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在製藥工業中，藥量特性之研究常被應用於藥理學、毒物學及臨床試驗中。藥量特性之研究同時在臨床試驗中的第一階段的藥物安全性及第二階段的藥物有效性中扮演著重要的角色。透過藥量特性的研究，使我們對於藥物的開發有著更深一層的認識，並可藉此縮短藥物核准上市的時間。 在多數的情況下，我們對於藥物動力學之參數與藥物劑量間的線性關係，有著特別的興趣。基於這個目的，一些典型的方法即是由一般線性模式發展而成的。然而，這些典型的統計方法常遇到下列的難題而違反其假設：（一）不同藥物劑量間的異質變異性。（二）不滿足常態性的假設。針對這些問題，我們藉由比較不同劑量間的斜率關係的無母數檢定程序來評估其線性關係並刻劃出藥物的反應曲線，文中並藉此方法舉出交叉實驗之實例。 / The problem of characterizing dose response curve for a pharmacokinetic parameter over a specific dose range is considered. In many cases, it is of interest to determine dose linearity (or dose proportionality) between the pharmacokinetic parameters and dose levels. For this purpose, several classical methods based on a general linear model procedure are available. However, two difficulties commonly encountered, namely (i) heterogeneity of the varibility at different dose levels and (ii) violation of the normality assumptions, often make the classical methods not applicable. To account for these problems, we propose a general nonparametric test procedure by comparing the slopes at different dose level to asses dose linearity and to characterize dose response curve. An example concerning the study of dose response of a compound based on a four-way crossover experiment is presented.

新興強權的崛起，勢將影響國際權力結構。自冷戰結束以來，國際體系維持著以美國為主導的單極為主多極體系，然全球化的影響，美國權力不免出現離散的下降趨勢。中共的崛起，成為可能挑戰以美國所主導的國際體系，使美中間的權力互動成為世人關切的焦點。 中共的國際戰略旨在維護和鞏固其在國際領域中的國家利益。自建政以來，歷代領導人審視國際權力結構的動態，制訂其國際戰略，俾在權力平衡的運作中，追求最大的國家利益。中共在面對「中國威脅論」的不利態勢，在16大以後，胡、溫領導以「和諧世界」戰略做為外交政策的指導原則；充滿理想主義的和諧世界戰略，能否改變國際間對中共這個新興強權的疑慮，成為全球矚目的焦點。 本文為瞭解中共和諧世界戰略與美中台間的關係發展與影響，採用歷史文獻分析法，藉由多元研究途徑，探討中共和諧世界戰略發展的歷程、背景與內涵及與美中台關係發展的影響。 研究發現，和諧世界戰略充滿理想主義色彩，但本質仍是追求權力平衡的觀點，企圖改變現階段美中權力結構的不和諧與不對等；和諧世界戰略提出後，受到主要國家的歡迎，相對的拉近美中之間權力結構的差距；但美國對中共威脅認知、雙方對權力的觀點、其他主要國家（戰略樞紐者如：俄、日、印、歐盟等）的抉擇及台灣問題的潛在衝突等，仍將影響美中台關係的未來發展。 / The rise of emerging powers is bound to affect the power structure of the international. Since the conclusion of the Cold War, a uni-multipolar system with the US as the only superpower has been dominating the arena of international politics. However, the US power diffuses and descends as a result of globalization. On the other hand, China’s rise to regional hegemony and the subsequent adjustment of its international strategy is posing a challenge to the US-dominated international political system. The interaction between Washington and Beijing has become a critical factor in the development of global politics. The PRC’s international strategy aims to secure and consolidate its national interests in the global society. Since the establishment of the Communist regime, the paramount leaders have examined the dynamics of international power structure and formulated its international strategy accordingly in order to pursue the maximum national interests in the operations of balance of power. Since the sixteenth Communist Party Congress, Hu Jintao and Wen Jia Bau has enshrined “harmonious world” as the guidelines for the country’s foreign policy. The latest international strategy sets a new direction for the development of the US-China relations. Since then whether or not the nominally idealistic “harmonious world” strategy helps reduce America’s suspicion of the potential rival has taken the limelight of international politics. This paper adopts document analysis and employs diversified research approach to explore, in terms of balance of power, the development process of the PRC’s international strategy, the contents of the “harmonious world” strategy, and the influence of the strategy upon the relations between the US- China and Taiwan. The findings of this study include the following points: The PRC’s “harmonious world” strategy is only idealistic in name but in essence, it still holds the Chinese traditional wisdom of balance of power; the strategy aims to rectify the existing discord and asymmetry in the power structure of US-China relations; and, although the strategy reduces the gap in the US-China power structure to a certain extent, America’s perception of China threat, mutual recognition of the contrast of national power, the decisions of other strategic pivots (such as the strategic hub are: i.e. Russia, Japan, India, and the European Union), and the dispute on Taiwan will continue to dictate the development of the bilateral relations between the US - PRC and the Taiwan.

Granovetter proposed that weak ties connect different sections of social networks, thus function as the channel for individuals to gain access to useful information unavailable at existing social circles. The first motivation of this study is to explore to what extent strength of ties theory explains information exchange behaviour of Taiwanese Facebook users. According to past research, Chinese rely on those with close guanxi, such as family members and close friends to satisfy individual’s needs. This leads us to ask if guanxi would also play an important role in satisfying individual’s needs for information. Thus the second motive of this study is to explore the significance of guanxi for Chinese Facebook users in selecting the counterpart for information exchange. It is hoped that the results of this investigation will contribute to social networks, guanxi, information behaviour research and social network sites users’ study, especially in Taiwan. Based the data collected via online survey, this study found that respondents tend to rely on strong ties as their primary sources of information. If their strong ties were not able to provide the information, respondents would rely on the connections of these strong ties, rather than the weak ties in their network, to find the information they needed. Thus strong ties are the key to information exchange in a social network.

過往研究發現性別特質在愛情關係中扮演重要角色。人們在選擇理想的愛情對象上經常反映出性別特質的互補性，例如男性化特質高的男性和女性化特質高的女性是多數人同意的理想伴侶。然而實際的關係中，女性化特質比男性化特質更能有效的預測婚姻滿意度和婚姻關係適應。這是因為女性化特質有助於人際關係的建立與維繫，女性化特質高的人展現較多自我揭露和情緒依賴，或以人際關係中的互動對象來認同自己，在關係互動中更經常表現出回應且滿足他人需求、考量他人感受等行為，係具有較高程度的關係他人-自我取向。而關係他人-自我取向是親子、密友、愛情等親密關係常見的人際行為表現，它可以增進關係親密感、滿足對方期望，以及引起對方相對回應，在過去研究中被認為是提升關係品質的重要因素。因此本研究假設，女性化特質會透過關係他人-自我取向之中介來預測愛情關係的滿意度，並進一步探討關係他人-自我取向如何影響個人在決策事件中考量伴侶的程度。本研究中以兩個樣本（共149對未婚情侶）檢驗成對情侶的徑路模型，在模型一中驗證了過去研究發現女性化特質對於關係滿意度的正向預測力，模型二則發現個人的關係他人-自我取向是女性化特質和關係滿意度之間的部分中介變項。此外，個人的關係他人-自我取向可以反映出預期的決策事件（樣本一74對情侶）和真實的決策事件（樣本二75對情侶）中考慮他人意見的程度，這樣的預測效果在只關乎情侶兩人的決策事件中最為明顯，涉及任一方普通朋友、異性友人、家人等的決策事件無此發現。而後續分析發現，在真實的決策事件中，男性的決策他人取向可以預期自己的關係滿意度，女性則未發現此現象。本研究於綜合討論中解釋這些結果，並探討影響關係品質的可能歷程。 / Past studies have shown that gender traits play an important role in romantic relationships. Complementary gender traits are desired in heterosexual mate selection since people describe masculine men and feminine women as their ideal partners. In real relationships, however, femininity works as a better predictor of both marriage satisfaction and dyadic adjustment than masculinity. Femininity, derived from the caretaker roles in society, is related to emotional expressivity and relationship development. Feminine individuals show more self-disclosure and emotional dependency, identify themselves with current interpersonal relationships, and consider others when making decisions. They are also responsive to others’ needs, displaying a high level of other-self orientation. The higher one is in the other-self orientation, the more one is concerned for others’ welfare. While high other-self orientation is not limited to feminine individuals. People, regardless of their gender traits, tend to show a high level of other-self orientation in intimate relationships, such as parents and children, close friends, and couples. Research showed that high other-self-orientation individuals enjoy better relationship quality for that they meet partners’ needs and this brings the mutual responsiveness. As a result, we postulate that other-self orientation is a mediator between femininity and relationship satisfaction, and that other-self orientation predicts the degree one considers the partner when making decisions on romantic relationships. Two path models with two samples (149 unmarried couples totally) were examined in our study. Results indicated that femininity has a positive effect on one’s own as well as his or her partner’s relationship satisfaction (path model 1) and that the effect of femininity on one’s relationship satisfaction is partly mediated by his or her own other-self orientation (path model 2). In addition, other-self orientation is positively correlated with the degree he or she considers the partner’s needs when making decisions in hypothetical events (sample 1 with 74 couples) and real-life events (sample 2 with 75 couples). Those positive correlations are found in events involving the couple without the third party such as friends, potential relationship rivals, and the family. Follow-up analysis revealed that the more a man considers his partner’s needs in real-life decision making, the more he is satisfied with the relationship. Details were discussed in the conclusion.

在問卷設計上，一般人常用傳統勾選的方式讓受訪者作答。這種0或1的二分法方式，讓受訪者在數個選項中勾選出一個較適當之答案，但其勾選的並非絕對，而其無勾選的卻非不曾發生的，如此所得到的資料往往會扭曲事實的真相。 　　本論文即是利用模糊之概念來改良傳統之問卷，允許受訪者在數個選項中填寫百分比，解決上述傳統問卷之缺失，並以家庭關係問卷為例，來比較傳統及模糊問卷結果的差異性。更進一步建構一家庭關係模糊指標及定義一家庭關係警訊燈號，用來衡量一般人家庭關係之優劣。分析結果我們可以得到以下三點結論：1.傳統問卷之結果，往往容易集中在某個選項上；而模糊呈現的較為均衡。2.由於模糊問卷答題方式較為多樣化，故家庭關係模糊指標分布較為廣泛且均勻。3.整體而言，較多數人之家庭關係警訊燈號為綠燈，顯示家庭關係不錯。 / In survey question design, people used the method of traditional selection to let respondent to answer. This method let respondent to select an appropriate answer in several options. However, his selections would not be absolute, and the options that he did not select would happen. Such data may skew the reality. 　　In this paper, we make use of fuzzy concept which allow respondent to write down percentage in several options to improve traditional survey question and to resolve the shortcoming of traditional survey. Also, we take family relation survey question for instance to compare the difference of traditional and fuzzy survey question result. Furthermore, we build a family relation fuzzy index and define a family relation warning signal to judge the good and the bad of one's family relation.

Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study. / Denny Roy describes the current political situation in Taiwan as both “peculiar and intriguing.” Roy also uses the terms “beautiful” and “beleaguered” to define Taiwan. These oxymoronic terms are natural reactions to the political turmoil and the economic success that characterize this island. The island itself appears harmless enough, yet it remains an indirect military threat to the world’s two most powerful nations: China and the US. At the heart of this threat is the question of Taiwan’s political status. Is it a sovereign nation in its own right or is it a part of mainland China? Taiwan believes it is sovereign and entitled to recognition as a sovereign state. China believes Taiwan is merely a renegade state and will eventually return to mainland China. The US is torn between foreign policies and relationships with both Taiwan and China and takes a rather ambiguous position. The result is decades of diplomatic wars between Taiwan and China with the US quite often caught in the middle. The purpose of this research study is to analyze and trace the origins and developments of Taiwan’s “peculiar and intriguing” circumstances and the consequences for world peace. This will require a detailed examination of the relations between Taiwan, China and the US and how foreign policy strategies and world politics have steered this triangle and the legal developments that have emerged. Certainly, conflict in the Middle East is a threat to world peace and security. However, no conflict or political impasse exists with the threat of war between the world’s two superpowers juxtaposed against one another as does the situation in the Taiwan Strait. A war between the US and China over Taiwan’s legal status may or may not happen. However, the mere prospect of such a war shapes and steers Taiwan’s domestic and international affairs. The focus on the colliding interests in and over the Taiwan Strait, automatically follow from the current status quo. For the second half of the 20th century each of the parties involved have gravitated toward largely incompatible goals. China takes the position that there is only one China and Taiwan is a part of China. Taiwan originally believed just as vociferously in the opposite contention and declared Taipei rather than Beijing as China’s legitimate capital. In recent years Taiwan has pursued autonomous status and international recognition. However, the greatest part of Taiwan’s population favors the status quo: rejecting independence and Chinese control all at once. The US is similarly positioned: acknowledging China’s one-China policy without expressing or demonstrating acceptance of it. Meanwhile the US has legally bound itself to providing military and economic assistance to Taiwan. These are the peculiar and intriguing circumstances surrounding the situation in Taiwan that motivate this study.

本研究根據對公共關係實務工作者訪談，瞭解實務工作者認為大學公共關係本科畢業生應具備那些公關核心知識與技能，以及實務工作者對本科教育是否能達成實務專業任用標準的看法。並透過對同時在相關科系兼任授課的實務工作者深度訪談，整理這些具備公關產學雙重身份的受訪者對目前公共關係相關科系在課程目標及課程規劃安排上的看法與建議。 本研究發現，組織及商業管理知識是被較常提及的必備知識，媒體生態及議題建構的知識是所有的受訪者都會提到而且獨立強調的核心知識。研究方法、寫作技巧及語文能力則是最常被受訪者提及的重要必備技能。受訪者者也認為應該要讓學生知道公共關係有那些特定領域（「領域知識」），以及會遭遇那些溝通情境。應以各類公共關係個案情境（情境知識）來讓學生瞭解工具策略的多元性而不是生硬的學習SOP操作程序。 另外，公關本科生並未有就業優勢，但在校任教的實務工作者會更支持本科教育及人才任用。受訪者認為公關課程目標、課程基礎配套資訊以及課程銜接等相關問題都不清楚，業界老師對公共關係教育的付出並未被善用。而學生的學習地圖也並未能被做一個更好的規劃安排，學生無法掌握學習目標及學習策略。 本研究提出的建議為，1.對公關教育及課程任務與規劃應有明確的管理指標，以利教師授課、學生學習及實務業界溝通。2.應善用業界師資資源強化公關領域知識及情境知識教育。3.應鼓勵學生參與實習及實作課程並透過參與校外相關競賽瞭解教學實力。4.應務實面對科系現況補足重要核心知識課程。 關鍵詞：公共關係、公共關係教育、核心知識技能、課程目標、領域知識、情境知識 / This study aims to learn public relations professionals’ 1) perspectives on core knowledge and skills that students majoring in public relations should be equipped with; and 2) viewpoints on whether current university public relations education has been sufficient to assist public relations graduates for related job qualification. Through in-depth interviews with public professionals who currently teach public relations-related courses in universities, I probe their philosophies of teaching, perspectives on course objectives, strategies and plans of teaching. The results of the study indicate that organization theory and business administration were the frequently mentioned as essential knowledge. Meanwhile, getting to know of ever-changing media environment and ability of agenda setting among various communication contexts were essential capability that had been particularly emphasized by all interviewees. On the other hand, research methods, writing skills, and language proficiency were skills frequently addressed by interviewees. Interviewees point out the importance of advancing public relations students’ ‘domain knowledge’ as well as communication scenarios in public relations education. In other words, for the purpose of understanding the strategies and tools of public relations, ‘knowledge of contexts’ in public relations case studies, instead of knowledge of standard operating procedures of public relations practices, should be provided to students during teaching cases. This study also shows that public relations graduates have not owned advantages in competing for public relations job applications. However, professionals who also teach in universities tend to value public relations education more and favor recruiting public relations majors than those who haven’t had the experiences of teaching. Interviewees also expressed their concern of lacking of the public relations course objectives, basic course supplement information, and curriculum linkage, it is why they tend to think public relations education still have much room to improve. They stated that students will not be able to grasp the meaning of learning if they have not developed a knowledge map of public relations. In addition, public relations educators’ contributions to the learning of public relations should be better leveraged. Based on the study, the author offers the following suggestions. 1. Instructors should make teaching objectives and class management strategies clear, as well as course assignments and project arrangement logical. This will benefit lecturers in teaching, students in learning, and public relations professionals, who may serve as guest speakers in class. 2. Department should make the best use of the resources of lecturers from public relations practicum to strengthen the education of both domain and contextual knowledge in the public relations industry. 3. Department should encourage students to take the opportunities of internship programs and to compete for off-campus public relations contests so that students will have chances to reflect what they have learned in classroom. 4. Departments should provide core public relations courses based on what public relations has to offer. Key words: public relations,education,core knowledge and skills, course objectives, domain knowledge, knowledge of contexts

三角關係的三個角色，在PTT的三個板，大老婆、第二者與第三者板，分別以自我為主體抒發心情故事，依據板規陳述自我或評價他人，現實中對三角關係的看法與解讀的權力角力，延伸到網路討論板裡的各自表述，形成若有似無的隔空對話，這種為對話的自我表述型態與權力的運作息息相關，是一種網路與現實交會所形成的特殊溝通型態：三個角色以遵循與抗拒倫理規範看待自我與他人，而宰制與抗拒是權力運作的一部分，倫理價值觀也是權力產物，板上的文章成為乘載訊息的語藝產物。 本研究結合權力語藝分析、對倫理價值觀宰制與抗拒，分析PTT三角關係的三個角色互相指涉的文章，試圖從中找出三個角色呈現的訊息與形象、權力策略，並了解網路中的情境脈絡如何影響三角關係的三個角色，以及如何與現實社會的倫理規範對話。 整個社會對三角關係有一套約定俗成的主流論述：男外向、女順從忍讓，第一者是受害者，不需負任何責任，第二者是背叛者，罔顧信任與責任，第三者是破壞者、壞女人。網路的匿名性使人願意分享更多在現實世界裡礙於社會規範而較少表達的各種自我告白與揭露；三個板因板規而拉起無形的界線，每個角色都是「主流」，不用擔心勢單力薄。傅柯的權力論述指出，倫理規範透過全景敞視主義使所有人同時成為監視者與被監視者。肖小穗的權力語藝分析方法：解讀權力訊息、分析權力語藝策略（選擇、內化與聯合策略）。 從分析中得知PTT大老婆板、第二者板、第三者板的三個角色各自站在不同立場、宣示不同權力，把對倫理規範的宰制與抗拒也做為策略的一部份，運用某些相同與不相同的策略，企圖獲取認同、抒發心情。三個角色以對倫理規範的宰制與抗拒呈現其訊息、營造形象，其中三個角色多以宰制態度描述自己並指責他人，鞏固立場。以選擇策略來看，三個板中的任何角色都以符合他們角色的定位選擇發聲角度，並延伸其觀點：第一者與第三者所選擇的發聲角度大部分都較被動，第二者則有較多自主性；內化策略，第一者強調現今社會的倫理觀點，第二者強調人有權追求自由，第二者與第三者皆試圖合理化三角關係形成原因；聯合策略，三個角色運用各種論述權力的搭配強化選擇與內化策略。三個角色大部分還是選擇以自己角色為主體的板發表文章，仍有少數到不屬於自己角色的板發文，挑戰以該角色為主體的主流氛圍。文章發表者以女性為主，可能因女性易抒發情感及感受到社會對女性的約束。 三個角色在新舊觀念接軌時，意識與潛意識仍無法擺脫傳統倫理價值觀的影響，實踐層次上，則由於外在條件改變而有新的態度與觀點。三個角色試圖與他人對話、取得認同或影響他人的同時，現實與網路世界都籠罩在權力的控制下，網路與現實也始終相連。

國營企業政策性因素虧損，造成企業經營、勞工生計、和工會生存遭遇困境。為了解決困境，工會和企業在勞資關係當中必須透過新的互動發展夥伴關係。 本研究旨在探討夥伴關係在工會與企業勞資關係當中建構和發展的過程。研究發現，夥伴關係存在的要素是：工作權的保障，自主的工會和勞工參與制度。歸納分析夥伴關係的四種模式是：悲觀，相互收益，相互制約，生命共同體等模式。 顧及企業經營、勞工生計、和工會生存，可持續發展的夥伴關係並的是「生命共同體」模式。 / Policy-related factors cause the financial loss of state-owned enterprises, and resulting in the business management, the worker livelihoods, and the trade union survival had run into dilemma. In order to solve the predicament, the trade union and the state-owned enterprise in the industrial relationship is needed to develop a new interactive partnership. This study was to explore the partnership in the industrial relationship between the trade union and the state-owned enterprise with the process of construction and development. This study has found that the existence elements of the partnership are: the right to work safeguard, independent trade union, and worker participation. And the four modes of partnership are: the Pessimistic, the Mutual Gains, the Mutual Restraint, and the Life Together. Taking into account the business management, the worker livelihoods, and the trade union survival, the partnership for sustainable development is the " Life Together" mode.