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A Igreja Católica nos "Anos de Chumbo": resistência e deslegitimação do Estado autoritário brasileiro 1968-1974 / The Catholic Church in the years of dictatorship: resistance and delegitimation of the brazilian authoritarian State (1968/1974)Cardonha, José 16 June 2011 (has links)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Jose Cardonha.pdf: 3960682 bytes, checksum: b0fe5200b55869d7e2fa5e0481fcfad1 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2011-06-16 / Investigates the reaction of the progressive Catholics against the military dictatorship in
Brazil mainly based on official and formerly classified documents currently available at
Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo - APESP. This work demonstrates that
the progressive sectors of the Catholic Church resisted against the authoritarian state and
worked for its moral deligitimation in several ways: politically, with the condemnation of
the systematic violation of the Human Rights; ideologically, with the exposition of
the totalitarian tendency of the National Security Doctrine; and economically, with critics to
a model that stimulated income concentration and social marginalization / A Igreja Católica nos Anos de Chumbo: Resistência e Deslegitimação do Estado Autoritário
Brasileiro (1968/1974) é um trabalho de pesquisa e reflexão sobre a ação dos católicos
progressistas contra a ditadura militar. A pesquisa sobre a memória da resistência católica foi
realizada nos arquivos da repressão política. A análise pretende demonstrar que os setores
progressistas da Igreja resistiram e deslegitimaram moralmente o Estado autoritário: no plano
político, combatendo a violação sistemática dos Direitos Humanos: no plano ideológico,
denunciando o caráter totalitário da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional; e no plano econômico:
condenando o modelo concentrador de renda e gerador de marginalização social
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A Igreja Católica nos "Anos de Chumbo": resistência e deslegitimação do Estado autoritário brasileiro 1968-1974 / The Catholic Church in the years of dictatorship: resistance and delegitimation of the brazilian authoritarian State (1968/1974)Cardonha, José 16 June 2011 (has links)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Jose Cardonha.pdf: 3960682 bytes, checksum: b0fe5200b55869d7e2fa5e0481fcfad1 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2011-06-16 / Investigates the reaction of the progressive Catholics against the military dictatorship in
Brazil mainly based on official and formerly classified documents currently available at
Arquivo Público do Estado de São Paulo - APESP. This work demonstrates that
the progressive sectors of the Catholic Church resisted against the authoritarian state and
worked for its moral deligitimation in several ways: politically, with the condemnation of
the systematic violation of the Human Rights; ideologically, with the exposition of
the totalitarian tendency of the National Security Doctrine; and economically, with critics to
a model that stimulated income concentration and social marginalization / A Igreja Católica nos Anos de Chumbo: Resistência e Deslegitimação do Estado Autoritário
Brasileiro (1968/1974) é um trabalho de pesquisa e reflexão sobre a ação dos católicos
progressistas contra a ditadura militar. A pesquisa sobre a memória da resistência católica foi
realizada nos arquivos da repressão política. A análise pretende demonstrar que os setores
progressistas da Igreja resistiram e deslegitimaram moralmente o Estado autoritário: no plano
político, combatendo a violação sistemática dos Direitos Humanos: no plano ideológico,
denunciando o caráter totalitário da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional; e no plano econômico:
condenando o modelo concentrador de renda e gerador de marginalização social
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Presse sportive en Catalogne (1931-1951) / Sporting press in Catalonia (1931-1951)Ndemengana, Jean Francis 15 February 2013 (has links)
Cette thèse aborde la question du rapport entre les conjonctures socio-politiques de l'Espagne de la première moitié du XXe siècle et le traitement ou la considération du ''fait sportif'' en Catalogne. Dans cette étude, le quotidien barcelonais El Mundo Deportivo (1906- à nos jours), constitue une source de recherche intéressante dans l'interprétation de la trajectoire de la pratique et de l'information sportive catalane, et sa relation avec le monde politique, de la Seconde République au franquisme, en passant par la Guerre civile. Ainsi, la période républicaine est marquée par un certain détachement du pouvoir politique vis-à-vis du fait sportif. Quant au régime totalitaire du Généralissime Francisco Franco, il suppose une mise sous tutelle de la presse et une centralisation de la direction de la vie sportive espagnole au début des années quarante. Cette analyse établit, notamment une corrélation entre le statut social de la femme espagnole, sa présence réelle dans la vie sportive, et le régime politique en vigueur dans le pays / This thesis is about the relation between the Spanish socio-political conjunctures in the first half of the twentieth century and the dealing with or the consideration of the "sporting fact" in Catalonia. In this study the barcelonan daily paper El Mundo Deportivo (1960 - till today), is an interesting source of research about interpreting the practice trajectory and the catalan sporting information, and its relation with the political world during the Second Republic to the francoism, through the civil war. Thus, the republican period is marked by a certain political power detachment from the sporting fact. As for the Generalissimo Francisco Franco totalitarian regime, it supposes the press to be under supervision and a centralization of the Spanish sporting activities management in the beginning of the 1940s. This analysis shows particularly a correlation between the social status of the Spanish woman, her real presence in sporting life, and the country political regime in force
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‘Good Soldiers’, ‘Bad Apples’ and the ‘Boys’ Club’: Media Representations of Military Sex Scandals and Militarized MasculinitiesBickerton, Ashley Jennifer January 2015 (has links)
This thesis examines news representations of Canadian, American and Australian military personnel involved in military 'sex scandals'. I explore what the representations of military personnel involved in well-publicized sex scandals reveal about scripts of soldiering and militarized masculinities. Despite a history of systemic violence in the military, I ask how and why the systemic nature of militarized masculinities are able to remain invisible, driving representations to focus on the ‘bad’ behaviour of individuals? By engaging with feminist scholarship in International Relations, I present the longstanding culture of misogyny, racism, homophobia and ableism in the Canadian, American and Australian militaries, focusing on the ways in which militarized masculinities are guided by these violent structures, and fundamental to the military's creation of soldiers. My dissertation uses the tools of critical discourse analysis to unpack the ways blame is individualised in cases of sexual and racist violence involving military personnel, while the military’s ableism, rape culture and imperial militarized masculinities are commonly naturalized or celebrated without regard for how they are fundamentally violent. My thesis presents an intersectional feminist project that intervenes in emerging questions in the field of transnational disability studies, tracing how militarism, hegemonic militarized masculinities and imperial soldiering (re)produce categories of ability and disability.
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Enfants-soldats, conflits armés, liens familiaux : quels enjeux de prise en charge dans le cadre du processus de DDR? : approche comparative entre les deux Congo / Children soldiers, armed conflicts, family links : What are the risks of responsibility in the process of DDR? : A comparative approach between the two Congo's.Ngondzi, Jonas Rémy 18 December 2013 (has links)
La participation active des enfants aux conflits armés affectant de manière endémique les territoires de la République du Congo et de la RDC est une réalité indéniable. Cette participation des enfants est dûment constatée par les organismes des Nations Unies, le CICR, les ONG de défense des droits de l’Homme, les médias internationaux. Elle est dénoncée par eux comme violation grave des droits de l’Homme et comme crime de guerre. La théorie du choix rationnel et le paradigme interactionniste sont les outils qui permettent le mieux d’appréhender et de comprendre les logiques des recruteurs d’enfants dans les deux Congo.Les seigneurs de la guerre, les leaders des groupes politico-militaires et certains chefs des armées régulières sous-estiment volontairement le phénomène de militarisation des enfants qui n’a cessé de prendre de l’ampleur avec la résurgence des conflits à l’Est de la RDC. Bien que le phénomène ait des origines anciennes, la militarisation de l’enfant dans les deux Congo lui a fait connaître une évolution considérable au cours des deux dernières décennies. Cette évolution a engendré des modifications profondes de l’image et de la fonction de ces enfants, passés du statut de victimes civiles, à celui d’enfants-soldats, indissociablement victimes et bourreaux.L’histoire des deux Congo, depuis longtemps émaillée de conflits sporadiques, semble être désormais entrée dans un cycle continu de guerres larvées ou déclarées, civiles, régionales, ethniques, sociopolitiques, économiques, voire vivrières, que seul l’enrôlement des enfants permet d’entretenir. L’enfant-soldat est devenu un acteur central des conflits actuels de la région. Comment évaluer et comprendre cette évolution fondamentale des conflits congolais ? Quelles perspectives de solution à ce phénomène ? Quelle prophylaxie?Pour éviter que perdure l’enrôlement des enfants, et obtenir la démobilisation de ceux qui servent déjà dans les rangs des armées régulières et des groupes armés de tous bords, l’implication réelle des responsables politiques nationaux et internationaux dans le processus « Désarmement, Démobilisation et Réinsertion » de l’ONU et l’Union Européenne, ainsi qu'une action concertée, rapide et efficace de la Communauté Internationale, sont indispensables. Il s’agit notamment de lobbying sur les Chefs des Armées Nationales et sur les seigneurs de la guerre, pour qui la perspective d’éventuelles poursuites de la Cour Pénale Internationale, et leurs conséquences, constitue une des rares menaces crédibles. / It has become an undeniable reality that the active involvement of children in armed conflict is an endemic problem affecting the countries of the Republic of Congo and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The participation of children has been condemned by the United Nations Organisation, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), international human rights Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs), and the international media, because of the human rights violations involved and war crimes perpetrated. Rational choice theories and interactionist paradigm can be used to analyse the logic of the forced recruitment of children in the two Congos. The war barons, the leaders of the politico-military groups and some of the chiefs of the national armies underestimate the phenomenon of the participation of children in armed conflict, which is on the rise with the re-emergence of fighting in the Eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. While the recruitment of child soldiers is nothing new, the role of children in combat has evolved considerably over the past two decades. This evolution has brought about profound changes in the way these children are perceived and used; from being seen as civil victims of the conflicts to being seen as child soldiers -concomitantly victims and perpetrators.The history of the two Congos, which have been beset over a long period with sporadic fighting, seems to have entered into a cycle of simmering conflicts and all-out war having civil, regional, ethnic, socio-political, and economic dimensions. The armies would be, without the forced recruitment of children, too thinly spread to continue these conflicts. The child soldier has therefore become a principal actor in the region. How can we evaluate and understand this fundamental evolution of the Congo conflicts? What solutions can be envisaged to this phenomenon? What can be done to prevent it? Which counter-measures can be undertaken?Real commitment from the national and international political leaders in the Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) process of the United Nations and the European Union, as well as quick and efficient concerted action from the international community is required to prevent the continued enrolment of children, and to obtain the demobilisation of those who served in the armies and the armed groups in both countries. This involves lobbying the army chiefs and the war barons, for whom the prospects of being arrested and appearing before the International Criminal Court, and the consequences of subsequent sentencing constitute a real threat.
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The Diffusion of Mllitarism? : Assesing the relationship between the militarization of public security in Mexico and the Northern Triangle of Central AmericaLoustalot, Miguel January 2022 (has links)
Latin America has experienced a new militarization in the last five years despite its history filled with military dictatorships and authoritarian governments. Due to their high rates of violence and crime worldwide, the countries with the most severe militarization process are Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras. Therefore, this work seeks to find the relationship between the militarization of public security in the four countries. To address the research question posed by this study, a mixed methodology based on quantitative and qualitative data was employed in conjunction with the theoretical framework of policy diffusion, a subdiscipline of International Relations that has gained relevancy for the past two decades. The findings indicated that a diffusion process occurred in multiple dimensions, first involving the United States and stemming from the interaction between the four countries. Furthermore, this work discusses the relationship between the diffusion process among the four countries with international norms.
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Les projets politiques et les fondements historiques de la communauté chiite au Bahreïn depuis l’indépendance 1971 / The political projects and the historical foundations of Shi’a in Bahrain since independence in 1971Al shaikh, Aayat 12 May 2018 (has links)
Le chiisme au Bahreïn est un phénomène sociopolitique complexe. A l’époque contemporaine, les projets politiques chiites transnationaux et nationaux ont connu une nouvel ascension. Les analyses politiques et médiatiques dominants réduisent souvent le chiisme dans le champ sociopolitique bahreïni aux projets politiques dominants en Iran, en Iraq, et au Liban, qui projettent le renforcement de leur pouvoir religieux et politique. Or, les chiites de Bahreïn sont souvent assimilés à des adeptes des politiques menées par les clercs influents outre le pays insulaire. Ils sont considérés comme des instruments de l’hégémonie des acteurs chiites. Ces grilles de lecture ne représentent qu’une approche réductrice et partielle du champ chiite. Certes, le chiisme bahreïni est influencé par les acteurs et les politiques régionales et transnationales, mais l’analyse de ses fondements et de son évolution démontre qu’il est spécifique à son contexte local. Le champ chiite local est façonné par des interactions sociopolitiques diverses, tels que des processus de socialisation politique, la transnationalisation, la pratique des rites particuliers, l’organisation des institutions, les relations avec l’Etat, etc. A l’époque contemporaine, les acteurs chiites bahreïnis sont influencés par des théories et des projets qui émanent de la sphère transnationale, cependant ils développent des projets sociopolitiques distincts. Dans ce contexte spécifique du Bahreïn, l’Etat même dominant, ne peut pas contrôler ses acteurs et leurs projets sociopolitiques, qu’ils soient transnationaux ou nationaux. / Shiism in Bahrain is a complicated socio-political phenomenon. The contemporary era is marked by a new rise of national and transnational shi’a political projects. Dominant political and media analysis consider shi’ism in the Bahraini context as a simplest extension of dominant political projects in Iran, Iraq, and in Lebanon.However, Bahraini shi’a are frequently assimilated to unconditional followers of influential non-Bahrainis clerics and their politics. In that framework, shi’a in Bahrain are considered as instruments of the shi’a actors’ hegemony. Those methods of interpretation appear superficial.Certainly, as we noted above, regional and transnational actors and politics affect the shiism in Bahrain, but the examination of its basis and its evolution demonstrate that it’s specific to the local schema. Various socio-political interactions shapes the local political sphere; such as political socialization processes,transnationalization, rites’ practicing, institutions’ organization's, relations avec the State, etc. In the contemporary period Bahrainis shi’a actors are indeed influenced by the theories and the projects stems from the transnational sphere, however, they develops their own and distinct socio-political projects. In this specific context, the State, even dominant, control neither these actors, nor their projects whether they are transnational or nationals.
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