能源是經濟和社會發展的重要基礎和戰略資源。近百年中，能源安全不斷的被各國列為首要問題。隨著中國改革開放，國家經濟不斷成長，成為世界經濟大國，其能源的需求量日趨增加，從自給自足到至今依賴進口，使中國將能源外交列為外交戰略的主要目標，藉由走出去得戰略，積極到海外尋找能源。在這種情況下，能源外交顯然將成為繼大國外交與周邊外交後，中國外交政策的第三個重要環節。 開發中國家具有豐富的能源，再加上中國以開發中國家自居，因此開發中國家在中國的外交政策上，佔有重要地位，且可配合中國國家經濟發展。中國藉由其與開發中國家建立並維持良好的外交關係，以為中國尋找迫切需要的能源。 中國積極透過多邊組織或是雙邊接觸，向非洲、拉丁美洲尋找油源。中國能源問題不僅關係著中國的經濟發展，在擴展能源佈局全球的同時，也引起國際的注意，意涵著這是國際能源戰略問題，更是國際外交爭議性議題。 中國為化解能源進口來源過於集中的風險，於是拉美及非洲成為中國石油進口的戰略來源地。中國將觸角伸向拉美及非洲地區，其中對委內瑞拉及蘇丹這兩個國家最為積極，近期拉美的左傾化浪潮，委內瑞拉查韋斯政權與美國對抗，以及蘇丹有關達富爾的人權問題，使得中國的能源外交被國際社會說成與美國分庭抗禮及罔顧人權，造成中國受國際社會的譴責。 本文研究發現，中國與開發中國家能源外交有助於提升中國國際影響力，「能源競爭」與「權力競爭」是中國對非洲及拉丁美洲的能源外交目的。中國的能源外交對各地區之目的有所不同，不一定都是以獲取能源為主要目的，有時權力競爭反而佔據相當的份量，即中國能源外交之目的有時為了能源競爭，此時著重於取得能源；但有時卻不是為了能源競爭，能源本身不是目的，而只是工具，其真正目的是權力競爭。 / Energy is an important strategic resource and the critical basis of economic and social development. During the last hundred years, energy security has been identified as primary problem. With its successful open-door reform, China became the world economic giant of the constantly growing up of the national economy. With the increasing needs of oil energy day by day, China was transferred from an oil self-sufficient country to an oil import one. Now, one goal of the diplomatic strategy is the energy diplomacy. With the strategy of “going out” looking for the energy abroad, China is searching for oil resource actively. In this situation, the diplomacy of energy will obviously become the third important aspect of the China’s foreign policy, in addition to major power diplomacy and diplomacy with neighboring countries. Developing countries with the abundant energy, plus China itself poses as a developing country, developing countries occupies an important position in Chinese foreign policy in general, China's national economic development in particular. For the purpose of acquisition of oil energy, China has to maintain actively good diplomatic relations for developing countries. So China looks for the oil source to Africa, Latin America through both multilateral organizations and bilateral relations. The question of the Chinese energy is not merely only concerning the economic development of China, but also its global strategy of energy acquisition. So that it has attracted international concerns and became a controversial issue of international diplomacy. China has made every effort to reduce the risk that the import of energy resources overly concentrates, and, consequently, Latin America and Africa become the strategic source of China's petroleum imports. China stretches the feeler to Latin America and Africa, among them the most positive to these are two countries, i.e., Venezuela and Sudan. The left-leaning political tide in Latin America recently, the regime of Chavez in Venezuela confronting with U.S.A., and the human rights issue of Sudan, China’s energy diplomacy is to be condemned by the international community, because of deliberately confrontation with the United States and ignorance of human rights. This study discovers that the energy diplomacy will be helpful for China’s influences in the international arena and its major purpose is for either energy or power in Africa and Latin America. The Chinese diplomacy of energy varies in terms of geographic factor. Sometimes, Chinese energy diplomacy is for energy acquisition so as to resolve its development needs, sometimes for power and energy is only an instrument.

本文旨在探討經濟外交理論對俄羅斯外交決策的影響。俄羅斯經濟外交政策主要是積極發展對外的經濟關係，創造對俄羅斯友善的國際環境，希望藉此帶動國內經濟的發展。而在俄羅斯牽涉經濟外交的各領域中，能源的因素尤其重要，由於俄羅斯境內蘊藏豐富的天然資源，尤其是天然氣，因此利用能源做為籌碼的經濟外交政策是俄羅斯對外政策中常見的情況。 而俄羅斯的經濟外交政策場域中，本文主要以近鄰和歐洲國家為主，由於許多俄羅斯的近鄰是前蘇聯的加盟共和國，同時也是能源的過境運輸國，因此俄羅斯常利用能源做為手段，藉此影響近鄰的對外政策。而歐洲國家大部份是俄羅斯的主要能源消費國，因此俄羅斯也可利用能源的出口為手段，打進歐洲各國的能源市場，藉此創造對俄羅斯友好的國際環境。 其中德國身為俄羅斯在歐洲最大的貿易夥伴，在政治和經濟上面的互動十分頻繁，德國主要從俄羅斯進口石油、天然氣。研究發現德國和其他歐洲國家相比，較為依賴俄羅斯能源的進口，因此給予俄羅斯對德國實行經濟外交戰略時的有效籌碼，特別是在天然氣領域中貿易互動方面，俄羅斯藉由能源公司對德國的能源領域的投資，企圖藉由深入德國的能源市場，進入歐洲的能源貿易體系。 / This thesis aims to discuss the Russian economic diplomacy. Russian economic diplomacy mainly focuses on using economic as a leverage to influence other countries policies to Russia with the purpose of creating an amicable international situation, and promoting Russian domestic economic situation. Due to the fact that Russia possesses various natural recourses, energy is the main theme in Russia economic diplomacy, especially natural gas. The topic of this study mainly discusses the economic diplomacy relations between Russia with near abroad and Europe. Most of the near abroad countries are former Soviet Union republics and the energy transit countries of Russia as well. As the result, Russia can use energy issue as a tool to sway these countries policies. Additionally, Russia can also utilize energy export to enter the Europe energy market because most of the European countries are the main energy consumer of Russia. The study has shown that German is the main political and economical partner of Russia, and is also the biggest trade partner and energy consumer of Russia compared to other countries throughout Europe. Thus, German is strongly dependent on Russia energy export, especially on petroleum and natural gas. This condition benefited Russia by providing a window for Russia to enter Germany energy market in terms of energy enterprise trade and investment to German. Furthermore, by entering German energy market, Russia can enter European energy trading system.

論文的目的是想要了解羅馬尼亞自2007年成為歐盟成員後，在公共外交面對的主要挑戰。作者試圖從2007年以後，找出羅馬尼亞公共外交元素，理解該國在建立國家品牌的努力。 　　共產主義解體之後，羅馬尼亞不能夠建立自己的認同，無力面對歐洲聯盟的高期望。這兩個情況共同導致羅馬尼亞2007年之前的困境，加入歐盟之後這個困境更甚。看歐洲的環境及挑戰，羅馬尼亞爲克服挑戰努力以赴，但步履艱辛。 本論文參考資料主要是二手資料（例如：參考書，研究論文，報告，期刊文章等），但作者自信這些資料價值不容懷疑。 / The purpose of this thesis is to gain understanding of the main challenges of public diplomacy in the case of Romania after the 2007 European Union membership acceptance. The situation that presents itself after 2007 was only looked at in correlation to the country’s past attempts to create a national brand that includes elements of public diplomacy. Not being able to create an identity after the fall of communism and high expectations from the European community, together create the situation in which Romania finds itself not only before 2007 but more visible after the European Union membership. Looking at the European context and examples of the connectivity between challenges a set of possible recommendations are constructed to overcome the challenges. Both challenges are present before and after 2007 but once the European Union membership was granted they became even more visible. The information is based on secondary sources (e.g. reference books, research papers, reports, journals’ articles, etc.) from organizations, publishers, universities, research institutes, media outlets, individuals, etc.

冷戰結束後，中共在亞太地區及全球安全戰略格局中的地位逐漸上升。時空際會，當今國際秩序與全球化正值發展階段，因而出現一個有利於中共改善與周邊國家關係的國際環境，並提供一個穩定周邊良好的機遇。邁入21世紀之初，中共在第四代領導人集體審時度勢下，調整了對外政策，以「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」為重要的外交戰略，在外交理念上堅持以互相信任為基礎，長期穩定為前提，睦鄰友好為保障，全面合作是紐帶，共同發展繁榮為目標，致力於大國及周邊國家的合作友好關係建立。 中共在「十六大」政治報告後，將「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」列為對外關係的重要戰略。除運用元首出訪、經貿交流、軍事交流等外交作為，與美、俄、日、歐盟及印度等主要大國及周邊重要國家建立友好關係與傳統外交外，並積極參與或主導有關政治、經濟、軍事等具全球性議題的雙邊或多邊組織，以展現其對國際社會善盡義務，藉以塑造為體系中「負責任大國」與「睦鄰、安鄰、富鄰」友好鄰國之形象。 　 2003年中共胡溫領導人掌權後，在遂行「大國外交」、「睦鄰外交」時，係採取「韜光養晦、有所作為」具體行動，並倡議「新安全觀」、「和平發展」、「和諧世界」、「國際關係民主化」的外交理念，並強調「不對抗、不結盟、不針對三者」主張，逐步融入國際體系，積極從事國家經濟建設，以期與主要大國與周邊國家建構「平等、協作、互信、互利」的合作夥伴關係，目的就在創造一個安全、穩定的國際與周邊環境。 中共總體外交戰略是在謀求國家利益發展戰略，進而轉向與世界謀求共同發展與安全戰略。此一戰略轉變，是以經濟利益與區域安全為基點，以積極參與國際事務、加強國際合作為途徑，以拓展國家戰略利益、發揮負責任大國作用為目標。自胡溫掌政後即積極與世界各主要大國與鄰近重要國家建立戰略性協作夥伴關係，目前與中共建立戰略夥伴關係的國家共有30個國家，從中共積極推動「大國外交」與「睦鄰外交」之戰略與手段觀察，事實上我們不難發現其為何一直在積極維護和創造有利於現代化的國際與周邊環境，並企圖拓展國家戰略利益的範圍和空間，不斷地擴大在國際間地位與影響力之目的所在。 關鍵字：大國外交、睦鄰外交戰略、新安全觀、和平崛起、和諧世界 / After the cold war, China is gradually gaining a raising status of military strategic position in the Asia-Pacific region as well as in global layout. International order and Globalization is at its developing phase, thus forming a advantageous circumstance for Chinese government to enhance its foreign affair status with surrounding countries also providing a chance to stabilize regional diplomatic pressure. In the beginning of 21st centry, 4th generation leaders of Chinese government carefully evaluated situations and adjusted their diplomatic policies, focusing their diplomatic strategies on foreign affair with powerful nations and surrounding countries, insisting their foreign policy to be based on trust with views of long-term balance. With the objectives of mutual growth, china is dedicated to build amicable relation with powerful and surrounding countries by bonding full collaboration and assured partnership. After the 16th Congress political report, china listed “Big-Power Diplomacy” and “Good-Neighborly Diplomacy” as their major foreign affair strategy. Besides building friendly relation and applying traditional foreign tactics with major nations such as USA, Russia, Japan, EU, and India, China’s foreign tactics also includes financial and military collaboration, visiting friendly soil by country leader(s), etc. China also actively leads and/or joins associtions/organizations with concern of global issues regarding political, economical, and military importance, in attempt to demonstrate the image of a powerful nation and to establish the good-neighborly figure in the international society. China’s overall foreign affair strategy is focused on gaining national benefits and later seeks global growth collaboration and international security. This change of strategy is based on considerations of economical benefits and regional security, achieved by actively attending international events, with clear objectives of expanding maximum strategical gain and developing the representation of an accountable country. Governor Hu and governor Wen had been actively building strategic partnership with major nations and vicinal countries. At present, there are 30 countries having strategic partnership with Chinese government. Examining china’s strategic means and diplomatic tactics, one can obviously notice how china is aggressively maintain and further create the circumstance which is most beneficial for extending its national strategic space and range, thus accomplish its goal of raised international influence. Key word：Big-power Diplomacy、Good-Neighborly Diplomacy、New Security View、Peaceful Rise、Harmonize the world

冷戰時期，東南亞區域發展受限於美蘇軍事力量的影響而互有對峙。直至21世紀初，隨著美、蘇兩國在東南亞部署的部分軍事力量移轉，加上中國大陸持續經濟成長與綜合國力的提升，使得在深化與東南亞周邊外交關係發展上，創造出有利條件，中共藉由經濟合作與軍事手段執行其在東南亞地區的睦鄰政策，以符合其在亞太地區周邊外交的戰略作為。 中共對東南亞國家周邊外交，主要係以政治和睦、經濟互利、安全互信等三個面向為基礎目標，試圖建構一個和平穩定的亞太周邊環境。首先在政治上，主要作法是強化與周邊國家政治關係，透過領導人出訪與各領域、各層級工作會議召開以及各國政治協定的簽署，全面提升與東南亞各國雙邊關係；其次在經濟上，主要在雙邊與多邊關係上加強與周邊國家的經濟合作，推動區域經濟一體化，並透過自由貿易區的計畫，次區域合作與經濟援助，強化在東南亞的影響力，藉成立「中國-東協自由貿易區」拉攏東協各國家；再者在安全上，加強解決與周邊國家解決在領土與領海主權上的爭議，與周邊國家建立雙邊軍事互信機制，參與多邊安全機制，如：參與「東協區域論壇」，及《東南亞友好合作條約》的加入等，藉以營造區域內負責任的大國形象。 中共在周邊外交戰略中，在東南亞區域議題是基於國家周邊安全與區域安全的考量，與中美大國關係的建立重要議題。在2009年美國總統歐巴馬上任之後，宣示美國「重返亞洲」企圖，並啟動多項亞太政策，著墨於區域多邊途徑，其政策亦正逐步落實中，美國對亞太區域發展影響力隨之增加。然而因美國在亞太長期的戰略影響力，重新關注東南亞地區，並以東南亞為軍事戰略重點，也使得中共在制訂對東南亞區域戰略過程與考量，須同時考慮美國影響因素的存在性。 同時，在中國大陸本身國家安全戰略考量之下與東南亞各國家合作，將有利於其國家整體發展與國家核心利益的維持，然中共在東南亞區域的整體戰略，同時牽動中共整體的周邊外交戰略。 / During the Cold War Era, the development of Southeast Asia region was limited and caused confrontations because of the influence of military power posed by Soviet-American arm race. Not until the beginning of 21st century, Soviet Union and United States’ transition of parts of military deployment in Southeast Asia region, couple with Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) continual economic growth and developing overall national strength, have created favorable conditions for CCP in developing and deepening diplomatic relations within Southeast Asia region. Moreover, through economic cooperation and military means, CCP carries out neighborhood policy in accordance to its diplomatic strategy in Southeast Asia region. CCP’s good neighbor foreign policy in Southeast Asia region mainly focuses on political harmony, economic common benefits as well as security and mutual-trust. All the above are fundamental goals in order to construct a peaceful and stable Asia-Pacific region. First, to start with politics, CCP strengthens political relations with neighboring countries through Key leader engagements, working conferences in all fields and levels as well as signing political agreements to enhance bilateral relationship among Southeast Asia countries. Second, followed by economics, in bilateral or multi-lateral economic cooperation with neighboring states, to promote regional economy integration and strengthen the CCP’s influence in Southeast Asia by plan of free trade area, sub-regional cooperation and assistance of economy. Also, CCP establishes ASEAN–China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) in order to win ASEAN over. Third, in terms of security, CCP endeavors to resolve territory and maritime territory disputes with neighboring countries, sets up a bilateral military mutual trust mechanism, and participates in a multi-lateral security mechanism. For instance, CCP’s participation as a member of ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) is able to create an image as a responsible rising power in the region. In CCP’s strategy of neighboring diplomacy, the issues are based on national and regional security in Southeast Asia region and how to built Sino-American relations. After the inauguration of Barack Obama in 2009, he declared the intention of pivot or rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific region, and launched several Asia-Pacific policies describing the regional multilateral approach and gradually implementing policies as result of increasing of United States’ influence in Asia-Pacific region. However, the long-term strategic influence of United States of America in Asia, US’s pivot to Southeast Asia region, and military strategy focusing on Southeast Asia force CCP to consider the factors of influence of United States when CCP formulates Southeast Asia region strategies. In the meantime, under the consideration of CCP’s national security strategy, to cooperate with Southeast Asia countries is beneficial CCP’s overall national development and in maintaining national essential interests. In short, CCP’s overall strategy in Southeast Asia affects its neighboring diplomatic strategies simultaneously.

本篇論文題目為「中華民國與沙烏地阿拉伯王國關係之研究」，旨在尋求中沙邦交由 肇始，奠基發展鞏固乃至衰退、逆轉整個變化軌跡之合未來關係走向之參考。本篇論 文架構包含七個章節，茲分別簡述如下： 首章緒論說明研究動機與目的，研究方法及研究範圍與限制。 第二章論述沙國建國經過以彰明沙國之伊斯蘭與阿拉伯文化背景。並為使讀者於進入 本文主題章節前，先對沙烏地阿拉伯王國外交政策各層面有相當了解，乃先就其影響 因素、人物、機構及政策與目標等做一概要說明。 第三章則簡略回顧溯伊斯蘭教傳入中國之歷史沿革以及中沙兩國初期交往情形， 尤 其著重於影響兩國初期關係關鍵人物私人情誼之互動，然後再就兩國關係之制度化做 一分析說明。 第四章涵蓋具相關性之兩個不同互動領域一宗教事務與官式互訪深入研究過去四十年 來我國回教朝覲團與因兩國領袖互訪而達到高潮之官式互訪， 在維續及提昇兩國關 係與相互了解上所扮演之重要角色。 第五章一一檢視中沙互動關係中更具體而實質之內涵； 包括雙方文教交流與經技合 作兩層面。 第六章的內容主要在於說明中共運用宗教、經貿、國際事務影響力、體育及軍官等手 段滲透拉攏沙國並經由階段性之策略；由商務代表處之互設終而達到與沙國建交之目 的。 最後第七章結論部份則就本文各章節所探討之主題做一總結與評析， 尤其呼應第二 章所述影響沙國對外關係之各個層面之剖析，針對沙國何以會與中共建交闡釋個人淺 見， 最後筆者並就如何因應中沙關係新局加強兩國關係提出原則性的看法， 以做 為筆者個人實際從事對沙外交工作之基本念。

南非政府的種族政策是其外交政策無法有效發揮的根本原因，而外交政策又常為政府 種族政策做 。兩者交互影響，成為南非政府急欲解開的結。 本文以波塔政府主政的前六年為對象，就其內政作為和外交策略的變化及突破做一研 究。全文計六章十四節，約六萬餘字。討論範圍自一九七八年九月波塔就任總理開始 ，至一九八四年九月新憲佈實施為止。 第一章說明南非多元社會中的種族關係，並對分別發展政策做一闡述。第二章著重於 探討波塔政憲政改革。第三章分析南非在面臨總攻擊的情況下，如何推展對南部非洲 國家的外交政策。第四章分析共產集團對南非的攻擊策略及南非的應變作法。第五章 分析南非與美國及西方國家的關係，並經濟制裁南非的可能。第六章為結論，就研究 結果予以歸納並提出個人心得。

美國自第二次世界大戰以後，超強的特質使其步入「全球干預」的國際主義途徑，處 處偏向以「壓倒性權勢」(Preponderance of power)來解決世界問題；經歷越戰的消 耗與創傷後，美國雖然無法一時回轉至傳統「關閉自守」的孤主主義老路，但亦在尼 季「和解」的架構中，走向「均衡」(Balance of power)政治。本文的目的，旨在藉 探討越戰對美國外交政策的影響，以「權力」以「絕對積極」、「絕對消極」或「二 者之間」的形式持續捍衛其國家利益的理論與實際。 本文共分六章、十五節，約十二萬餘言。除第一章導論及第六章結論外，主文以四章 撰成。第二章論美國越戰誤導的經驗，第三章論越戰支持共識的瓦解及其演變，第四 章論國會外交權的伸張，第五章論武力的使用。全篇兼顧時間的推演性與空間的代表 性，期能對影響美國對外政策的某些因素、運作過程、結果作一重點的瞭解。

研究方法採取歷史研究法，研究目的在於增進國人對東南亞區域了解。 第一章內環境因素。包括社會結構、民族社義、民主與政治穩定共三節。第二章美國 與菲律賓─不平等但親密的夥伴。包括特殊關係的支配、經濟的利益、共同安全與軍 事防衛、基地問題共四節。第三章參與東南亞次體系的活動。包括沙巴要求權、亞洲 政策、區域組織與區域主義共三節。第四章衝突的國際範圍。包括韓戰、外交政策的 轉向、回教徙的叛亂與外交政策、越單共四節。最後結論，對菲律賓外交政策加以評 估。

本論文第一章前言，分三節說明研究動機與目的、研究方法與架構、研究資料與限制 。第二章圍堵理論提出的背景，第一節美國傳統外交政策的轉變，第二節杜魯門主義 與匿名「Ｘ」的文章。第三節肯楠的思想體系。第三章探討圍堵理論的內容及其所引 起的爭論、肯南的答辯、及筆者本人的評估。第四章檢美國政府的圍堵政策，並以尼 克森政府為粉水嶺探討七○年代的美國是否仍沿續圍堵政策。第五章肯楠圍堵理論的 演變與修正。第六章結論，評估圍堵理論及展望未來的可行性。