Notre thèse d’analyse des idées politiques retrace l’histoire intellectuelle de larevue de pensée critique étasunienne Telos de 1968 à 2001. A travers notre travail denarration critique, nous cherchons à comprendre, au sens wébérien, l’évolution idéologiquesignificative de la publication-organisation, qui est passée en moins de trente ans d’unpositionnement néo-marxiste affilié à la Nouvelle gauche américaine à un populisme prochede la Nouvelle droite européenne. Notre hypothèse de travail est que le rapport que Telosentretient avec la Théorie critique de l’Ecole de Francfort est déterminant pour comprendreson évolution et écrire son histoire. Nous défendons ici la thèse que Telos constitue unorgane dissident de « théorie critique nord-américaine » (Mooney, Calhoun) qui s’exprimesous la forme d’un « traditionalisme critique » qui tient lieu de synthèse entre différentesbranches de théorie critique contemporaine. En tant que synthèse, la théorie telosiennedépasse l'héritage de la vieille Théorie critique francfortoise, dans un double rapportd’intégration et de négation. In fine, Telos produit sa propre critique, une autre théoriecritique. / Our doctoral dissertation traces the intellectual history of the American criticalthought journal Telos from 1968 to 2001. Through our critical narrative, we intend tounderstand, in the weberian sense, the significant ideological evolution of the publicationorganization,which, in less than thirty years, moved from a neo-Marxist position affiliatedwith the American New Left to a populism related to the European New Right. Our workinghypothesis is that the link between Telos and the Critical Theory of the Frankfurt School isdecisive to understand its evolution and write its history. Our thesis is that Telos is adissenting organ of “North-American Critical Theory” (Mooney, Calhoun) expressed as a“critical traditionalism” that acts as a synthesis between various trends of contemporarycritical theory. As a synthesis, the telosian theory overcomes the legacy of the old Criticaltheory in a dual relationship of integration and negation. Ultimately, Telos produces its owncriticism, another critical theory.

La justice pénale a historiquement, et à juste titre, été l’affaire de l’État. Octroyer à l’autorité publique le monopole de l’administration de la justice permet entre autres d’harmoniser les rapports sociaux tout en assurant une réponse structurée et dépersonnalisée au phénomène criminel. La confiance du public dans sa capacité d’accomplir judicieusement cette tâche est cruciale au maintien de ce monopole. Certaines réalités découlant du contexte médiatique moderne mettent toutefois en lumière une certaine crise de confiance du public dans l’appareil judiciaire et contribuent à déposséder l’État de son monopole sur l’administration de la justice pénale. Nous estimons que la télédiffusion des procédures judiciaires pénales de première instance est un des moyens par lesquels l’autorité publique peut rapatrier ce monopole. Ce mémoire s’intéressa à certains aspects de ces questions. / The State has historically overseen criminal justice, and with good reason. Delegating to state authorities full and exclusive administration of criminal justice ensures social harmony and allows for a structured and depersonalised response to crime. Public confidence in its ability to effectively do so is however crucial. The current media environment has contributed to a crisis of confidence in the system, depriving the State of its monopoly. We believe televising court proceedings and making them widely available to the public is one of the ways by which the State can strengthen confidence and reaffirm its legitimate control on the administration of criminal justice.

The current situation in politics is defined by the success of new political parties and movements, which are developed as a result of economic recession combined with European migration crisis. However, can we consider them as extreme right? Are these parties and movements ideologically empty, populist and demagogic or they forming a completely new kind of political groups? This issue interferes with current Western world but also the countries of middle and Eastern Europe. Thus, although it might appear to be a well-known topic, it is worth further research. This thesis is focused on new subjects in the territory of Czech Republic (ÚPD, ÚNK, SPD, BPI, BPi, IMK, 7. Republika, ApČR, ČS). The aim of this thesis is prediction of the future of these subjects in Czech environment and whether or not they could be identified as extreme right. The theoretical framework is extreme right by C. Mudde, the theory of islamophobia by A. Quellien enriched by the view of F. Lopez. Then also the definition of populism by P. Taggart and F. Pianizzo, completed with identification signs by V. Havlík and A. Pinková. In this thesis, quality and quantity content analysis of parties documents, web pages and profiles on Facebook is performed. Also, the author uses semi-structured questionnaires and interviews with chosen...

The key research question of my diploma thesis deals with the problem of whether the President of the Czech Republic Milos Zeman creates the same discourse as far-right political parties in the Czech Republic. The research concerns the social discourse surrounding the current migration crisis facing Europe. In this connection, there is a discourse analysis of the themes of migration, Islam, terrorism, external and internal actors. This research is conducted on the basis of the theory of binaries from Teun Van Dijk, which can be applied to a populist political style characterized by President Zeman and extreme right-wing political parties, among which are analyzed the Workers' Party of Social Justice, National Democracy, Dawn - the National Coalition, Freedom And Direct Democracy - Tomio Okamura and the Citizens' Rights Party. Research data is collected from President Zeman's official communications channels and political parties, including official websites and social networks. Based on a discourse analysis of their political views, it is possible to compare President Zeman and the extreme right-wing parties to each topic and to conclude whether they speak the same or differently about these themes.

This diploma theses presented deals with the development and electoral success of chosen populist parties and movements in the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom, and a comparison of the electoral success in those countries. The thesis is focused on the period between 2010 and 2019, given that the year 2010 represents a turning point considering election results in both countries. The first part of the thesis presents theoretical background of the study of populism and different understandings of the concept. The minimal definition of populism is presented there, together with three fundamental actors of populism which are then used to identify individual populist parties. The second and the third part of this thesis deal with the situation in the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom, respectively. We identify populist political parties and movements which are active on nationwide level and which managed to gain substantial results in parliamentary elections in the country or in elections to the European Parliament. Each party is described in terms of its development and its activity in politics, and then its electoral success in important elections is assessed. Subsequently, relevant party materials are analyzed, such as manifestos, websites, and leaders' statements which show particular...

Research on migration often focuses on non-citizens such as migrants being excluded from the framework of citizenship. This study suggests a novel approach by focusing on non-citizens and citizens alike, while exploring the strategies of othering in relation to how citizenship is constructed. It discusses and comparatively analyses the ways in which migrants, as non-citizens, and LGBT+ individuals, as a particular category of citizens, are framed as not conforming to the norms proposed by nationalist and populist ideologies in SouthEastern European (SEE) countries. Even if they are citizens, they are excluded from “national belonging” by populist political leaders in their communications. The study compares the category of LGBT+ persons to that of migrants and explores how both are framed in political communications using populist strategies of othering. It also shows that these two categories are placed at the outside of the nation state and of the notion of citizenship. Moreover, it highlights the multiple tropes that are employed in the process of othering and that refer to how nations are defined through their “traditional values”, “morality”, “religious views” and a strong opposition to what is considered to belong to the Western progressive values. The body of material comprises statements mostly made by highly positioned politicians such as Presidents, Ministers, Prime Ministers, etc. from Romania and the Republic of Moldova.These politicians shape the internal and foreign policies of the two countries and their communications have a great impact in different areas of the society. The analysis shows that the social dimension of citizenship is important in how a certain category of citizens is framed as not belonging to the nation state. The results based on the analysis of this less researched material are consistent with the trend of anti-gender movements and the increasing anti immigration stances in other Eastern European countries such as Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia.

The master thesis Development of czech extreme right-wing after 1989 deals with three the most significant far right-wing parties in Czech republic after 1989. These parties are Association for republic - Czechoslovak Republican Party (SPR-RSČ), National Party (NS) and Workers' Party (DS). The only far right-wing body shall, which was able to enforce on Czech political scene and obtain representation in the Parliament was SPR-RSČ. Other two parties were unsuccessful in elections. Thesis has an ambition to make clear, why SPR-RSČ was that successful and other parties were not. But at the beginning of the thesis is explained concept of far right-wing. After this, is a chapter about SPR-RSČ, which was significant political party in the 90's. Nevertheless after unsuccessful elections in 1998 became piece by piece minor political force. Next part refers about NS, which was very unsuccessful in elections, but was able to attract attention of Czech media by its actions. Thesis also include chapter about DS, which was, as the only one after 1989, dissolved by the Supreme Administrative Court. However the party works under the name DSSS and nowadays is the most successful far right-wing party in Czech Republic. After that is a chapter, which clarifies the reasons why was SPR-RSČ successful and the other...

[pt] O governo Lula da Silva (2003-2010) tem sido tratado na Análise da Política Externa Brasileira (APEB) principalmente sob uma abordagem de mudança versus continuidade. Contudo, a forma como a área avalia mudança e continuidade pode precisar ser reestruturada e, se mudança ou continuidade forem encontradas, podem ser de um tipo diferente do que a literatura estabeleceu até agora. Resultado ilustrativo disso é a redução da capacidade do campo de entender a recente guinada à extrema direita no Brasil e como a forte polarização e as disputas de memória sobre os governos Lula e Dilma poderiam se relacionar com a política externa, por exemplo. Esses movimentos recentes parecem desafiar as análises tradicionais de custo-benefício, bem como considerar a profunda influência entre os discursos domésticos de identidade e a Política Externa oficial. Portanto, proponho olhar para abordagens pós-estruturalistas e construtivistas de política externa, identidade e biografias nacionais, os quais analisam os discursos da política externa no contexto de uma ontologia lacaniana de falta e ansiedade, levando à busca contínua por uma (impossível) estabilidade e segurança ontológica. Compreendendo a política externa como práticas discursivas que traçam fronteiras entre o doméstico e o internacional e as narrativas biográficas do passado, do presente e do futuro desejado, a literatura sugere um papel central para os significantes mestres e os investimentos libidinais sobre eles. A partir daí, a principal contribuição desta tese é apresentar a (re)construção das narrativas biográficas brasileiras sob a ótica dos analistas da APEB, que inclui políticos e acadêmicos, com o objetivo de mapear os significantes mestres em torno dos quais circulam suas narrativas hegemônicas. De acordo com o campo, os significantes mestres encontrados como norteadores das narrativas biográficas hegemônicas do Brasil foram miscigenação/democracia racial, legalismo/pacifismo, desenvolvimento e autonomia. Em torno deles, muitos outros relevantes circulam. Posteriormente, esses significantes mestres e suas cadeias de significação foram contrastados com os discursos oficiais do PEB durante o período Lula, tentando entender se e em que medida os discursos da Política Externa de Lula poderiam ter deslocado significados sobre as narrativas da identidade brasileira. Esta tese dá atenção especial aos discursos raciais e sua relação com um sentimento de insegurança ontológica do self brasileiro. Não objetivando apresentar respostas definitivas ao assunto e encontrando muitos elementos de complexidade e ambiguidade discursiva durante o período Lula, levando também em consideração a natureza deslizante/cambiante dos significantes, um dos principais objetivos deste trabalho é mostrar o papel construtivo da academia da APEB na compreensão brasileira de suas narrativas biográficas. Outro objetivo é explorar como os discursos domésticos de identidade, parte da política externa, ativamente informam e/ou limitam a Política Externa oficial e como esta influencia as compreensões internas de eu e outro (política externa) no Brasil. Tal abordagem rompe com a ideia tradicional de Política Externa como uma ponte entre o doméstico e o internacional. Diferentemente, entende-a como uma construção discursiva enraizada em narrativas libidinais e imaginárias, ancorada por significantes mestres (e deslizantes), de seu eu ou ego, bem como do ideal do ego e dos outros. / [en] Lula da Silva s government (2003-2010) has been approached in Brazilian Foreign Policy Analysis (BFPA) mainly under a framework of change versus continuity. Nonetheless, the way the area assesses change and continuity might need to be framed differently and, if either change or continuity are found, it might be of a different kind than the literature has established so far. An illustrative result of this is a reduced capacity of the field to understand the recent turn towards the far-right in Brazil and how the strong polarization and memory disputes over the Lula and Dilma governments could relate to foreign policy, for example. Those recent movements seem to defy the regular cost-benefit calculus, as well as to consider the deep influence between domestic discourses of identity and official Foreign Policy. Therefore, I propose to look at post-structuralist and constructivist approaches to foreign policy and identity and national biographies that analyze foreign policy discourses in the context of a Lacanian ontology of lack and anxiety, which leads to the country s continuous search for (impossible) stability and ontological (in)security. Understanding foreign policy as discursive practices drawing frontiers between the domestic and the international and the biographical narratives of past, present, and desired future, the literature suggests a central role to master signifiers and the libidinal investments over them. Henceforth, the main contribution of this thesis is presenting the (re)construction of Brazilian biographical narratives under the lenses of the analysts of BFPA, which includes both politicians and academicians, aiming to map the master signifiers around which their hegemonic narratives circulate. According to the field, the master signifiers found guiding Brazil s hegemonic biographical narratives were miscegenation/racial democracy, legalism/pacifism, development, and autonomy. Around those, many other relevant ones circulate. Later on, those master signifiers and their chains of significance were contrasted to the official BFP discourses during Lula, trying to understand if and to what extent Lula s Foreign Policy discourses could have dislocated meaning over Brazilian identity narratives. This thesis pays special attention to racial discourses and their relation to a sense of ontological insecurity of the Brazilian self. Not aiming to present definitive answers to the matter and finding many elements of complexity and discursive ambiguity during Lula, also taking into consideration the sliding/shifting nature of signifiers, one of the main objectives of this work is to show the constructive role of the BFPA academia in Brazil’s understandings of its biographical narratives. Another central goal is to explore how the realm of domestic identity discourses, part of foreign policy, actively inform and/or limit official Foreign Policy and how this one influences back Brazil s domestic understandings of self and other (foreign policy). Such an approach disrupts the traditional idea of Foreign Policy as a bridge between the domestic and the international. Differently, takes it as a discursive construction entrenched to libidinal and imaginary narratives, anchored by master (and sliding) signifiers, of its self or ego, as well as the ideal of the ego and the others.

This paper aims to provide the grounds for a biopsychosocial understanding of the underpinnings of conspiracy theorist ideation by studying research articles from different scientific disciplines. Cross-disciplinary concurring results are presented and discussed, as well as some examples of how conspiracy theories have been used during the 20th century. Also discussed is how this is used in political discourse in the populist climate of today, with the rise of radical right-wing movements, the justification of “alternative facts” from higher governmental ranks, and religious fundamentalism, making it a societal issue of possible big magnitude. Neurological similarities was found between religiousness and proneness to conspiracy theory ideation, and the articles concerning neural correlates therefore stem from research on religious individuals due to the lack of neuro-biopsychological research on actual conspiracy theorists. Since conspiracy theory ideation has shown the ability to cause negative consequences it is also advised that governmental agencies and society as a whole revise its stance on populism and the spread of flawed information, in order to maintain an open society. Also presented are a few ideas on how to begin countering the rise of populism.

Le 25 mai 2003, le peuple argentin assistait à l’investiture présidentielle du candidat du Frente Para la Victoria, Néstor Kirchner. Suite à la défection de Carlos Menem pendant l’entre-deux tours, il est élu avec 22% des suffrages. Malgré cette faible légitimité, il réussit à insuffler un changement certain dans la politique argentine. L’objectif de ce travail de thèse est de montrer comment Néstor Kirchner est arrivé à imposer un nouveau système de référence et à tourner la page du passé néolibéral qui a conduit le pays à l’effondrement. Pour cela, notre travail se concentre d’abord sur la présentation nécessaire du contexte économique et politique antérieur aux élections de 2003. Cette contextualisation permet de mieux cerner les conditions dans lesquelles Néstor Kirchner est porté au pouvoir. Ensuite, nous étudions la lutte idéologique qui se met en place, notamment à l’intérieur même du péronisme, afin d’identifier les processus qui permettent au discours kirchnériste de devenir discours dominant. Enfin, il s’agira d’étudier les points de ruptures ou de convergences du kirchnérisme avec le populisme et le péronisme afin de mieux le caractériser. De plus, le décès de Néstor Kirchner survenu le 27 Octobre 2010 a provoqué un véritable choc. Aussi, l’étude de la figure post mortem de Kirchner permet de prendre la mesure du phénomène K, dans le sens où il symbolise à la fois une réhabilitation du politique, une reconstruction de la nation argentine et une refondation du péronisme au XXIème siècle. / On 25 May 2003, argentinian population attended the presidential nomination of the "Frente Para la Victoria" party candidate, Néstor Kirchner. Thanks to the defection of Carlos Menem between the two rounds, he was elected with 22% of votes. Despite this weak legitimacy, he succeeded in impulsing changes in Argentina political agenda. The purpose of this thesis is to show how Néstor Kirchner managed to impose a new system as a new reference, and to move on from a neoliberal past which led the country to collapse. Therefore, our work first focuses on a necessary presentation of economic and political background prior to 2003' elections. Such contextualisation allows us to have a better understanding of the conditions in which Néstor Kirchner reached the presidency. Then, we study the ideological struggle taking place afterwards, particularly within peronism itself, in order to identify the processes allowing the kirchnerist line to become a dominant speech. Finally, we will focus on Kirchnerism’s breakpoints or convergences with Peronist populism for a better characterization. In addition, the death of Néstor Kirchner the 27th of october 2010 caused a real shock. Also, the study of the postmortem figure of Kirchner allows us to estimate the "K" phenomenon, in the sense it symbolizes as well a rehabilitation of politics as a reconstruction of the argentinian nation, or an overhaul of peronism in the XXIst century.