国立情報学研究所で電子化したコンテンツを使用している。

(<特集>価値多元化社会における教育の目的)

在臺灣，近幾年同性婚姻與多元成家的議題持續熱議，而在更之前關於優生保健法中墮胎條文的修法爭議亦是持續不斷。無論是反對同性婚姻或是反對墮胎的陣營絕大多數都是宗教團體，宗教似乎一直與「保守」這個詞聯想在一起，本文即探討宗教與保守之間的關係。 本文的研究方法是以世界價值觀調查（World Values Survey; WVS）2006年與2012年臺灣所執行調查的資料做統計上的分析，檢視宗教信仰與保守態度之間的關係。談論到保守主義時，性別平等、墮胎、同性戀這三個議題常被提出來討論，本文將此三個議題作為主要的研究重點，探討臺灣宗教信徒對三個議題的態度為何？偏自由或偏保守？宗教信仰者是否比無宗教信仰者更保守？統計分析以外，並且進一步以文獻分析方式探討臺灣在這些議題上的進展，整理出政府與民間倡議團體（包括宗教團體）的政策與立場方針，以及宗教在面臨到性別平等、墮胎、同性戀的議題時，有什麼回應？試圖探討宗教信徒身處在何種社會環境背景下，能否與他們的態度做一對照。 「有宗教信仰者比無宗教信仰者保守」，本文的研究並沒有能夠完全證實這點。但可以確定的是，不同的宗教信仰對議題的保守程度不一，在某些情形中，有宗教信仰者不一定比無宗教信仰者更為保守。不過大體上，虔誠度愈高的人愈傾向保守。此外，社會環境上的變化，會影響宗教對經典或教義的詮釋，而信仰者也可能產生態度上的變化。 從本文的研究來看，臺灣在多元宗教信仰的脈絡之下，不同的宗教對於議題的保守程度不一；並且宗教道德會影響信仰者的保守態度，宗教信仰愈虔誠的人愈保守。 / In Taiwan, there has been a hot debate on same-sex marriage and diverse family formation in recent years. Before then, there also have been many discussions about the controversy of Genetic Health Law. Most of religion groups side against homosexuality and abortion. Religion often seems to be associated with conservatism. This research attempts to discuss the relationship between religion and conservatism in Taiwan in 21th century. This research uses the data of World Values Survey, which was implemented in Taiwan in 2006 and 2012, and do a statistical analyze on religion and conservative attitude. When it comes to conservatism, the three issues: gender equality, abortion, and homosexuality are usually mentioned. This research is centered on these three issues, trying to observe religious people’s attitudes toward the three issues. Would there attitudes tend to be liberal or conservative? Are religious people more conservative than non-believers? Besides to statistical analysis, this research also analyses the development of the three issues, the policy or standpoint of government and advocacy groups, and religion’s response to those issues, trying to discusses the social background and surroundings that religious people live upon and compare to their attitudes. This research could not confirm that religious people are more conservative than non-believers. However, this research indicates that the level of conservative attitude vary with different religions. In some cases, religious people are not more conservative than non-believers. But generally speaking, people with higher religiosity tend to be more conservative. In addition, the changes of society would influence religion’s interpretation of classics or doctrines, and believers may change their attitudes. This research indicates that in the context of multiple religions in Taiwan, religious people’s attitudes toward those issues vary with different religions. Also, religion morality would influence believers’ conservative attitudes, and people with higher religiosity tend to be more conservative.

北斗崇拜是一個悠遠的信仰母題，它作為文化基因被各個宗教傳統所分有。任何一個微小的儀式細節背後都有一個大的信仰傳統作為其理論支持，本文意在討論北斗崇拜作為一個龐大星辰信仰的分支如何在法教儀式中實踐。本文將北斗崇拜聚焦於星命與本命的議題，選取台灣北部獅場補運和台灣南部進錢補運兩則大型補運儀式作為田野研究對象；從魂魄觀、性命觀兩個角度討論北斗崇拜在補運儀式中所載負的療癒特質，進而檢視法教和道教在儀式傳統、療癒觀念上的區別。最後，從文化、社會兩方面重新審視漢人的「致—治」病的觀念，試圖說明一個完整的宗教療癒理論可以將疾病與治療平行放在社會文化脈絡中進行考察。本文試圖建立「北斗崇拜——補運儀式——宗教療癒」這一範式，將其視為日常生活中解決生命危機和災厄困境的一種宗教邏輯，而非一個儀式操作上的絕對標準，試圖說明北斗崇拜如何在時間、空間各個方面影響著台灣漢人的日常生活。 / The Great Dipper worship has a long history and tradition, it is assimilated into various religions as a Cultural Gene.Every ritual action is supported by a big theoretical system, this article is intended to explain how are the Great Dipper worship practicing in the Faism ritual as a branch of the huge stars belief.This article focuses on the subject of star mandate(星命)and destiny, chooses the Luck Replenishing Ritual by exorcising of Northern Taiwan and Luck Replenishing Ritual of Southern as the locations of field investigation, to analyze the healing practice of Great Dipper both in view of soul-body and nature-life, so that we can explain the difference between the Fa and Dao in ritual and healing concept .At last, re-examine the concepts of getting and healing disease through both cultural and social approaches. This article attempts to explain a complete religious healing theory can place disease and its treatment both in a social and cultural context. The article tries to establish a paradigm about the Great Dipper worship, Luck Replenishing and Religious Healing, by which to discuss how the Great Dipper worship affects the daily life in society of Han nationality in various dimensions to help them solve life crisis and disaster as a religious logic rather than an absolute standard of ritual.

千年以來，梵（bráhman）的概念和意涵就一直是印度宗教和哲學討論的重心，也一直是印度教徒個人宗教追尋的目標，在印度教內，儘管各教派彼此之間常在學說論理、儀式行動、或者神祇崇拜上有著很大的差異，但吾人若細究其精神底蘊，會發現，這些教派往往都是殊途而同歸於對一個宇宙統一體，或者說一個唯一精神，也就是抽象來說—梵這個概念原則的追求，然後由此對梵的認同與追求，才再接續開展出印度宗教與哲學的另一重要課題—解脫（mokṣa）。然而在印度宗教哲學發展上，這樣一種對梵這個抽象概念的追求卻似乎是一種人們對自然萬物、宇宙萬象抽象深思反省下的思想結晶，而與印度早期吠陀宗教中的那種向諸神獻祭，以求現世回報的宗教活動不同，因此這其中是否有發展上的關連，抑或兩者是各自獨立、甚至彼此競爭的發展？ 在本論文中，筆者即試圖從儀式活動和神觀等方面，從歷史的縱度論述梵這個抽象概念其實原本即是源於吠陀宗教那種嚴格、繁瑣的獻祭儀式中。筆者認為，尤其在吠陀宗教由do ut des（我付出，為的是你付出）這一種獻祭理念轉型成do ut possis dare（我付出，所以你才有能力付出）這一種獻祭理念之後，在do ut possis dare這一種獻祭理念影響下，吠陀宗教更是從神觀和儀式活動等各方面，積極開展出梵這個抽象概念來。 / For thousands of years, the meaning of the word bráhman has been the heart of the discussion in Indian religion and philosophy. It also has been the ultimate concern of a Hinduist. Although there are always variations in theories, rituals and idols among different Hinduism sects, we found that when we carefully review the spirit of these variations, they are all related to the quest for the absolute essence of the universe. Further, bráhman is indeed the abstraction of it. Based on the recognition of bráhman and the chase of it, another significant subject of Indian religion and philosophy had developed, named liberation (mokṣa). In the history of Indian religion and philosophy, the will of seeking for the abstraction bráhman seems to result from human’s deep reflection on the universe. Nevertheless, the result of this reflection is totally different from the sacrifice for gods existing in earlier vedic period. Therefore, it is doubtful if bráhman comes from vedic sacrifice or if bráhman and vedic sacrifice develop separately and even compete with each other? In this paper, I want to state that according to the idea of ritual and god, the abstraction bráhman definitely develops from the complicated ritual process in vedic religion. I assume that after the vedic sacrificial idea transfers from do ut des to do ut possis dare, and then this do ut possis dare idea influenced the development of abstraction bráhman.

本研究有兩目的：第一，打破卡萊爾為智者預言家，與《衣服哲學》為美學整體之迷思；第二，重探卡萊爾在《衣服哲學》中呈現科學∕宗教與物質∕精神二元對立之迷思。 在傳統的研究中，卡萊爾一向代表智者預言家，反對科學與物質；而《衣服哲學》則代表美學整體，忠實地傳達卡萊爾的宗教與精神哲學。然而在過去的研究中，有兩個迷思逐漸固化，而需再次檢驗。首先，卡萊爾為預言哲學家之說誤將卡萊爾視為超越主義之起源，而美學整體之說則誤認《衣服哲學》為一完整美學領域，內涵特定中心與主旨。其次，過去學者一致認同的科學∕宗教與物質∕精神二元敵對之說，也令人質疑，因為根據在二十一世紀初之科學宗教歷史的新研究，直至十九世紀末，包括卡萊爾在創作其《衣服哲學》期間（1830-31），科學與宗教之間並非互有惡意的敵對關係，而是複雜而互惠的交互關係。 本論文包括四個章節，第一章旨在重探卡萊爾具有「作者神格」及《衣服哲學》內含美學整體之說，試圖破除卡萊爾為意義與文類創造者之迷思，以及質疑《衣服哲學》能忠實呈現其「作者父親」之智慧賢能，並代表現代聖經之假說。以傅科之考古的歷史學研究為基礎，本研究將呈現《衣服哲學》為一論述博物館，陳列英國於1820與1830年間，關於科學物質方面的思想，並探討交錯於此觀念下各類論述的演變、交錯、與興衰。 第二章則探討卡萊爾在「科學火炬」中所內涵的宗教意義。透過二十一世紀科學宗教歷史的新研究，以科學宗教的互為生產關係為基礎，本研究發現科學之於卡萊爾並非宗教信仰之破壞者，反而是服務宗教的神聖工具，其「火炬」功能，不僅能挖掘外在的物質世界，也能深掘內在的精神宇宙。《衣服哲學》於是並非旨於批判「科學火炬」，而在宣揚其教化功能，宣導科學的善用，並期以科學之火達到復興心靈及內在改革之目的。卡萊爾的真正批判標的，於是並非「科學火炬」本身，而是「科學火炬」的所處之境，也就是，世人的心靈因受實用主義與機械主義的支配，而造成對科學火炬之誤用。 根據卡萊爾同時期的自然神學，以精神∕物質及可見∕不可見之間互為生產的相互關係為基礎，第三章旨於重新檢驗卡萊爾的「自然超自然主義」。物質之於卡萊爾，實非無用而該摒棄之物，而是開啟精神之門的必要之鑰，因為精神與物質實為神的一體兩面，互惠與相互對應。實體之物，與無形之精神則同等重要。卡萊爾於是從未呼籲停用物質，拋棄衣物，他實則建議讀者應當張開其內心之眼，穿越物質之限制，真實看達上帝之真理。由外至裡，由實體至無形，此認知，才是真正對於神的「一體兩面」的完整認識。 第四章，根據卡萊爾的個人經驗、1820與1830年間科學家一職的發展、以及威維爾的科學與科學家哲學，本研究將重新定義戴歐吉尼斯‧托服思卓空為一早期理想科學家的原型，也就是孤獨地在黑暗中流浪與沈思的智者。此科學之智者一方面道德與精神崇高，一方面又篤信哲學與宗教；他對於科學的致力研究，旨在對抗機械主義與實用主義對當代文化精神的鯨吞蠶食。「戴歐吉尼斯‧托服思卓空」之名，於是不應簡單地只代表著「生於上帝之魔鬼污糞」。透過對於當代的理想科學家形象之探討，此名所深含之隱喻於是展現：上帝之真理，深藏於自然物質世界之所有情境，甚至是任何不起眼之角落；只有透過沈思的智者科學家，深悟其宗教的使命，才有辦法開啟上帝之真理。 卡萊爾於《衣服哲學》中以嘲諷口吻所批評之對象，並非科學與物質，而是卡萊爾對世人的失望，因為世人不再相信看不見的內在精神事物，反而任由其腦、心、與手受控於機械主義與實用主義。卡萊爾於是期待改革，期許沈思的科學哲人手持神聖的科學火炬，引領世人進行改革，復興傳統的信仰、道德、與精神。透過文本與社會文化的互文閱讀，本論文於是呈現，收藏在《衣服哲學》論述博物館之內，關於宗教∕科學、精神∕物質、與哲學人∕科學人等思想之交會、矛盾、相融、及衍生。 / There are two purposes of this study. First, to dispel the myth that regards Thomas Carlyle as a sage or prophet and Sartor as an aesthetic unity, and, second, to debunk the myth that assumes a conflict between science and religion, matter and spirit, as well as between philosophers and scientists in Thomas Carlyle’s Sartor Resartus. Carlyle was traditionally supposed to be a “sage-prophet” who rejects science and matter, and Sartor was regarded as an aesthetic unity to transmit the Carlylean philosophy of religion and spirit. The two myths have been consolidated in many social, cultural, and literary studies and need reexamination. This dissertation comprises four chapters. The first chapter deals with the demystification of Carlyle as an “Author-God” to generate new meanings and create a new genre. It also questions Sartor as an “aesthetic unity” to reflect the author’s sagacity and to stand for a modern bible. To be interpreted through Michael Foucault’s archaeological study, Sartor will be demonstrated as a discursive museum to exhibit the transitions and vicissitudes of thoughts in reference to science, matter, and scientists. Chapter Two treats the religious significance of Carlyle’s “Torch of Science.” Through the theory of a mutually productive relationship between science and religion, this chapter will reveal the sacredness in the “Torch of Science.” Not a destroyer of faith, the “Torch of Science” serves as a religious vehicle to explore the exterior/material world and the interior/spiritual universe. Instead of criticizing the “Torch,” Carlyle encourages the proper use of science and expects spiritual reform from the “Torch.” The main target of Carlyle’s prod thus is not the “Torch of Science” per se but its status quo, i.e., the abuse of science dominated by utilitarianism and mechanism. In Chapter Three, based on his contemporary natural theology, the philosophy of “Natural Supernaturalism” will be analyzed as Carlyle’s belief in the mutually productive interrelations between spirit and matter as well as the visible and invisible. Never thinking matter as “litter,” Carlyle deems the spiritual and the material as two sides of wholeness, corresponding to and supporting each other. Never questioning man’s use of matter, Carlyle advises his reader to open their inner eye with faith, to penetrate the material form with fantasy, and to see God’s truth in the “whole.” In Chapter Four, with the references to Carlyle’s personal experiences, “science” as a vocation in the 1820s and 1830s, and the philosophy of science and the scientist advocated by William Whewell, “Diogenes Teufelsdrockh” will be reanalyzed and reinterpreted as an ideal proto-scientist wandering and pondering solitarily in the dark. Moral, spiritual, religious, and philosophical, the scientific thinker purports to defeat the furtive invasions of mechanism and utilitarianism. Not simply “God-born Devil’s dung,” “Diogenes Teufelsdrockh” encapsulates the gist of Carlyle’s clothes philosophy: a wise speculative scientist searching for the truth of God hidden in every corner of the natural world. Instead of criticizing science and matter, Carlyle in fact laments that man no longer trusts the invisible and the interior but has all his head, heart, and hand contaminated by mechanism and utilitarianism. For spiritual and moral reform, Carlyle places his hope on the scientist holding a Torch. Through the intertextual reading of Sartor, this study shows the interplay, conflict, conciliation, and evolution of the thoughts in reference to Carlyle’s contemporary concepts of science and religion, matter and spirit, as well as scientists and philosophers.

国立情報学研究所で電子化したコンテンツを使用している。

国立情報学研究所で電子化したコンテンツを使用している。

本論文藉由梳理台灣原住民與基督宗教相遇的歷史，以及閱讀原住民族文學作品，思考台灣原住民普遍信仰基督宗教的原因。本研究主張，基督宗教在宣稱治癒台灣原住民受苦經驗的同時，也強化了使原住民受苦的社會制度與現狀。若不正視基督宗教造成的陷阱，將使原住民陷入更深的受苦狀態而無力反駁。 本文以「治癒」強調基督宗教對台灣原住民有治療情感、社群、文化受創的意義。對基督宗教的信任與依賴，逐漸使原住民內化基督宗教思維的人觀、宇宙觀，與原住民原有的文化思維相互交融、彼此改造。但基督宗教教義中隱含的單一價值判斷、崇尚進步與乾淨的倫理觀念，是另一種立基於現代進步想像的壓迫制度。這種排外的價值體系將強化使人受苦的秩序，無助於撼動現行的制度與價值標準。本文以「網羅」強調基督宗教為台灣原住民帶來文化、政治、人格上的危害。若要真正解決原住民的受苦經驗，必須持續書寫、閱讀弱勢族群的負面情緒，藉此想像一個不再為現代價值綁架的秩序。唯有不斷的想像、嘗試界線的突破，才能為坐困愁城中的受苦之人，開啟改變的機會。

羅興亞穆斯林(Rohingya Muslim)或稱阿拉干穆斯林(Arakanese Muslim)，是居住在鄰近孟加拉的緬甸若開邦北部 (或稱阿拉干Arakan)穆斯林社群，大批印度穆斯林在二十世紀初殖民時期遷徙至阿拉干地區，形成新(印度)、舊(阿拉干)穆斯林混居，也導致羅興亞人之身分多有爭議。 因經濟資源壟斷、政治力量競爭及宗教文化衝突等原因，緬甸在1930年及1938年分別爆發反印度及反穆斯林暴動。而阿拉干穆斯林發起將阿拉干地區併入東巴基斯坦（即孟加拉）的政治行動未果後，除了以聖戰軍(Mujahideen)與緬甸政府對抗，並尋求設立自治區外，自1960年代發展以標榜阿拉干原住民的「羅興亞」認同，爭取內部凝聚及外部支持。 在宇努政府(U Nu)主政下，羅興亞人尚能以公民身份獲得參政權，而尼溫軍政府1978年發動清查非法入境者的龍王行動(Nagamin)及1982年實施新公民法後，羅興亞人公民權被徹底剝奪，並被迫在1978、1991-92、2012、2015及2016年間經歷數波難民離散，遷徙至孟加拉、馬來西亞及泰國等國。 「阿拉干羅興亞難民委員會」( RARC)是難民自身所建立的難民社群組織(RCOs)，不僅為羅興亞社群發聲，亦與聯合國難民署(UNHCR) 及非政府組織(NGOs)等單位合作，發展其社群力量。而在馬來西亞政府默許及容忍下，羅興亞難民獲得安全棲身之所，除可透過通婚取得永久居留外，在開放羅興亞難民工作許可等政策開放下，羅興亞難民在地融合及生活發展。 本文以滯留馬來西亞安邦的緬甸羅興亞難民社群為主研究對象，探討羅興亞溯源、緬甸佛教徒與穆斯林之宗教衝突、羅興亞離散、及難民社群組織發展。 / Rohingya Muslim (or Arakanese Muslim) have been residing in Northen Rakhine (or Arakan) in Burma/Myanmarfor centuries , with the mass inflow of Indians during British Colonial Period into Burma, Muslim population grew up and it resulted in competition,then ethnic tension simmered between Indians and Burmeses. The conflicts between Buddhist and Muslim bursted between 1930 and 1938 , and fail of integration of Arakan with East Pakistan (Bangladesh ) triggered Arakanese Muslim’s militant autonomy operation and the Arakanese Muslim created the “Rohingya” ethnic identity movement in the 1960s. The cleaning of illegal immigrant operation “ Nagamin ” in1978 , implementation of new Citizen Law in 1982, and religious and ecthnic conflict had resulted Rohingya in exile in 1978 ,1991-2, 2013, 2015 and 2016 , therefore Rohingya migrated to Bangladesh , Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia. With the help of UNHCR and Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) ,the Refugee Community Organizations(RCOs) such as Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee (RARC) not only play the role as intermediator between community and NGOs , but also lobbied the Malaysia government. This dissertation focuses on the Burmese Rohingya communities in Ampang Malaysia and the origin of Rohingya, the ethnic and religious conflicts between Buddhists and Muslims , the Rohingya Diaspora and development of RCOs.