of Michaels that feature themes of oppression and dispossession. In certain of her poems, Michaels stands in for real people and speaks in their voices. This is also a form of metaphor, this study suggests, as for the duration of each poem Michaels requires us to imagine that she is the real-life person who expresses him- or herself in the first person singular, which she patently is not. We could see this as appropriation and misrepresentation of those people’s lives and thoughts; however, with the aid of the notion of empathic identification we learn that Michaels’s approach is always empathic – she imaginatively places herself in various situations and people’s positions without ever losing her sense of individuality and separate identity, and her portrayal of their stories is always respectful and carefully considered. / Thesis (DLitt)--University of Pretoria, 2011. / English / unrestricted

I den föreliggande studien undersöker vi tre litterära verk med mångkulturellt tema och dess potential till arbete med värdegrundsfrågor i grundskolans årskurs 4–6. Syftet är att analysera hur karaktärer med annan etnicitet än den vita västerländska normen framställs. I studien analyseras tre populära litterära verk som vi har stött på under utbildningen, under vår praktik i verksamheten och som visat sig vara frekvent utlånade på Kalmar Stadsbibliotek. Till stöd använder vi teorier om kritisk litteracitet och främst Hilary Janks modell för att undersöka kategorier som makt, mångfald och design. Av de litterära verken visar det sig att etnisk mångfald uttrycks och kategoriseras på olika sätt, att individens möjligheter i samhället påverkas av namn och utseende med annan etnicitet samt att huvudkaraktärernas hemmiljö beskrivs på ett stereotypt sätt. Därefter undersöks resultatets didaktiska potential utifrån värdegrundsfrågor och hur dessa kan integreras med den valda litteraturen. Resultatet visar hur valda delar i verken kan vara fruktbara i arbete med den typ av värdegrundsfrågor som skrivs fram i styrdokumenten.

Social media analysis, in feminist critical military studies, is a highly underrepresented field. Although, the world is evolving faster than ever and, within the digitalised world, different methods of representation are used to (re-)produce ideologies, signify meanings, and interpellate individuals accordingly. Militaries are making use of social media accounts as representational tools to justify their informal and formal structures. Nonetheless, these organisations are challenged to become more inclusive, more democratic, and more diverse. The Bundeswehr (German Armed Forces) is considered a highly heteronormative, masculine connotated, white organisation and is in the midst of transformation, too. On social media, the Bundeswehr tends to represent itself as a more inclusive, tolerant, and diverse organisation. Nonetheless, the public eyes are watching and valuing the reaction of this highly symbolic organisation when their heteronormative settings are under pressure. Opinions are shared, communities are formed, voices are being raised and simultaneously silenced. Thus, questions emerge, such as how are glimpses of inclusivity regarding gender norms and gender relations (re-)presented on the Bundeswehr’s Facebook account? How does the public engage with the posts? Who is included? Who remains hidden? Therefore, I have developed a case study in which I shall employ a mix of the methods and apply an intersectional lens to analyse glimpses of inclusivity on the Bundeswehr’s Facebook account. I argue glimpses of inclusivity have to be analysed from two perspectives. The Bundeswehr’s perspective needs to be analysed in relation to how they represent glimpses of inclusivity and how they negotiate possible tensions of inclusivity. At the same time, engagements with the posts by users in relation to glimpses of inclusivity and tensions of inclusivity are crucial to analyse, too.

[pt] A dissertação compreende a colonização das Américas como marco fundamental da política internacional moderna e defende a necessidade de engajamento da disciplina de Relações Internacionais com os povos indígenas, sobretudo ao compreender o caráter global das suas lutas políticas. Nesse contexto, o presente trabalho investiga as dimensões globais e coloniais das ameaças aos territórios indígenas, sobretudo as estratégias de dominação operadas no Território Indígena do Xingu, ameaçado pelas fronteiras econômicas do agronegócio e pela extração de madeira ilegal. Tendo a análise do bandeirantismo como fio condutor da dissertação, o trabalho está estruturado em quatro movimentos. O primeiro movimento apresenta o panorama histórico do Território Indígena do Xingu, por meio da intersecção entre a antropologia histórica crítica, a etnoarqueologia e a perspectiva pós-colonial, a fim de compreender as ameaças e resistências ao bandeirantismo e as consequências contemporâneas da situação colonial na primeira Terra Indígena demarcada no Brasil. O segundo movimento analisa, por um lado, a centralidade do bandeirantismo na colonização brasileira e, por outro, o seu papel na formação do capitalismo global e na subjetivação de um modo de vida imperial, baseado no eurocentrismo e no racismo. Em um terceiro momento, analisa-se estratégias coloniais de dominação para com os povos indígenas e seus territórios em dois momentos históricos distintos, identificando a continuidade, sob novas configurações, da ―guerra de conquista‖ após a independência. Por fim, o quarto movimento analisa as tensões territoriais e as estratégias de dominação que afetam o Território Indígena do Xingu na contemporaneidade, compreendendo como os discursos e práticas da política internacional operam localmente por meio da articulação entre as gramáticas da economia política e as hierarquias coloniais. Dessa forma, a dissertação argumenta que as ameaças aos territórios indígenas são consequências das próprias dinâmicas dos padrões de poder globais, forjadas a partir da colonização das Américas e da consolidação do capitalismo. As invasões aos territórios indígenas durante os séculos XVII e XVIII, orquestradas pelo projeto colonial e realizada pelos bandeirantes, foram fundamentais para o processo de estruturação dos padrões de poder globais, cujas dinâmicas violentas do modo de vida imperial constituem a base da política internacional moderna. Assim, engajar-se com a luta dos povos indígenas pelos seus territórios representa um engajamento com os atores e as disputas centrais da política internacional. / [en] The dissertation understands the colonization of the Americas as a fundamental milestone of modern international politics and defends the need for the discipline of International Relations to engage with indigenous peoples, especially by understanding the global role of their political struggles. In this context, it investigates the global and colonial dimensions of the threats to indigenous territories, especially the domination strategies operated in the Xingu Indigenous Territory, threatened by the economic frontiers of agribusiness and illegal logging. With the analysis of bandeirantismo as the guiding thread of the entire dissertation, the work is structured in three movements. The he first movement presents the historical panorama of the Xingu Indigenous Territory, through the intersection between critical historical anthropology, ethnoarchaeology and the postcolonial perspective, in order to understand the threats and resistances to bandeirantismo and the contemporary consequences of the colonial situation in the first demarcated Indigenous Land in Brazil. The second movement analyses, on the one hand, the centrality of bandeirantismo in Brazilian colonization and, on the other, its role in the formation of global capitalism and in the subjectivation of an imperial way of life, based on Eurocentrism and racism. The third movement analyzes the colonial strategies of domination towards indigenous peoples and their territories in two different historical moments, identifying the continuity of the "war of conquest" after independence. Finally, the fourth movement analyzes the territorial tensions and strategies of domination that affect the Xingu Indigenous Territory in contemporary times, understanding how the discourses and practices of international politics operate locally through the articulation between the grammars of political economy and colonial hierarchies. In this way, the dissertation argues that the threats to indigenous territories are consequences of the dynamics of global power patterns, forged from the colonization of the Americas and the consolidation of capitalism. The invasions of indigenous territories during the 17th and 18th centuries, orchestrated by the colonial project and carried out by the bandeirantes, were cricial to the process of structuring global power patterns, whose violent dynamics of the imperial way of life constitute the basis of modern international politics. Thus, engaging with indigenous peoples struggle for their territories represents an engagement with the central actors and disputes of international politics.

Cette thèse de doctorat explore les obstacles à l'égalité des sexes dans les pays en développement. Elle est composée de trois essais. Le premier essai (chapitre 1) explore les racines de l'inégalité des sexes en faveur des garçons dans l'éducation. Il analyse l'effet de l'interaction entre la culture et les conditions économiques des ménages pauvres sur les probabilités de décrochage scolaire des garçons et des filles, en utilisant des données du Malawi. L'adéquation du Malawi à cette analyse découle de la coexistence sur son territoire de deux coutumes différentes de résidence post-maritale pour les couples : les coutumes patrilocales et matrilocales. Les résultats des estimations montrent que l'inégalité entre les sexes en matière d'éducation est enracinée dans l'interaction des conditions économiques du ménage et de la coutume patrilocale - lorsqu'un couple marié s'installe près de la famille du mari ou avec elle après le mariage. L'essai conclut que les politiques publiques qui rendent inutile le recours aux coutumes traditionnelles par les parents pour organiser leur vie familiale peuvent éliminer les inégalités entre les sexes favorisant l'éducation des garçons. Les deux derniers essais analysent la question de la polygynie—lorsqu'un homme peut avoir plusieurs épouses simultanément. Cette institution du mariage a disparu dans le monde entier mais reste confinée dans un groupe de pays d'Afrique subsaharienne, notamment dans la région du Sahel. La théorie économique prédit que l'augmentation de l'éducation des femmes entraîne la disparition de la polygynie. Cependant, les preuves empiriques ne permettent pas encore d'établir ce lien de causalité, mais plutôt une corrélation négative entre l'éducation et les probabilités de polygynie des femmes. Le deuxième essai examine l'effet de l'éducation sur les probabilités de polygynie des femmes, en utilisant principalement les données de l'Ouganda. Pour l'identification, nous utilisons une approche d'estimation qui aborde conjointement les problèmes de sélection de l'échantillon et d'endogénéité de l'éducation. Nous estimons un modèle à trois équations comprenant une équation de la polygynie (principale), une équation du mariage (sélection) et une équation de l'éducation (endogénéité). Les résultats de l'estimation confirment la prédiction de la théorie économique selon laquelle l'augmentation de l'éducation des femmes entraîne la disparition de la polygynie. Le troisième et dernier essai fournit des preuves sur la cause du regroupement de la polygynie dans les pays sujets à la sécheresse. Les preuves montrent que dans les économies villageoises dépendantes de l'agriculture pluviale, la rupture des accords informels de partage des risques suite à des chocs tels que les sécheresses augmentent la valeur de la famille nombreuse, tant en taille qu'en composition, comme levier des stratégies de résilience. Nous constatons que la polygynie permet aux ménages de renforcer leur résilience face aux effets négatifs de la sécheresse sur le rendement des cultures. Ces trois essais contribuent à faire progresser nos connaissances sur les obstacles à l'inégalité des sexes en Afrique subsaharienne. Il attire principalement l'attention sur l'importance pour les pays en développement d'investir dans la scolarisation des filles (essai 2) et de promouvoir des politiques publiques qui rendent moins attrayant pour les parents le recours aux institutions traditionnelles pour soutenir leurs moyens de subsistance (essai 1). En outre, des politiques telles que celles qui encouragent les petits exploitants agricoles en tant que stratégie de développement peuvent contribuer à la persistance de la polygynie dans les communautés sujettes à la sécheresse si elles sont menées sans sevrer la population rurale de sa dépendance à l'égard de l'agriculture pluviale. Dans ces contextes, la promotion de stratégies de résilience et d'adaptation indépendantes de la taille des ménages peut conduire à la disparition de la polygynie et du mariage d'enfants (essai 3). / This Ph.D. thesis explores barriers to gender equality in developing countries. It is composed of three essays. The first essay (chapter 1) explores the roots of gender inequality favoring boys in education. It analyzes the effect of culture interaction with poor household economic on the school dropout probabilities of boys' and girls', using Malawi data. Malawi's suitability for this analysis stems from the coexistence in its territory of two different customs of post-marital residence for couples: patrilocal and matrilocal customs. Estimation results show that gender inequality in education is rooted in the interaction of household economic conditions and the custom of patrilocality—when a married couple settles near or with the husband's family after marriage. The essay concludes that public policies that make it unnecessary for parents to rely on traditional customs to organize their family life can eliminate gender inequality favoring boys' education. The last two essays analyze the issue of polygyny—when a man can have multiples wives simultaneously. This marriage institution has disappeared globally but remains confined in a cluster of sub-Saharan African countries, particularly in the Sahel region. Economic theory predicts that increasing women's education leads to the disappearance of polygyny. Still, empirical evidence is yet to establish this causal link, settling instead for a negative correlation between education and women's polygyny probabilities. The second essay examines the effect of education on women's polygyny probabilities, using primarily Uganda data. For identification, we use an estimation approach that jointly addresses sample selection and education endogeneity problems. We estimate a three-equation model comprising a polygyny (main) equation, a marriage (selection), and an education (endogeneity) equation. Estimation results confirm economic theory's prediction that increasing women's education leads to the disappearance of polygyny. The third and final essay provides evidence on the cause of the clustering of polygyny in drought-prone countries. Evidence shows that in village economies dependent on rainfed agriculture, the breakdown of informal risk-sharing arrangements following covariate shocks such as droughts increases the value of having a large family, both in size and composition, as a lever of resilience strategies. We find that polygyny allows households to build resilience to the adverse effects of drought on crop yields. These three essays contribute to advancing our knowledge of the barriers to gender inequalityin sub-Saharan Africa. It mainly draws attention to the importance for developing countries to invest in girls' schooling (Essay 2) and promote public policies that make it less attractive for parents to resort to traditional institutions to support their livelihoods (Essay 1). Additionally, policies such as those promoting smallholder farmers as a development strategy can contribute to the persistence of polygyny in drought-prone communities if done without weaning the rural population of its dependence on rainfed agriculture. In these settings, promoting resilience and adaptation strategies independent of household size can lead to polygyny and child marriage's disappearance (Essay 3).