長期以來，有關新聞訪問中的模糊語言實際運用並無具體化分析成果，本研究藉由現任總統馬英九接受國際媒體CNN專訪之研究，以論述分析法逐一分析問句及答句，具體歸納出了模糊語言之運用方式。 本研究在文獻回顧章節透過面子威脅、雙避衝突及組織框架等理論來探討官方消息來源如何使用模糊語言，再以論述分析法逐一探討提問者問句與受訪者答句間之對應情形，並納入語境因素，試圖尋找出官方消息來源常見之模糊語言形式。 本研究結果顯示，國內官方消息來源在衝突性提問中確實經常引用模糊語言作為回應媒體提問之方式，不論國內或是國外消息來源均偏愛採取「製造政策重點」之模糊語言方式回應，國內官方消息來源尤其青睞採取「製造政策重點」中之「提出新的論點」、「自我肯定」及「未來作法及期待」等項目，主要是基因於模糊語言類型的運用具有「看似言之有物」、「轉移焦點」、「離開情境」、「不冷場」及「較不容易出錯」等優點，至於負面效應則是引發媒體的「追問」，但由於問答劇本之設定及訪問時間等有利因素，消息來源之模糊語言並無礙於專訪之進行。 / This study focuses on the concept of equivocal communication, especially on the effect of equivocal language and source credibility, ininterviews between the press and its official sources. An unedited version of CNN interview with President Ma Ying-jeou on April 30, 2011, was used in this study in order to find out how equivocal language, if any, was involved. After going through the literature of face-threatening theory, avoidance- avoidance conflict and frame analysis, this research centers on two levels: first, how the officials choose/manipulate the wording of answers in interviews; and second, what the syntax differences are between questions and answers. The results of the study show that official sources, when facing harsh questions, usually turn to equivocal language and intend to induce avoidance towards certain questions. The technique that an official frequently adopted is “making political points,” i.e., to divert attention by “presenting policies,” “talking up one’s own side,” and “making pie in the sky.” The negative effects of equivocal language, therefore, are mainly resulted from the fact that it might trigger more aggressive follow-up questions from the press. Nevertheless, officials still maintain an upper hand over the pres in the wake of Q&A time restraints and the constant stress to beat deadline.

武裝衝突法已成為各交戰國(方)爭取國際支持之重要手段，軍隊執行作戰任務，必須遵守武裝衝突法及國際法的相關規範，始可確保作戰行動的合法性及正當性。陸戰法規是一系列戰爭法規則和慣例的重要歷史淵源，為武裝衝突法之主體。隨著以規範交戰規則為主的海牙法體系與規範人道保護規則為主的日內瓦法體系逐漸整合，陸戰法規除規範作戰使用武器的規則外，其他有關交戰者、敵對行為及軍事佔領等規則均納入1949年日內瓦公約及1977年的兩項附加議定書。 觀察國際社會對陸戰法規實踐的面向，除可從戰史例證中得到驗證外，尚可從童兵、地雷、武裝衝突遺留爆炸物處理及文化資產保護等議題，得以進一步瞭解陸戰法規實踐的全貌。要禁止利用童兵的行為，除了國家行為者應負履約義務外，對非國家行為者侵犯兒童權利行為的制止是當務之急，國際刑事法院應扮演更積極的角色。2003年波灣戰爭中，《禁雷公約》雖未能阻止伊拉克使用人員殺傷雷，但已顯示該公約對非締約國產生的隱性約束力，禁用人員殺傷雷的規範雖未完全實現，但已為多數國家認同，未來可能成為一項習慣國際法。《戰爭遺留爆炸物議定書》雖可為解決武裝衝突結束後平民所面臨的主要威脅提供一項法律制度，但因條約內容強制性不足，成效尚難顯現。目前對文化資深保護的重點在於免遭武裝衝突毀損為主要議題，因武裝衝突而流落異域之文化資產回復或返還，可能成為未來發展之主要議題。 / The Law of Armed Conflict has become one of the important means to win the international support for all belligerent. The army must comply with the Law of Armed Conflict in combat, in order to ensure the legitimacy of military operation. The law of war on land has its historical origins for regulations and customary of the Law of War, and also has codified as the main body of the Law of Armed Conflict. The Law of The Hague and the Law of Geneva have been gradually integrated. All these regulations of the law of war on land about combatant, hostilities and military occupation were included in the “Geneva Conventions of 1949” and two “Additional Protocols of 1977”, except the regulations of the use of the weapon. Observing the different aspects of the law of war on land in the international community from the cases above, furthermore, the issues of “Child Soldier”, “Landmine”, “Explosive Remnants of Armed Conflict” and “Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict”, can help to understand the full view of the practice of the law of war on land. For stopping the use of child soldiers, the obligation of convention should be executed by the state actors, the task of top priority should prevent the infringements of the right of child of the non-state actors, and the International Criminal Court should play a more positive role. In the “Gulf War 2003”, the rule, “Convention on Prohibition of Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-personnel Landmines and on Their Destruction”, although it has not prevent Iraq from the use of anti-personnel landmine, had showed the indistinct effect of the convention to the powers in the conflict that may not be parties to the convention. Although the rule of prohibition of use of anti-personnel mines has not completely realized, it had already been approved by most states, and may become one of the international customary in the future. The “Protocol on Explosive Remnants of War annexed to the “Protocol on Explosive Remnants of War (Protocol V to the 1980 Convention)” provided a legal protection for the civilian after the armed conflict. Its effect was still too difficult to manifest, because the force of provisions of the protocol were insufficient. The protection of cultural property in the event of armed conflict focuses on exempting from the damage of cultural property at present, but the issue like how to recover the cultural properties which were pillaged in armed conflicts, would become the main theme in the foreseeable future.

2005年爆發台灣首宗財經記者勾結金管會高層的股市禿鷹案，記者涉嫌非法以職務之便報導股市消息，從中牟利千萬元，不但震撼記者圈，也讓媒體機構驚覺從此必須要加以記者規範利益迴避；隔年又發生財經記者涉嫌勒索台灣首富事件，突顯專職報導上市櫃企業動態與企業主的財經記者，所面臨的利益衝突問題。 本研究深度訪談14名不同媒體與年資的記者，發現記者的利益衝突可區分為餽贈、兼職、買賣股票、轉職壓力、及媒體機構與大股東的商業與政治利益等五種。不同的利益衝突帶來不同對新聞報導的影響，但普遍而言，利益衝突影響新聞方向的程度，依序為媒體利益（包含置入性行銷）、買賣股票、轉職壓力、餽贈、兼職。 研究發現，台灣的新聞採訪「送禮」的陋習由來已久，利益衝突是財經記者在實務上不能避免的問題，恪遵利益迴避原則可能影響記者的新聞表現。本研究也發現，媒體機構訂定具體明確的規範，記者越不能刻意利用職務去謀取私利。 訪談發現，「企業出錢、記者請假、媒體刊登」成為企業招待記者出訪，以圖撰寫報導的固定模式；不少受訪者被迫以記者之名撰寫置入行銷稿，而感到無奈與憤怒。記者待遇不佳、成為貪圖業外收益的主因。 證交法2005年修法之後，把記者納入內線交易的規範範圍，最重可處三年以上十年以下有期徒刑的重罪，一半以上受訪者仍然不清楚其採訪工作可能帶來觸法的風險，勾勒出台灣財經記者缺乏法制觀念的現象。

本研究以情緒安全感假說，與認知背景架構觀點為基礎，探討父母衝突對兒童的直接影響。藉由統整情緒安全感與認知評估之概念，釐清情緒與認知在兒童適應父母衝突時所產生的影響。並加上因應行為的觀點，探索兒童的因應行為，在適應父母衝突時之角色，比較兒童的情緒、認知及因應行為，三者對兒童適應父母衝突的影響性。 本研究的目的有四：一、將情緒安全感概念與認知背景架構中認知評估概念予以純化與細化；二、以純化與細化後的情緒認知反應，預測兒童在父母衝突下的內化問題與外化問題；三、探討兒童的因應行為，在情緒認知反應及適應問題之間的中介與調節效果；四、比較一般家庭兒童與高衝突家庭兒童在情緒、認知、因應行為及內化、外化適應問題之差異，並檢驗兩組兒童在內化與外化問題之不同影響機制。 本研究以台北市與台北縣各一所國小的五年級兒童及其父母、導師為研究對象，共有566名兒童、413位父母、20位導師參與，以問卷法收集資料。研究工具為「兒童知覺父母衝突量表」（CPIC）、「父母間次系統安全感量表」（SIS）、「兒童因應量表」（CCSC）、「夫妻衝突策略量表」（CTS）、兒童行為檢核表兒童版（CBCL-YSR）、老師版（CBCL-TRF）及家長版（CBCL）。資料分析採因素分析法及多元迴歸分析法進行。 本研究的結果如下：一、將情緒安全感與認知評估純化與細化後，形成兩個情緒反應：情緒激起及情緒失調；與六個認知反應：自責感、波及我、因應效能、建設性家庭表徵、破壞性家庭表徵、及父母衝突特徵。二、情緒認知反應能預測39%兒童內化問題，以情緒失調、情緒激起、缺乏因應效能、自責感、與波及我具有顯著預測力；對外化問題，情緒認知反應只能預測6%的變異量，以缺乏情緒激起、與自責感具顯著預測力。三、因應行為在情緒認知反應與適應問題之間，不具有中介效果，但有顯著調節效果，特別是在當兒童對父母衝突出現高自責時，越採取介入與尋求支持行為，其內化問題越顯著，但若採取低介入與低尋求支持行為，對其內化問題具有緩解效果。四、高衝突家庭兒童之內化較一般衝突家庭兒童顯著，他們對父母衝突的情緒激起、破壞性家庭表徵、建設性家庭表徵及缺乏因應效能均較高。情緒認知反應對不同衝突家庭兒童之不同適應問題，各有不同預測效果。高衝突家庭兒童之內化問題，情緒認知反應具有39%之預測力，以缺乏建設性家庭表徵波及我及兩種認知表徵最具預測力；對一般家庭兒童之內化問題，情緒認知反應亦有39%之預測力，以情緒失調、缺乏因應效能、自責感具有顯著預測力；而一般家庭兒童之外化問題，情緒認知反應有6%之預測力，以缺乏情緒激起、及自責感具有顯著預測力。 本研究進一步討論此研究結果的意涵，以及在研究概念與實務運用之貢獻，並提出研究限制及未來研究方向建議。

The aim of this thesis is to investigate and identify the present communication gaps between cultures within an organization. For these couple decades, there has been numerous international joint ventures happening in China by the Taiwanese firms in order to reduce cost and to reach both economies of scale and economies of scope. In doing so the international joint venture firm has to hire and employee the local Chinese people where the culture is much different than Taiwanese people. This thesis studies and examines the possible communication issues and problems that could arise due to differences in culture. The qualitative method of interview was conducted in this thesis, composed of 5 Taiwanese managers and 3 Chinese managers inside the organization. The interview consists of 19 questions which were divided into three categories as follows: Communication, differences between ethnicity, and leadership and change. The responses were carefully examined and compared to see whether the difference in culture created some communication issues in the organization. The results from the interviewees and through chart comparison it was clear to conclude that there indeed have been communication issues and problems between the Taiwanese culture and Chinese culture at the workplace. The thesis provides four types of recommendation, including conflict management, internal communication and employee development, management communication strategy for change and strategic employee communication to facilitate major change. This thesis hopes to offer and improve a successful communication change between the different cultures within the organization.

時下企業使用團隊以促進創新的方式非常普遍，藉由成員背景的多元性發展出更多可行的新創方案，然而在團隊的專業分工模式下，團隊成員如何快速地瞭解其他成員的專長，並相互配合、協調，高效率地完成任務要求，成為重要的探討議題。團隊成員熟悉團隊內各種技能與知識的分布，並且信任其他成員的專業，彼此溝通協調，此現象稱為交融記憶系統，本研究以真實企業中的團隊為研究對象，且以從事研發或行銷等創意發想工作的團隊為主，探討交融記憶系統與團隊創新之間的關聯。另外，團隊成員對於任務資訊的交流與整合稱為資訊精緻化，本研究也探討資訊精緻化行為是否在兩變項之間擔任中介效果的角色。在交融記憶系統、資訊精緻化與團隊創新的主效果之外，本研究也好奇任務衝突、賦權領導及正、負向情感氛圍是否於其間具有調節效果。 　　本研究共蒐集到70組研發團隊共334位團隊成員作為研究樣本，經過信、效度分析、配適度檢定、趨同性分析、相關分析及層級迴歸分析之後，得出之研究結果顯示交融記憶系統與資訊精緻化之間存在顯著正向關係。任務衝突、賦權領導與正向情感氛圍各自與資訊精緻化之間具有顯著正向關係，而賦權領導對於交融記憶系統與資訊精緻化之間之正向關係具有顯著正向調節效果。另外，任務衝突對於交融記憶系統與資訊精緻化之間之正向關係具有顯著負向調節效果，而賦權領導對於交融記憶系統與團隊創新之間之正向關係具有顯著負向調節效果，此兩者與原假設之調節方向相反。

近年來，隨著台灣政治民主化、經濟自由化和社會多元化的快速變遷，政府所要處理的事務，愈趨複雜化、分殊化與專業化。公共政策本身就是以價值為基礎，如果政治被界定為社會性價值的權威性分配，那麼公共政策代表配置及分配那些價值的手段。分配價值的主事者即為行政機關，而行政機關所分配的依歸必須合乎公務倫理，再者價值分配的過程中必定與利害關係人有極密切的互動，其中之一即為地方派系，地方派系影響地方政治甚鉅台灣地方派系在戒嚴時期威權統治及開放自由走向民主化的轉型過程中，扮演著極為關鍵性的角色。它，操控著地方選舉，影響了地方政治，甚至與黑金結合，藉以要求政府政策。 本研究主要透過台南市海安路個案中，運用質性研究方法，以四者連環關係行動者作表示，主要架構是建立在利害關係人的理論上，透過文獻歸納的政策三要素，以及地方派系在地方政策系統的作用下，使擁有公權力的行政人員如何在各種連鎖利益的夾擊衝突下因應，已達多方面的兼顧與自身地位與利益的保全。

本研究以已婚社會工作員為對象，瞭解已婚社會工作員的工作與家庭衝突對其家庭生活滿意度的影響。研究透過兩種管道進行資料的蒐集：一種是由台灣社會工作專業人員協會與台灣兒童暨家庭扶助基金會協助樣本的提供；另一種是使用線上問卷，共回收154份有效問卷。本研究有幾點發現：首先，已婚社會工作員面臨了工作與家庭的衝突，且工作干擾家庭的情況較嚴重。其次，已婚社會工作員在家庭生活滿意度的不同構面中，以家務處理滿意程度最低。再者，已婚社會工作員不會因性別的不同在工作與家庭衝突和家庭生活滿意度兩方面有所差異。在工作特質變項上，已婚社會工作員的工作年資愈少、擔任第一線社工員、每週工作時數和每月加班時數愈多者，工作與家庭衝突的情況愈嚴重。在工作投入與勝任感方面，已婚社會工作員對社工專業愈投入，其家庭干擾工作的程度愈低，亦不會因此產生工作干擾家庭的感受；當已婚社會工作員愈難獲得合適的工作作息且愈無法勝任工作時，工作與家庭衝突的程度愈高；而已婚社會工作員對社工專業愈投入者，其家庭生活滿意度愈高。此外，已婚社會工作員的工作與家庭衝突程度愈高，家庭生活滿意度就會愈低。最後，針對研究結果，研究者提出以下建議：已婚社會工作員應瞭解自我角色的情況，在家務處理上取得配偶和家人的支持，並學習有效的時間管理與適度的自我調適；實務界則應正視社會工作員的工作壓力負荷量大的問題。 / This research takes married social workers as research subject to understand how the conflict between work and family affects their family life satisfaction. Our data was collected from two measures. Some are provided by the Taiwan Association of Social Workers and the Taiwan Fund for Children and Family while the rest comes from 154 effective questionnaires collected by an online survey. Through this research, we discovered the followings. First, married social workers do encounter work-family conflicts and their family lives are rather interfered by their work. Second, in terms of different factors of the family life satisfaction, married social workers stand at the lowest level in the satisfaction of house work management. Furthermore, married social workers, regardless of sex, share the same experience regarding work-family conflicts and the family life satisfaction. In terms of the variable of job characteristics, the work-family conflict is much more severe if married social workers have less years of job experience, act as frontline social workers, or have more weekly work hours and overtime hours per month. On the aspect of work devotion and job competency, as they devote more to become professional social workers, their family lives are less likely to be interfered by their work, and thus they don't have the feeling of interference. If they have more trouble balancing between work and rest and become less competent in their jobs, the work-family conflict would be more serious. Meanwhile, if more devotion is put into becoming professional social workers, the family life satisfaction would be higher. In addition, when married social workers suffered from more severe work-family conflicts, their family life satisfaction becomes lower. This research provides several suggestions based on the research result. Married social workers should know more about their roles in work, gain supports from their spouses and family members on housework management and learn better skills on time management and self-adjustment. In practical view, the problem of work stress and overload in social workers should be emphasized.

自十九世紀中葉，猶太人第一次遷徙到巴勒斯坦，已經過一百五十餘年。猶太民族與世居巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯人，原本還算和睦相處。惟隨著歐洲民族主義的復興，猶太人在受到歐洲人迫害後，亦隨之興起在巴勒斯坦建國的思想。猶太復國主義崛起（Zionism），巴勒斯坦的歷史，從此展開了新頁。 猶太人自廿世紀第二次遷徙至巴勒斯坦後，採取激進的屯墾措施，以巧取豪奪的方法自巴人手中不斷取得土地，擴大版圖，排除在佃地世代務農的巴勒斯坦農民，改僱猶太人，造成佃農生活難以為繼，紛爭於是展開，難以平息，逐漸惡化成衝突，最後導至1936年巴人大規模反抗行動，以巴衝突正式展開，直至二十一世紀。 本論文從歷史發展的脈絡來分析四方路徑圖所提出的解決方案，首先研究自1948至1990年來，在以色列佔領下，以巴衝突的特質（第二章）。其次研究自1991至2002年，第一次巴勒斯坦人民起義後，奧斯陸原則宣言至美國大衛營談判破裂，以巴雙方在終止占領、建立自治政府、移轉權力、交還土地(包含屯墾區)等四方面的履行的情形，來觀察以色列在締結和平協定背後的戰略意圖（第三章）。再研究第二次巴勒斯坦人民起義後，由美國領導，歐盟、俄羅斯及聯合國四方共同參與的四方路徑圖，其所提出的兩國方案，是否可以消弭以巴衝突，從而建立雙方和平。其中值得注意的是以色列所採取的兩手策略：─面進行和平談判，一面準備單方隔離計畫。並對路徑圖未來可能的發展提出看法（第四章）。 最後的結論是四方路徑圖所提出的兩國方案似難解決以巴間長期衝突，而達成和平，將來可能的發展是一國方案（第五章）。 / In mid-nineteenth century, the first wave (aliyah) of Jews started to immigrate to Palestine. Jewish immigrants and indigenous Palestinians were getting along peacefully in Palestine at the outset. But after a spate of nationalism rose in Europe, Jews became the persecuted. Political Zionism thrived among Jews, which initiated the idea of building their own state in Palestine. A new chapter in the history of Palestine was written. Jewish immigrants to Palestine since the second aliyah were much more progressive. They were particularly interested in establishing a Jewish state and hoped to create Jewish settlements independently worked by Jewish farm laborers. This land buying policy led to tensions with Palestinian peasants, who were unable to find work among the new immigrant communities. Numerous land disputes deteriorated into tension between the two communities, as more Palestinians were displaced by Jewish land buying policy. Unemployed Palestinians became increasingly hostile towards the Zionists. At last, the first Arab revolt burst out in 1936. From there, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict began and has continued into the 21st century. The thesis analyses the solutions of the Road Map to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the context of history. It studies first the characteristics of the conflict from 1948 to 1990 (Chapter One). Then, it observes the past record of the peace process from 1991 to 2002 by the two sides through implementations of DOP, until the collapse of the Camp David Talks that caused the second intifada. By reviewing the past record of peace in contrast with its implementations regarding ending Israeli occupation, building a Palestinian self-government (PNA), transfer of powers and land (including Israeli settlements) to the PNA, one is able to realize the Israeli strategic intentions hidden behind those peace agreements (Chapter Three). Next, the thesis studies the two-state formula proposed by the US-led Quartet Road Map (the US, the EU, Russia and the UN), to understand its feasibility to solve the second intifada and build peace. It should be noted that Israel took a two-handed strategy: preparing for a disengagement plan while negotiating for peace. An appraisal of the future prospect of the Road Map is included in this chapter (Chapter Four). The conclusion of the thesis is that the Quartet Road Map could not solve the prolonged Israeli-Palestinian conflict and reach a sustained peace between the two peoples. Future development of the conflict may result in a one-state solution (Chapter Five).

臺灣礦業採掘有關的政治環境衝突往往被概念化為治理問題。也就是說，治理政策產生的衝突，是由於礦業採掘活動中「收益分配、政治參與、透明度和原住民社區的就業機會」等四個指標。然而，在治理層面忽略了原住民族長期受到邊緣化的歷史過程以及持續接受殖民的統治的治理模式，因此本文的主要論述是， 礦業採掘活動有關的政治環境衝突並非源自 “治理” 問題， 而更重要的是，此問題本身超越了現行的政治體制架構，因為國家、礦業採掘公司、原住民部落之間在土地議題上顯現出不同的本質觀點，雙方在政治體制的範圍上，以及文化、社會體系上，兩者皆沒有共同之處，而基於這一論點，本研究將對於南澳泰雅族人土地議題的奮鬥案立加以研究。 / Political-environmental conflicts related to extractive industries in Taiwan tend to be conceptualized as problems of governance. These conflicts are generated from ill-designed policies that manage the distribution of revenues from extractive industries, formal political participation, transparency and employment opportunities for the indigenous community. The governance approach, however, does not take into account the history of marginalization and resistance of indigenous groups, or the permanence of colonial patterns of domination in Taiwan. The main argument of this paper is that the political-environmental conflicts related to extractive activities do not derive from problems of ‘governance’, but more significantly, they emerge as a consequence of divergences that transcend the current institutional framework. The different political ontologies among state, corporate, and the indigenous community over land revealed, each party operates within institutional parameters and socio-cultural systems which have nothing in common. This argument will be developed in the case study of the Atayal people’s territorial struggles in Nan’ao, Taiwan.