本論文強調以國家中心論的觀點 並從新國家主義的研究途徑 分析臺灣地區國家與勞工之間關係 運用該新國家主義的兩個概念 國家自主性與國家能力 以之比較臺灣地區不同勞工政策在自主性及能力之高低演變本論文參考諾丁傑的國家自主性類型觀點 並約化為兩個重點 一國家偏好如何強化進而取代社會導向 導向公共政策 二當前述兩者偏好不一致時 國家如何轉化社會偏好?透過國家與勞工團體對事業單位關場歇業政策及引進外勞政策兩項勞工政策偏好做論證以取得國家自主性程度評估 並進而與國家能力做關連性比較 是否國家自主性高低與國家能力強弱有必然關係 而最主要不同於以往研究論點 在不能忽略國家中心論者的論點亦即必須觀察國家在政策上的自主性 以及其執行政策的能力 避免僅以社會中心論的單面向研究途徑 而獲致對研究議題更正確及深刻的了解

過去四十餘年來，政治力一直主導國家發展的方向行政體系尤然。在我國民主政治逐漸成熟，社會日益開放下，威權體制所潛藏的諸多弊端一浮現，行政革新一詞，逐漸成為各界所重視的議題。行政革新(Administration Reform)，就是針對公共行政的運作與政府的能力，有計劃的加以改革、創新而達成發展的目的。同時行政革新亦是社會變遷(Social Change)的一部分，應與社會的脈動相契合。從中央政府遷台以來，我國政治體制歷經剛性威權、柔性威權與民主轉型時期的蛻變，期間亦都有行政革新的推動，而政治力一直主導行政革新的方向。本文旨在探討我國各體制階段行政革新經驗的意涵，解釋行政革新的原因與所蘊含的意義。從理性面、政治力、制度面與社會力的理論探討，配合我國政治發展的實況，建構出本文的研究架構，做為分析、解釋本文的基礎。因為「行政體系不僅被期望完美，亦被期望具有社會性」，所以本文最後除了提出對我國現階段行政革新的具體建議外，更進一步建構出未來行政革新的架構—是理性面、制度面、政治力與社會力四者平衡互動，來共同從事行政革新的努力。

自從1973年主要工業國家紛紛放棄可調整固定匯率制度，改採浮動匯率以來，通貨替代的命題一直是許多國家注意的焦點。其主要的影響可分為下列二方面來說明： 　　1.通貨替代的存在，將引起匯率的大幅波動。 　　2.通貨替代的存在，將一國的貨幣干擾傳遞至其它國家，造成國際間各國貨幣政策有相依性，降低當局控制本國貨幣的自主性。 　　本文嘗試以資產組合相對報酬率之觀念，建立短期動態通貨替代實證模型，利用民國68年2月至民國83年12月之月資料，來探討台灣是否存在"通貨替代"的現象。得到下列的結論： 　　1.在整個樣本期間的估計結果，我們獲得解釋變數的係數符號與理論要求一致，且係數估計值顯著，而殘差項亦大致符合OLS基本假設中的規定。 　　2.從半彈性的估計值中，我們發現：M1A與美元的持有比例對實際匯率變動率之半彈性估計值，顯然比M1B與美元的持有比例對實際匯率變動率之半彈性估計值為大，這表示當匯率變動率發生變化時，人們較易改變其M1A與美元間的通貨組合。 　　由以上的結果，本文得到台灣的確存在"通貨替代"的現象。

本研究之目的在探討台灣國中課室中英語教師動機策略應用的情形，此研究調查學生和老師雙方面對於在課堂中動機策略使用頻率的感知，比較其中差異。很少研究同時參考雙方面的意見，本研究透過問卷的方式詢問老師使用動機策略的頻率，也詢問學生對於相同教師策略使用頻率的感受，目的在找出何種動機策略最常被使用，也最常被學生體驗到。另一個目的是要收集學生對於課室內動機策略的觀點，以瞭解在學生的觀點中，哪些策略可以有效提升他們學習興趣。問卷收集樣本共有老師135人，學生216人。另外，研究者還進行了10堂課的課室觀察，期以觀察所得的資料與師生填寫的問卷資料做對照。 研究結果顯示，學生和老師大致上對使用頻率較高的策略有共識。在48個動機策略當中，老師和學生對各項的排序幾乎相同。前幾名分別是適當的教師行為、辨別出學生的努力、適當地呈現教學任務、提升學習者的自我信心、創造愉悅的教室氣氛等。但是程度上老師表示的和學生體認到的卻大不相同，以T檢定比較學生和教師問卷，發現大部分項目都達顯著性差異，教師表示使用的頻率高，但學生體驗到的頻率卻相對較低。在課室觀察的資料中，發現最常被觀察到教師使用的動機策略為：呈現教學工作、提供回饋、教師行為、提升學習者自主性，和提升與第二語言相關的價值，可能因為這些外顯行為的項目較其他容易被實際地觀察到。 此外，比較學生對不同策略重要性的看法問卷當中也指出，學生對於動機策略的想法的確和老師報導的使用頻率不相同。學生對重要性前幾項依序為：提升學習者的自主性、創造愉悅的教室氣氛、辨別學生的努力、適當的教師行為，和提升學習者的自信心。特別在提升學習者的自主性這個類別裡，老師和學生的看法就很不一樣。老師們最少使用這個類別的策略，但是學生卻認為這些是最有效於提升他們對學習語言動機的策略。 / The purpose of the present study is to find out the use of motivational strategies in secondary EFL settings in Taiwan. Questionnaires were sent to inquire teachers’ reported use and students’ perception of such use of motivational strategies. Few studies have included questionnaire results from both students and teachers. The present study elicited answers from both parties to find out which motivational strategies were frequently used by teachers and which were perceived by learners in the foreign language classroom. Another purpose is to collect data from students about their opinion on the importance of various motivational strategies used in the classroom. The number of teacher sample is 135, and the number of students is 216. Besides, ten classroom observations were conducted by the researcher in order to complement self-reported questionnaire data. The results of this study revealed that students and teachers generally agree on which motivational strategies were frequently used in class. The rank order of teachers and students were almost the same. The top ones, in the order of frequency, were proper teacher behavior, recognizing students’ effort, presenting tasks properly, promoting learners’ self-confidence, and creating a pleasant classroom climate. However, the frequency as reported by teachers and stated by students was very different. The data collected from teachers and students was examined by performing an independent sample t-test, and the result indicated that difference between them was statistically significant. Teachers reported that they frequently used the strategies, but students didn’t experience those strategies as frequently as teachers reported using. In the data collected from classroom observation, the most observable and frequently used strategies were: presenting tasks properly, providing feedback, teacher behavior, promoting learner autonomy, and promoting L2-related values. The fact that these domains appeared to be more prominent in the observation data may probably be associated with the nature of their being more observable. In addition, the result from the student questionnaire asking about students’ expectation toward the motivational strategies also indicated that students’ perceived importance of them was different from teachers’ reported frequency of use. The rank-order of the ten clusters of students’ expectation were: promoting learner autonomy, creating a pleasant classroom climate, recognizing students’ effort, proper teacher behavior, and promoting learners’ self-confidence. As to the conceptual domain of “promoting learning autonomy”, it is viewed very differently by teachers and students. Teachers put this one on the last place, but students regarded this domain as the most effective strategy in promoting their motivation toward language learning.

中國自2000年以來，確立發展文化產業的國家戰略，而政策的推動是中國文化產業發展的關鍵。相較於以往中國將文化作為意識形態統治工具，中國文化產業政策具有經濟、文化和社會服務等綜合屬性。因此，本文以北京798藝術區為個案焦點，闡述中國文化產業政策的出台與落實，並以新國家主義理論中「國家能力」與「國家自主性」的概念，探討國家角色在中國文化產業發展過程中的作為與作用。 在北京798藝術區個案中，本文梳理出中國文化產業園區市場化的趨勢，及文化產業園區政府與企業集團的合作管理模式。本文認為文化產業園區的發展，除因全球文化產業風潮催生，也受到國家、企業集團與藝術家各自的意志選擇、能力展現、利益取向和三者互動所影響。 本文透過個案分析，進行對新國家主義的再詮釋，發現國家自主性在文化產業發展中，受制於國際、社會及藝術家壓力，國家能力的實現是利益權衡下的妥協。本文亦認為國家內部存在相異的利益取向，透過政府不同層次的互動，型塑著中國文化產業政策的發展。 / Since 2000, China’s national strategies for the development of the cultural industries have been established, and the key to the development of the cultural industries in China is policy promotion. In the past, culture had been used by China as a tool for the governance with ideology. In comparison, China’s cultural industry policies reflect a comprehensive feature of economics, culture, and social services. Thus, this study focused on the case of the Beijing 798 Art Zone to elaborate the development and implementation of China’s policies regarding the cultural industries, and explore the achievements and influences of the role the country has been playing in the development process of the cultural industries in China based on the concept of “State Capacity” and “State Autonomy” in the Neo-Statism Theory. 　　This study summarized the trend of marketization of cultural industry parks in China and the cultural industry park management model based on the cooperation between the government and enterprise groups and the of through the case of the Beijing 798 Art Zone. This study believed that the development of cultural industry parks is under the influence of not only the wave of cultural industries around the world, but also the interactions among the individual free-will choices, performances of capability, and profit orientations of the country, enterprise groups, and artists. 　　Through the case analyses, this study re-interpreted the Neo-Statism and found that, in the development of the cultural industries, state autonomy is restrained by the pressure from the world, the society, and artists, and the realization of state capability is a compromise of the profit trade-off. This study also believed that the different profit orientations in the country have shaped the development of China’s cultural industry policies through the governments’ interactions of different levels.

國民黨執政期間國家社會關係為上對下威權統治關係，而後威權時期台灣國家社會關係最突出的現象為社會自主性的提昇，國家社會關係轉變為平行合作伙伴關係，經濟自由化促進政治民主化，表面上「民意」成為台灣政經發展的主要推動力量，但支持台灣後威權時期民主政治發展之多元制度卻仍付之闕如，促使台灣發生類似民主民粹化現象。高漲的民意反噬民主政治賴以建立的根基—多元化民主，政治一元化論述撕裂了民主社會應有的基本共識與互信，並造成國家認同問題，筆者認為，民主民粹化現象使後威權時期台灣國家社會關係反而回到國家社會衝突對抗關係，多元與互補性認同是撫癒此種社會裂痕的主要關鍵。而缺乏制度性安排是造成此種緊張關係的主要原因，國家社會鑲嵌性不足，聯帶影響台灣整體國家能力。 後威權時期台灣所臨的困境主要在於如何以制度性安排重建國家社會鑲嵌性，社會需求、想法能循正常制度管道完全供輸至公部門，而公部門在制定重大政策時能同時整合私部門的需求與想法，但切忌以國家基礎建設能力為祭品，讓行政官僚體系無法發揮應有的效能，不僅社會鑲嵌性出現問題，也使貧富差距加大，造成社會不穩定。 台灣正處於政經轉型階段，如何以正面適切的回應解決來自全球化的挑戰，是政府和民間社會必需共同面對的問題，制度若無法成為民主政治的主要屏障，則民主化不必然保證多元社會的出現。

每隔一段時間，就會有專家、學者出面預測中國大陸即將崩潰，只是實際情況的發展似乎與他們的預期有所出入。換言之，儘管中國大陸目前有許多問題，但是尚未有證據顯示，這些問題在短期內可能引發重大危機。 中國大陸曾經被視為約十年會有一個週期的政治危機週期，上次危機發生在一九八九年，在時序進入二○○五年之後，似乎已逐漸脫離危機週期的規律。 任何國家都可能發生各式各樣的危機，危機的結果卻不見得會帶來崩潰，其關鍵在於國家與社會如何面對及應付危機，雙方關係究竟在危機前後是如何彼此定位？ 以天安門民主運動事件為例，在事件發生之前，中國大陸正面臨自改革開放以來最大的經濟危機—通貨膨脹。 然而危機的結果是以軍隊鎮壓收場，使得中國大陸社會運動就此陷於沉寂之中，晚近社會抗議事件雖然有增加的趨勢，但距離真正形成持續性的社會運動尚遠。 由此可知，政權出現正當性危機進而使得社會自主性增加，就必須具備兩項條件：一是引發正當性危機的事件出現；二是正當性危機出現後，社會力量興起與各方政治勢力透過妥協安排後，增加其本身的自由性。 本研究的目的要解答的問題是「天安門事件後中國大陸國家能力與社會自主性的關係」，此外社會力量之興起及政治勢力會否妥協，牽涉到各種菁英及一舨民眾對政治的態度問題，故本文亦藉用政治文化的研究途徑來探討國家能力與社會自主性之關係。

本研究主要目的係由學校社會化機制探討台北市高職學生政治信任感，以及個人背景中性別、政黨偏好與政治信任感之關係。 本研究採問卷調查之量化研究方法，研究對象為台北市四所公立高職學生，使用的統計方法主要為次數分配、t考驗、單因子變異數分析、皮爾遜積差相關，以及多元迴歸分析。 經分析後主要研究發現： 台北市高職學生政治信任感普遍偏低，顯見其對於現今政府之施政績效並不滿意。　 一、在個人背景部份，性別不會造成政治信任感差異；不同之政黨偏好與政治信任感則具有顯著差異。其中政黨偏好為「藍色」者政治信任感低於「綠色」及中立無反應；政黨偏好為「綠色」者政治信任感高於中立無反應及「都不喜歡」者；政黨偏好為中立無反應者高於「都不喜歡」者。 二、在學校社會化機制部分，申訴管道、學生自主性、年級等三項因素與政治信任感具有顯著差異。認為有申訴管道的學生其政治信任感較高；學生自主性愈高者，其政治信任感愈高；一年級較三年級學生具有較高之政治信任感。其他在學校控制度、教室民主氣氛、學校、科系等四部份，則與政治信任感間無顯著差異。 三、藉由多元迴歸分析，綜合考量申訴管道、學生自主性、年級以及政黨偏好四項因素，可看出申訴管道、年級以及政黨偏好對於政治信任感具有相當之影響，至於影響政治信任感高低之其他因素則有待進一步研究。 關鍵字：高職學生、政治信任感、性別、政黨偏好、學校、申訴管道、學生自主性、學校控制度、教室民主氣氛、年級、科系 / The purpose of this study aimed to understand the political trust of Taipei city vocational high school students by school as an agent of political socialization. Also, this study analyzed the relation among gender, party preference and political trust. The study employed quantitative approaches of questionnaire survey, and the subjects were the students of four Taipei municipal vocational high schools. Statistical methods included frequency distribution, t-test, oneway ANOVA, Pearson product-moment correlation and multiple regression analysis. Principal findings of the study were： 1.The political trust of Taipei city vocational high school students was universally low. It was obvious that nowadays the government did not make students satisfied. 2.In individual background, gender had no significant differences on political trust, but different party preference had significant differences on political trust. People whose party preference was “blue” had lower political trust than those whose party preference was “green” and neutrality with no response. People whose party preference was “green” had higher political trust than those whose party preference was “dislike” and neutrality with no response. People whose party preference was neutrality with no response had higher political trust than those whose party preference was “dislike”. 3.As for the school as an political socialization agent, grievance channels, student autonomy and grades had significant differences. Students who thought there were grievance channels at school had higher political trust. Students with higher autonomy had higher political trust. The first graders had higher political trust than the third ones. There were no significant differences between political trust and the four factors: school control, classroom democratic atmosphere, schools and majors. 4.By the multiple regression analysis of grievance channels, students autonomy, grades and party preference, there were influences among grievance channels, grades and party preference to a certain degree. As for other factors which influenced political trust, the further study needs researching. Keywords：vocational high school students; political trust; gender; party preference; school; grievance channel; student autonomy; school control; classroom democratic atmosphere; grade; major

本研究旨在檢證雙元自主性模型中自主能力與情境操弄對訊息區辨表現的範疇優勢性運作機制；並為了排除過去系列相關研究結果可能受到共同方法變異偏誤所造成的效度威脅，本研究採取訊息區辨表現作為非自陳式效標變項，重新檢證雙元自主性模型的各項主張觀點。 本文共包含兩個研究，研究一經由811位台灣北部與南部的高中職三年級學生，以班級作為單位進行團體施測，測量其個體化與關係雙元自主能力，並透過情境中強調不同適應訴求的操弄，探討雙元自主能力與情境操弄對訊息區辨表現的共同作用效果，以重複檢證雙元自主性模型中對（1）雙元自主能力可以共存，以及（2）不同自主能力各具有範疇優勢性的兩項主張觀點。研究一結果發現：個體化自主與關係自主兩種能力之間具有中度的正相關，再次支持雙元自主取向能力可以相互共存的主張觀點；但兩種自主能力彼此間仍具有可區辨的關聯效度，其中個體化自主能力主要作用於個人範疇的訊息區辨表現上，而關係自主能力主要作用於人際範疇訊息區辨表現上。另外也發現與區辨訊息範疇一致的情境操弄，相較於不一致的情境操弄或是不給予情境操弄，能強化範疇優勢性的作用效果。 為強化研究一的結果，研究二針對研究一的研究限制改善情境操弄的工具與訊息區辨作業，並以台灣北部大學生作為研究對象，其中61位雙元自主能力皆高的雙高組受試者，以及63位雙元自主能力皆低的雙低組受試者。分別邀請至實驗室進行個別的電腦施測，並透過情境脈絡中強調不同適應需求的操弄，再次探討雙元自主能力對訊息區辨表現的範疇優勢性運作機制，結果發現：首先，相對於雙低組，雙高組受試者在個人範疇與人際範疇的訊息區辨表現都比較好，重複檢證雙元自主能力對於訊息區辨的作用效果；其次，相較於不一致的情境操弄或是不給予情境操弄，與區辨訊息範疇一致的情境促發能提升個人範疇與人際範疇的訊息區辨表現。並且發現情境操弄的效果主要作用於發展出高度雙元自主能力的雙高組受試者，在雙低組受試者身上不同的情境操弄則沒有差異，不僅反映出雙元自主能力與情境操弄對訊息區辨表現的共同作用效果，並且重複地驗證雙元自主性模型中共存的理論觀點以及本研究對雙元自主性範疇優勢的運作機制推論。 本文並依據研究發現提出各項討論，論述雙元自主性模型與過去相關文獻與實徵發現的異同。像是（1）該模型採取適應能力的觀點重新詮釋自主性的多元發展取向，進行一系列的實徵研究並且獲得支持的研究結果；（2）採取情境與性格交互運作的系統觀點，說明雙元自主能力的共存與範疇優勢性動態機制；（3）透過非自陳式的訊息區辨表現杜絕共同方法變異的可能威脅，重複檢證該模型的各項理論觀點以及本研究的推論假設；（4）最後針對研究中各項不符合預期的結果提出合理解釋，並且說明未來值得繼續深入探討的相關議題。 / This article has two main goals about verifying the ideas of the Dual Autonomy Model (Yeh & Yang, 2006; Yeh, Bedford, & Yang, 2007; Yeh, Liu, Huang, & Yang, 2007). The first is testing the collective effect of dual autonomy and situational operation on message discernment to support the processing mechanism of the domain superiority hypothesis. The second is using the message discernments as performance criteria variable to prevent the common method variance bias and replicate the each hypotheses of dual autonomy. In study 1, 811 senior high school students from north and south of Taiwan as participants were asked to complete a group-survey in their classrooms. A medium correlation between individuating autonomy (IA) and relating autonomy (RA) replicates the coexistence hypothesis. It was also found a distinguishable criterion-validity confirms the domain superiority hypothesis that IA was greater associated with personal domain message discernment but RA was greater associated with interpersonal domain message discernment. This effect of domain superiority was enhanced only under the congruous situational operation condition, shows the collective effect of situation and autonomy capacity that verifies the processing mechanism of domain superiority. For strengthening the result of study 1, study 2 improves the situational operation materials and the message discernment tasks. 61 college students whose dual autonomy both are higher and 63 college students whose dual autonomy both are lower were recruited as participants for study 2 from school in north of Taiwan. They were invited to a small room separately and asked to complete all of the materials and tasks that were presented on computer. The participants with higher dual autonomy have better message discernments of both domains than the participants with lower dual autonomy, replicates the effect of dual autonomy on message discernments. The congruous situational operation produced greater message discriminations than incongruous or none situational operation. This situational effect was only significant on the participants with higher dual autonomy, shows the collective effect of situation and autonomy capacity, confirms the coexist of dual autonomy, and also verifies the processing mechanism of domain superiority. These results and limitations of these two studies, comparison with the past findings, and considerations for future research are discussed.

台灣地區在80年代以後，由於面臨到政治上的解嚴、經濟上的後工業轉型以及社會的多元發展，國家機器不只在統治正當性及政權合法性遭到質疑，原本高度的自主性及強勢的能力也遭逢激烈的挑戰。當很強的國家遇上逐漸增強的民間社會時，國家的內在力量也許仍高，但是自主性降低，國家必須遷就民間社會的偏好，民間社會增加了表達意見的能力，及與國家談判議價的空間，國家機器超然自主於民間社會之上的情況已不復見。 「台北市中山舊橋存廢問題案」正是一個相當典型的個案。本案涉及交通、都市設計及景觀設計、古蹟保存與水利防洪等方面的專業判斷，而民間社會各部門基於自身的專業立場以及利益考量，對於此一問題的意見相當紛歧。再者，中山舊橋的拆遷自規劃至今已歷三任市長，然歷任市府的政策偏好皆不相同，並在後來衍生出中央與地方對於自治權限的認定爭議，更引發了中央與市府官員的公開論戰；總的來說，本案的爭議不僅存在於國家與社會當中，國家機器內部以及民間社會內部亦各自存有歧見。本論文即試圖透過對「台北市中山舊橋存廢問題案」的分析與研究，從國家機器及民間社會在政策偏好的選擇，來瞭解國家機器內部、民間社會內部及國家與社會間三方面的衝突，再經由理論與實務的印證，探討解決這類衝突的可能。 本論文引介80年代興起於西方政治學界，將國家視為獨立變數的新國家主義的研究途徑，運用Nordlinger對於國家自主性類型及策略的分類，來瞭解國家機器在衝突過程當中所扮演的角色，並輔以利益團體的相關理論，藉以對於民間社會內部的衝突提出更具說服力的解釋。 本論文在架構上共分為六章，首章緒論說明本論文研究的動機與目的，並就相關文獻及分析個案作一回顧，最後提出研究架構、研究假設與研究方法。第二章介紹研究途徑---新國家主義，並對於相關基本概念加以界定，再就利益團體的理論作一檢視。第三章從個案中討論國家機器內部的衝突，其重點在於國家機器的政策偏好是如何形成、決定和運作，國家機器之間為何產生偏好上的差異，國家機器內部因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第四章從個案中討論社會各部門間的衝突，其重點在於社會各部門間的政策偏好是如何形成、決定和運作，社會各部門間為何產生偏好上的差異，社會各部門間因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第五章從個案中討論國家機器與民間社會之間的衝突，其重點在於國家機器與民間社會之間的衝突分析，民意代表在其間所扮演的角色；國家機器與民間社會因偏好差異而形成的衝突應循何種途徑解決。第六章為結論，綜整研究成果，對照研究假設，說明本論文的優、缺點，並提出解決國家與社會衝突的可能途徑。 / In later 80’s, due to the political, economic and social transformation of Taiwan, the state has suffered great challenge from the civil society. When there comes a conflict between the very strong state and the growing civil society, the preference of the civil society should be respect, however, the superiority of the state is no longer existing. “Taipei Old Chung-Sheng Bridge” is the typical example. All involved departments of the civil society hold quite different attitude towards the problem based on their own professional position as well as their own interests. Furthermore, the different personal preference of three consecutive mayors give rise to not only the conflict between central and local government, but also the public debates between central and city officials. To sum up, the conflict not only exits between the state and society, but also lies in the inside of the state, and the inside of the civil society in this case. The purpose of the paper is trying to find the possibility of resolving the conflict through the theoretical and practical evidence. In this thesis, Nordlinger’s classification of the state autonomy and strategy, one approach of Neo-statism theory, is used to discuss the role that the state plays in the conflicts. In addition, the theory of interest groups is applied for more persuasive explication as civil society. The thesis is divided into six parts. Chapter 1, including the motives, the purpose of this research, the literature review, the introduction of this case, the analytic framework, research hypothesis and research methods. Chapter 2, including the approach of the research--- Neo-statism, to explicate the main related conception, and explain the primary theory of interest groups. Chapter 3, including a discussion of the inner conflicts in the state by individual cases. The point is that how the preferences of the state is formed and executed, why the differences occur inside the state, and how to resolve the appeared conflicts. Chapter 4, including a discussion to the inner conflicts of the civil society by individual cases. The point is to how the preferences of each department of society are formed and executed, why the differences occur inside the civil society, and how to resolve the appeared conflicts. Chapter 5, including a discussion to the conflicts between the state and civil society by individual cases. The point is the analysis of above, the role the legislators played, and how to resolve the conflict. Chapter 6, comparing the research hypotheses, stating research results, and suggesting of the possible solutions for resolving conflicts between the state and society are made as the conclusion.