由於社會與經濟結構的變遷，讓城市的環境結構隨之面臨重大改變，於是形成「創意城市」研究熱潮。在這股「創意城市」的研究浪潮當中，台灣城市的產業結構、空間規畫以及城市氛圍，都有了不同以往風貌。在這波改變中，連都市化、都市更新速度在五都中相對較慢的文化古都-台南市，也發生了改變，因此，本研究歸納台南市中西區近十年產生的變化，希望循著台南市中西區改變的軌跡，發現改變的原因，尤其不同因素間是如何交互影響，讓老府城有了新風景。 本研究整理、歸納「創意城市」理論發展的背景與主流理論後，考量文化、社會環境及經濟型態對城市發展的影響，選擇Desmond Hui以香港為研究背景所提出的「創意5C模型」做為本研究理論架構的基礎，以創意城市的理論觀點探討台南市中西區近十年城市的變化。因此本研究期盼藉由研究成果回答三點研究問題：(1) 近十年台南市中西區城市變化中，創意5C的四項資本有何改變？對此區所造成的變化又是什麼？ (2)創意5C模型四項資本在台南市中西區城市變化的歷程中如何互動？ (3) 在台南市中西區改變的歷程中，隨著時期演進四項資本有什麼消長？ 本研究所得到的初步結論：(1) 不以經濟發展為目的的城市改變策略，才能真正找到屬於城市發展的方向，而形成復甦經濟發展的外溢效果。 (2) 人力資本是城市發展歷程中最主要的關鍵因素，台南市中西區的成功來自建構足以吸引人才的環境，同時藉由資本間的互動形成正向循環。 (3) 在由下而上的城市改變案例中，政府最適切的角色是「放手讓孩子去闖的父母」。 / The tide of researching creative cities blooms after heavily changes of the environment as society and economic structure evolves. Due to these changes, even the city with usually slowest urban renewal pace, Tainan, has altered in its industry structure, spatial planning and atmosphere. Therefore, this thesis generalizes the changing of the Middle-East District of Tainan City for past decade and tries to discover how it happened and how the factors interacted. The thesis discusses the evolving of the Middle-East District of Tainan City for the past decade based on the “5Cs of Creativity Index”, which comes from Desmond Hui’s study taking Hong Kong as the researching target. This thesis aims at answering three research questions: (1) In the process of the urban evolution during 1999-2010 in the Middle-East District of Tainan City, what are the changes of 4 capitals of “5Cs of Creativity Index”? And what kind of impact do these changes have on this district? (2) In the process of the urban evolution during 1999-2010 in the Middle-East District of Tainan City, what are the interactions among 4 capitals of “5Cs of Creativity Index”? (3) In different phases of the urban evolution during 1999-2010 in the Middle-East District of Tainan City, how does the priority of 4 capitals of “5Cs of Creativity Index” changes? The conclusions of this thesis are as following: (1) Strategies of city development should build on their own history, resource, and territory asset, instead of focusing on the rise of economic immediately. (2) Human capital is the key element to the urban evolution in the Middle-East District of Tainan City. The Middle-East District of Tainan City attracts creative class and arouses positive cycle due to interactions of 4 capitals. (3) This case study demonstrates that in bottom-up urban evolution, the most proper character of government is to build up an environment with sufficient support and without unnecessary constraints.

這是一個結合音樂創作專輯和現場展演（火車音樂會）的作品，探討城市之間旅途的往返和時空的轉換，創作過程同時也是尋找「自我」的過程。 專輯發想於我多年來在揚州、北京和台北三地之間往返的移動經歷。十四首曲目通過「出發」「海島」「都市」「歸家」這樣的線索串連，其中也將收錄城市不同角落的聲景，期盼透過作品，讓聽眾思考心目中城市的樣貌，也藉由出發找到自我。展演的部分的是由火車音樂會構成，將音樂表演安排在區間車車廂內舉行，試圖將聽眾們帶回我最初創作歌曲的場景，更好地感受我的音樂創作。 本創作論述提供創作的背景與動機，關於城市、空間、民謠的歷史的文獻探討和其他作品討論，以及專輯和火車音樂會的創作內容說明，觀眾回饋。最後附上結論與參考文獻，構成共五章的創作論述。 / Between Cities is a comprehensive work which combines music album and live show(train concert). It intends to discuss the journeys between cities and time-space transposition. Also, the process of creation is a process of finding myself. Inspired by the travel experience among Yangzhou, Beijing and Taipei over the years, the music album contains 14 tracks through a clue of “Departures” “The island” “Cities” and  “Homecoming”. It also records soundscapes of different cities’ corners. I hope these songs can let the audience think about the appearance of their imaginative cities and find themselves by starting from somewhere. Consisting of music performance which is arranged in train cabin, the train concert intends to bring the audience back to my original scene of songwriting and make them learn my songs more deeply. The thesis declares my motives and songwriting background of this creation in the first part. It then reviews the literary writings about cities, space, folk history and other songwriters’ artworks. In the third and fourth part, I explain all the treatment of my album and train concert, including the audience feedback. Adding on the conclusion and reference, working records above become a five-chapter thesis in the end.

在自媒體時代下，每個人都可簡單創立一個自媒體，使讀者在旅行的過程中得以參與照片的產製，共同塑造一地的城市意象。本研究將觀察場域設定為以照片為主的社群平台Instagram，研究標的為－上海。藉由Kevin Lynch的城市意象理論、Fakeye & Crompton的原始意象、誘發意象、複合意象理論，探討讀者抵達上海前後的差異與如何藉由照片形成複合意象，進而探討一座城市的意象如何經由照片被形塑以及讀者眼中的城市意象的構成元素與自媒體時代的關係。 研究發現，讀者的原始意象多來自朋友間主觀性的評論。抵達上海前的原始意象多指向繁華、中西合併的國際化都市，抵達後的意象較多元而衝突，特別對於人民的文化素養有所描述。在自媒體時代下，Kevin Lynch的五大要素除邊界外，其他皆仍存在自媒體上，新增人物、食物、建築空間等三大新要素。 從讀者所提供的照片歸納出以人物、標誌物兩種要素佔比最高，根據深度訪談分析讀者上傳照片的原因，如：特別、值得紀念、實現夢想、覺得自己美、心情美好、感到優越。進而從照片中發現，在自媒體時代下「我」的主體性被凸顯，使照片中充分展現自媒體時代的特色。 / In an owned media era, people can create owned media easily. They can always share photos during their travel time and shape urban images together with other readers. With the experiences of the author and consider the suitability of samples, this research will be based on Instagram, a social media platform focusing on photographs, and targeted on Shanghai. With “The Image of the City” of Kevin Lynch, “Original Image”, “Induced Image”, and “Complex Image” of Fakeye & Crompton, this research will be analyzing the difference between interviewees’ image towards Shanghai before and after visiting, and how they shape their urban image through their uploaded photographs. Through the research, the author wish to discuss the relationship between the constitute elements of urban image by different readers and the aspects of owned media era. After the research, the author found out that readers’ original images come from subjective comments of their friends. Most original images include seeing Shanghai as a prosperous, diverse and an international city. Images after visiting start to diverse and conflict, especially on cultural literacy of the people in Shanghai. In own media era, four of the five elements, except for Edges, of Kevin Lynch are still applicable. In addition, the author established another important elements, people, foods, and spaces. The photos provided by readers can be classified into people and landmarks. Through analyzing interviews, the reasons of uploading pictures are mostly things that are special, things or events that are memorable, dreams come true, photogenic, in a good mood and feeling superior. The author concludes that under owned media era, the subjectivity of “I” has been highlighted from the uploaded pictures and that also brings out the aspect of owned media era.

À la suite des catastrophes aux XIVe et XVe siècles et notamment de l’arrivée et du départ de la Cour pontificale, la population immigrée, d’origines diverses, devient la majorité des habitants d’Avignon. La communauté urbaine connaît des transformations à la fin du Moyen Âge. Après une déconstruction des définitions traditionnelles de la « religion civique » et de l’« identité urbaine », notre recherche, comptant sur la notion récente de « citadinité » et les sources manuscrites – les statuts des confréries, leurs registres de gestion et des comptes et les testaments d’Avignonnais –, explore comment les confréries forgent la religion civique et de quelle manière l’identité urbaine est marquée par les initiatives des citadins.Sous l’autorité de l’Église, les Avignonnais ont fondé presque une centaine de confréries aux XIVe et XVe siècles. Ces dernières groupent, généralement sans mettant de critère social, des citadins aux profils variés et assument des fonctions multiples qui favorisent l’intégration de leurs membres dans une vie urbaine. Le gouvernement de « simi-consulat » des confréries, ses correspondances avec le régime du gouvernement communal, provoque une citadinisation des habitants dans un niveau politique. La multiplicité des ressources et des dépenses entraîne les confréries dans l’économie de la ville. La dévotion collective, centrée sur le culte de(s) saint(s) patron(s) et la commémoration des morts, revèle la présence des communautés confraternelles dans la ville. Aux côtés des les charités vers l’extérieure, les groupements confraternels, grâce à un système efficace d’entraide, contribuent à l’installation des nouveaux arrivants et aident les Avignonnais à résister à la précarité de la vie urbaine. En pratiquant la moralisation et la punition, les confréries intègrent les individus dans leurs communautés et constituent des lieux de sociabilité dans lesquels la moralité personnelle et la paix avec les autres suscitent l’assimilation et la citadinisation. Grâce à la dévotion collective, les confréries ne nourrissent pas seulement une religion civique caractérisée par la diversité des cultes des saints, laquelle dote le temps urbain des rythmes variés. En suscitant des déplacements individuels et collectifs, elles étendent également les réseaux de sociabilité des individus et diluent les délimitations de l’espace urbain. Dans l’ensemble, les confréries, en façonnant les relations sociales entre les personnes et les liens entre les citadins et la ville, contribuent à la formation de la religion civique et de l’identité urbaine. / As the result of the catastrophes of the 14th and 15th centuries, especially with the arrival and the departure of the papal court, the immigrant population, from various origins, becomes the majority of the inhabitants of Avignon. The urban community undergoes the transformations at the end of the Middle Ages. After a deconstruction of the traditional definitions of "civic religion" and "urban identity", our research, relying on the recent notion of "citadinité" and the manuscript sources – the statutes of the confraternities, their administration registers, their account books and the testaments of Avignoneses – explores how the confraternities forge the civic religion and how the urban identity is marked by the initiatives of the city dwellers.Under the authority of the Church, the Avignoneses founded almost one hundred confraternities during the 14th and 15th centuries. They group, generally without any social criteria, the city dwellers with varied profiles and assume the multiple functions, which favor the integration of their members into an urban life. The government of "simi-consulate" of the confraternities, with correspondences to the regime of the communal government, promotes the citadinization of the inhabitants in the political dimension. The multiplicity of the resources and the expenses leads the confraternities into the city’s economy. The collective devotion, which is centered on the worship of the patron(s) saint(s) and the commemoration of the dead, reveals the presence of the fraternal communities in the city. Along with the charities to the external people, the fraternal groups, by means of an efficient system of mutual assistance, contribute to the settlement of newcomers and help the Avignoneses resist the precariousness of urban life.Practicing the moralization and the punishment, the confraternities integrate the individuals into their communities and constitute the places of sociability, in which the personal morality and the peace with others arouse the assimilation and the citadinization. Through the collective devotion, the confraternities nourish not only a civic religion characterized by the diversity of cults of saints, which endows the urban time with varied rhythms. By encouraging the individual and collective movements, they also extend the individuals’ social networks and dilute the boundaries within the urban space. Overall, the confraternities, who shape the social relationships between the people and the links between the city and its residents, contribute to the formation of the civic religion and the urban identity. / 发生在中世纪晚期的灾难以及教宗的到来与离开共同改变了阿维尼翁的人口结构，来自西欧各地的移民成为了城市居民中的大多数，城市共同体因此发生了变化。在对“城市信仰”和“城市认同”的传统定义进行一系列解构之后，这项研究依托于城市研究的新概念“市民性”，通过解读十四、十五世纪的原始档案手稿——兄弟会的会规、它们的管理记录和账簿、阿维尼翁人的遗嘱——，探讨中世纪晚期的城市居民如何通过兄弟会构建城市信仰，形成城市认同。在教会的监控下，阿维尼翁人在十四、十五世纪创建了大约一百个兄弟会。它们吸纳各种社会背景的城市居民成为成员，并承担了多项能够促进成员融入城市生活的职能。兄弟会中“类执政官”的管理制度与市政组织具有一定的相似性，促进了城市居民在政治层面的市民化。兄弟会收入和支出的多样性使它们成为了城市经济的重要参与者。以崇拜主保圣人和纪念亡魂为主要内容的集体性宗教活动向整个城市展示了兄弟会共同体的存在。除了组织面向外界的慈善救济活动，兄弟会还在共同体内部建立起了有效的互助体系，帮助新近移民对抗城市生活的不稳定性，有利于他们在阿维尼翁安居。通过道德教化和惩罚措施，兄弟会将背景不同的个人融入进了共同体中，并且形成了以“好名声”和“和为贵”为基本原则的社交场域，促进了城市居民间的同化与市民化。借助集体性的宗教活动，阿维尼翁众多的兄弟会孕育了一个以圣徒崇拜多样化为特点的城市信仰，赋予了城市时间更为复杂的周期性。此外，由于兄弟会调动了个人和集体在城市中的移动，它们不仅拓展了个人在城市空间中的社交网络，还一定程度上消弭了城市空间中的各种区隔。总之，兄弟会通过塑造城市居民的社会关系以及他们与城市的关系促进了城市信仰和城市认同的形成。

近年來，超高大樓型式之指標性建築，逐漸成為城市行銷的重點，並作為許多新興國家重新建立城市品牌，提升國際地位的利器。成功的指標性建築不僅可以吸引外國訪客，為當地增加觀光收入，更可以作為居民情感上的依歸，加強社群連結，增加歸屬感。本研究主要是以台北101為例，採用個性契合度為主軸，探討指標性建築與訪客間之關係如何影響其本身對於訪客的吸引力。而指標性建築是否真能增加城市之吸引力，而又應該與城市如何合作，始能增加雙方的吸引力，達到互蒙其利的效果。 本文研究架構主要包含台北101與消費者個性契合度、台北101與台北市個性契合度、以及旅遊知識分別與台北101、台北市之喜愛度、未來造訪意願以及推薦意願彼此間的交互關係。 研究結果顯示，對外國訪客而言，真實自我(理想自我)與指標性建築之個性契合度愈高，則對於指標性建築的未來造訪意願以及推薦意願(喜愛度)愈高。而對於指標性建築的喜愛度愈高，則對城市的喜愛度以及城市與指標性建築本身之未來造訪意願以及推薦意願有正向影響。而指標性建築與所在城市之個性契合度愈高則對於指標性建築的喜愛度、未來造訪意願以及推薦意願有正向影響。此外，旅遊知識多寡，對於城市與建築的喜愛度與未來造訪、推薦意願皆有正向影響。另一方面，對於本國居民而言，真實自我與指標性建築個性契合度愈高對於指標性建築之喜愛度有正向影響而對於推薦意願有負向影響。而指標性建築的喜愛度愈高對於城市的喜愛度、未來造訪意願以及推薦意願有正向影響。此外，指標性建築與所在城市個性契合度愈高，對於指標性建築之喜愛度、未來造訪意願以及推薦意願有負向影響，而對於城市之喜愛度與推薦意願則有正向影響。

本論文視莎士比亞的《量罪記》為詹姆士王朝城市喜劇。這齣喜劇勾勒出城市的郊區下流地圖誌。過去的批評家在討論此劇時，要不將此劇視為迎接英國新國王詹姆士一世的奉承之作，就是將此劇解讀成對新來統治者的政治批評。本論文試圖超越過去論述的簡單二元對立，以城市喜劇的角度重新切入《量罪記》，分析莎士比亞如何透過戲劇再現城市下流文化，以及此舞台再現如何連結台下底層市民，形成大眾展演政治。 論文第一部分分析《量罪記》與城市下流文化的再現。本劇將維也納城作為「崩壞之身」拉開序幕，此隱喻一方面沿襲自文藝復興時期的身體政治學，一方面又挑戰了它，因為此「崩壞之身」直到劇終仍然維持其「病態」。本劇讓觀眾體驗漫布於城市各個角落的下流文化，包括郊區的妓院群與監獄中的娼寮。本劇表面上似乎在鞏固文森提歐公爵對城市空間的掌控與管理權，另一方面卻又透過「下流」角色的身影，提供觀眾另類的閱讀，揭露城市下流文化的延續與崛起。 論文第二部分探索詹姆士王朝的城市慶典與本劇饒富興味的最後一幕之間的關係。最後一幕中，公爵的皇家入城儀式與詹姆士一世的王室慶典有許多相似之處。城市慶典許久以來便是君王用來展示自我權力的工具之一，詹姆士一世對於自己的王室慶典之抗拒，卻流露出他對公眾討論的恐懼與對自我名譽的管理。他對公眾形象的細心掌控也被再現於此劇的最後一幕中。不過，即使在這最後一幕，嫖客盧求不僅讓公爵淪為眾人笑柄，毀了他的聲譽，更勾起觀眾對城市下流文化之記憶。因此，觀眾目睹的反而不是一個可敬王者的回歸，反而是一個淫亂嫖客之崛起。 論文第三部分將本劇放置在原本的文化、社會與歷史背景中 。《量罪記》屬於1603年後冒出的一波「偽裝國王劇」，這一波戲劇風潮呼應伊莉莎白一世去世、詹姆士一世繼位的關鍵歷史時刻，反映出的是當時人民對於新王來臨產生的焦慮。《量罪記》特別之處在於呈現了城市「下流」人物對於未來生存與否的焦慮。另外，本劇亦與「假國王」的戲劇傳統相關。在此戲劇傳統中，劇作家會透過舞台上的「假國王」來做政治批評，展示適當的統治方式。本論文認為，本劇中影射詹姆士一世的公爵角色也可被視為一個舞台上的「假國王」，崛起的反而是城市「下流」人物。本劇透過丑角盧求邀請觀眾大方嘲弄公爵並且挑戰他早先建立起的權威。最後，盧求成為舞台上的底層大眾化身，透過情色的笑話與不馴的笑聲與台下的觀眾形成「下流」社群，共享大眾歡樂。正是這大眾愉悅的力量，讓此劇不再替統治者的權威背書，反而擁抱了底層下流市民。 / This thesis sees Shakespeare’s Measure for Measure as a Jacobean city comedy that maps an urban vulgar culture. Critics in the past often focused on whether the play should be read as a flattery to the new king, James I, or as a political criticism of the ruler. The thesis goes beyond the simple dichotomy offered by criticism in the past. It reads Measure for Measure as a city comedy and analyzes Shakespeare’s dramatic representation of the urban vulgar culture, which connects the lowlife figures onstage with the audiences offstage, ultimately forming a popular performative politics. The first part of the thesis analyzes Measure for Measure and its representation of an urban vulgar culture. Vienna in the play is represented as a “vile body,” which both confirms and unsettles the early modern body politic, since the vile body stays “ill” till the very end of the play. The play invites the audience to experience how this vulgar culture permeates every part of the city, including the houses of prostitution in the suburbs and a “bawdyhouse” in the prison. While the play seems to confirm Duke Vincentio’s control and regulation of the city, the bawdy figures provide us with an alternative reading of the play, revealing the survival and even the rise of the urban vulgar culture The second part of the thesis relates Jacobean civic pageantry to the play’s intriguing final scene, in which the Duke stages a royal entry that is not unlike James I’s civic pageantry. While civic pageantries had long been used by monarchs to demonstrate their power, James I’s resistance to participating in his own pageantry revealed his fear of public discourses and his careful management of reputation and honor. This careful management of public image is also represented in the play’s final scene. However, even during the final scene, Lucio not only turns the Duke into a mockable figure but also ruins the Duke’s reputation and honor. His stage presence also evokes a suburban vulgar culture. Thus, the audience does not witness the return of a respectable ruler, but the rise of a lascivious whoremaster. The third part of the thesis puts the play into its cultural, social, and historical backgrounds. Measure for Measure belonged to the wave of disguised ruler plays after 1603. The wave of drama was produced during the critical moment when Elizabeth I died and James I came to the throne. It reflected a popular anxiety of the arrival of the new king. Measure for Measure is unique in its dramatization of suburban bawdy figure’s anxiety of their future state. In addition, the play was also closely connected to the “mock king tradition,” in which the dramatists staged a mock king on the stage in order to show the proper way to rule. The thesis argues that Duke Vincentio, who resembled James I in many aspects, could possibly stand for a “mock king.” What the play actually shows is the rise of the suburban vulgar culture. The clown Lucio invites the audience to laugh at the Duke and challenges his authority established in earlier scenes. Lucio eventually stands for the general lowlife public on the stage, forming a “bawdy” community with the audience through bawdy jokes and unruly laughter. It is exactly this power of popular mirth that turns the play from an endorsement of the ruler’s authority to a celebration of the lowlife citizens.

À travers des projets d’une échelle inégalée, les acteurs chinois contribuent à la transformation des villes africaines. Le développement urbain constitue un secteur émergent des relations sino-africaines.Combinant aide publique et capitaux privés, plusieurs catégories d’acteurs – instituts d’urbanisme, entreprises de construction, promoteurs privés – y conçoivent et construisent des projets de nature variée à différentes échelles : routes urbaines, résidences de logements, villes satellites,zones économiques spéciales conçues comme des villes nouvelles. Les productions urbaines chinoises en Afrique accélèrent la métropolisation des plus grandes villes du continent et densifient leurs espaces périurbains : elles contribuent à la formation d’une nouvelle strate urbaine. Les projets chinois accompagnent l’émergence des classes moyennes africaines en facilitant l’accession à un meilleur confort de vie. Parallèlement, l’exportation de pratiques chinoises d’urbanisme véhicule une image de réussite et participe au renforcement de la puissance chinoise. / Urban development has become a growing sector within China-Africa relations. The Chinese contribute to the urbanization process in Africa. By combining development aid and business, a number of Chinese stakeholders – urban planning and design institutes, construction firms, and real estate developers – design and build there, on various scales, a great variety of projects such as urban roads, housing estates, satellite-towns, special economic zones planned as new cities. Chinese urban development projects in Africa have sped up the metropolization processin the largest African cities by making suburban areas denser and denser. This has contributed to the development of a new urban stratum in Africa. Chinese projects have been boosting the rise of the African urban middle class by facilitating access to better standards of living. At the same time, the export of Chinese urban development practices conveys an image of success andallows China to strengthen its soft power. / 中国对非洲城市发展的贡献: 中国城市规划式对非洲城市化的影响城市发展已成为中非合作越来越重要的行业。中国对非洲城市化进程作出了贡献。众多中国城市建设专业机构(城市规划设计研究院，施工企业，房地产开发商)在非洲设计和建造各类的城市发展项目: 城市道路、住宅区、卫星城市和经济特区。中国在非洲城市发展项目对加快特大城市的大都市化和密集化作出了贡献。这些项目已经推动一些非洲城市开始产生新的城市阶层。在非洲的中国项目推动非洲中产阶层的崛起，帮助他们方便获得更好的生活条件。同时，中国城市规划设计的走出去传达中国城市发展的成功形象，有利于中国加强自己的软实力。关键词：中非合作，城市发展，城市发展实践，大都市化，城市阶层，房地产，全球化，软实力，援助，新兴国家和发展中国家。

眾所週知，對於發展中國家來說，人口、糧食、就業與通貨一直是其經濟發展中的重要問題。其中，人力資源是經濟發展過程中最重要的因素。充分開發利用人力資源，不僅是社會經濟的需要，也是勞動力自身生存和發展的需要。 中國大陸是一個農業大國，12億多人口中有3/4在農村，所以農村經濟的發展和農村社會的穩定關係是非常密切的。中共在現代化過程中要完成從二元經濟向一元現代經濟的轉變。在廣大的農村，是屬於勞動力資源相對於土地資源等生產要素大大過剩的情況，龐大的人口基數使農村勞動力供給的增長一直快於農村經濟發展的勞動力的需求。 1978年以前，在傳統計劃體制下，政府一方面通過嚴格的戶籍制度和其他配套性措施把農村勞動力限制在土地上，另一方面通過實施以集體化經營和平均工資為特徵的人民共社制度，以維護低效率的就業均衡。經濟改革以來，中共當局放棄了傳統的「統包統配」的就業制度，而農村勞動力也突破了傳統體制的束縛，使得農業生產力大幅度提高、農產品產量增長迅速，農村地區出現了相對過剩的勞動力。 但80年代中國大陸農村勞動力的跨地區流動並不活耀，農村勞動力的轉移主要以發展鄉鎮企業為主的農村內部就地轉移的方式。進入90年代之後，轉移模式的局限性日益突出。眾多的農村勞動力外出打工，固然與城鄉之間、區域之間收入差距擴大。 但是，隨著市場經濟改革的深入發展，國有企業越來越不能適應市場經濟要求，農村剩餘勞動力流入城市就業越來越艱難。 農民佔中國大陸總人口的3/4。農民問題不僅僅是農民的問題，而是國家根本的問題。所以，農村勞動力轉移的問題是國家一定要解決的一個難題。對於農村剩餘勞動力轉移的問題，主要的論點為加快工業化的發展進程、農村勞動力的素質提高、積極培育「統一、開放、競爭、有序」的勞動力市場，轉換就業制度與戶籍制度。

本篇論文主要探討1880至1930年代英國女性作家所再現的性別化空間。女性逐漸在十九世紀末倫敦的公共空間嶄露頭角，扮演各種不同的重要角色，舉凡上班族、消費者、俱樂部會員、電影迷、行善者及觀光客等都是當時女性公共形象的最佳例證。然而這些跨越公/私領域界限的女性漫遊者迄今都未獲得學界足夠的重視。女性漫遊者在世紀末文學研究中長期遭受忽視主要肇因於早期學者對於十九世紀男主外、女主內的公/私領域劃分大致認同，未能加以批判。透過檢視艾蜜‧列薇 (Amy Levy)、桃樂斯‧理察森 (Dorothy Richardson) 以及維吉尼亞‧吳爾夫 (Virginia Woolf) 等三位女作家的跨文類書寫，本篇論文指出世紀末的中產階級女性已逐漸掙脫傳統私領域以及家庭意識形態的束縛，開始在城市空間行走與觀看。在十九世紀末許多新興的大城市例如倫敦，如此的女性公共行走則又更加顯著並且和日益蓬勃發展的商品文化、大眾消費/享樂以及公共空間皆有極密切的關聯。流動 (mobility) 與觀察 (spectatorship) 因此成為中產階級女性在城市空間行走與觀看時的重要經驗，前者來自於女性在日益開放的公共領域遂行的空間探索，後者則是來自女性觀察者對於城市景觀例如商品展示、來往的人潮以及繁忙的街景所做的視覺凝視。經由書寫世紀末的女性城市漫遊，上述三位女作家明確地指出這些表面看似被動的中產階級女性其實早已跨越傳統空間限制，不斷挪用與創造新的城市公共空間。 / This study has examined the numerous roles played by women entering the public spaces of London in the half century from the 1880s to the 1930s as workers, shoppers, diners, clubbers, cinema-goers, philanthropists, and tourists, a wide spectrum of active female social actors that until recently have not attracted enough attention from scholars of late-Victorian and Edwardian literature. The neglect of these newly pubic women in the fin de siècle period, who are distinct from their home-bound Victorian predecessors, is largely ascribed to an uncritical acceptance of or surrender to the long-held, dominant assumption of separate spheres in the nineteenth century. Through examining the writings of Amy Levy, Dorothy Richardson, and Virginia Woolf, who portray the multifarious pictures of women rambling the streets of modern London, this study has demonstrated that female public visibility and mobility have at least since the fin de siècle period been commonly practiced by a conglomerate of middle-class women. Mobility and spectatorship are thus two significant tropes applicable to women’s spatial and visual explorations of the fin de siècle city, the former underscoring their meandering footsteps threading through the increasingly egalitarian public space while the latter their roving eyes casting glances at those enticing urban spectacles which are already a phantasmagoria of commodity display, jostling crowd, and bustling streetscapes. Through writing about fin de siècle female streetwalking, the three women writers have demonstrated that those seemingly passive women of the middle-class may indeed be capable, through their public presence and their incessant footsteps, of pushing at the established boundaries.

雷蒙‧錢德勒為冷硬派偵探小說的開山始祖之一，其文學地位卻不限於通俗小說大家。 其簡潔有力的文學筆觸及對於現代美國社會的深刻批判，讓他名列當代美國代表作家之列。 在錢德勒的筆觸下，洛杉磯城被深切刻畫成重要性不亞於偵探的重要主角。 故此，我在本論文將探討錢德勒對於洛杉磯身為美國現代大城的空間呈現，試圖找出其再現對於美國城市文學與偵探小說的積極影響。 在第二至第四章的本文中，第二章處理私家偵探與其出沒的洛杉磯之間的關係。 我發現漫遊者的概念也可被應用在冷硬派私家偵探的明查暗訪，這兩者在顯示現代城市的現代性方面，都是代表性的謀介。 透過漫遊者偵探的私家之眼，真實與想像的洛杉磯同時歷歷在目，而勒婓伏爾與索雅的空間理論為理解錢德勒筆下洛杉磯真實與想像的城市空間再現的一大利器。 故此，第三章運用索雅的第三空間概念來探討錢德勒的空間再現，發現其筆下墮落之城的種種暗黑角落，都是第三空間的再現，因為它們都顯現一種被宰制的空間呈現，別同於洛杉磯被大力推銷為夢想之城的想像空間。 第四章處理另一個被忽視但重要的第三空間。 藉由私家偵探親身探索洛杉磯城中不同族群的空間，我發現這些空間也是另一種第三空間的呈現，因為這些空間亦屬於被宰制壓迫的空間，而錢德勒對於洛杉磯城的空間再現並未遺忘這些他者族群被壓迫的空間，故此更能證明錢德勒不愧為刻畫現代化美國社會的文學大師。 / Raymond Chandler is a prestigious detective-story writer and the founding father of the hard-boiled detective fiction school, but he is not limited to this sub-genre of the crime fiction. His laconic style and the socially critical depiction of Los Angeles elevates him as a great writer in literature, high-brow and low-brow. Los Angeles city in his depiction becomes another protagonist of Chandler’s Philip Marlowe stories. In this thesis, I attempt to adopt a spatial reading of the Los Angeles city he depicts, so as to explore the meanings of the real and imagined spaces and their possibilities of resistance for future interpretations. Besides the first chapter as the introduction and the last chapter as the conclusion, in Chapter Two, I will first compare the private detective to the flâneur, thereby discovering the contribution of these figures to the discovery and representation of modernity in modern cities. Furthermore, I will utilize Lefebvre’s and Soja’s trialectics of spatiality to examine the real and imagined spaces in Chandler’s novels. By doing so, in Chapter Three I argue that Chandler’s vivid spatial representations of Los Angeles, especially the dark side of the city, are actually the real-and-imagined Thirdspace that represents the dominated spaces against the promotion of Los Angeles as a dream city. In Chapter Four, though Chandler’s spaces convincingly reflect the modernity of Los Angeles as a modern city, I further discover another possible site for the space of representation in his stories: the space of the racial Other. This discovery of another Thirdspace proves Chandler isn’t as much a racist as alleged, and it is the counter-space that provides the possibility of resistance for many future hard-boiled detective fiction writers of different ethnicities, and this can explain why Chandler’s hard-boiled detective has been massively appropriated.