歐洲社會民主主義與共產主義皆源自馬克思的社會主義，俄羅斯無產階級革命成功後使得兩者在實際作為中開始分化。隨後社會民主主義在西歐議會制度中得以持續發展，而第二次世界大戰後東歐則被蘇聯納入共產主義陣營之中。然而，歷經近百年的實踐後兩者終究殊途同歸，其同歸的方式是由社會民主主義更新發展成為更符合現代政治價值的「第三條路」，尤其蘇東劇變後的20年間，東西歐的左派政治皆已趨於穩定，特別是東歐各國的共產黨繼承政黨在社會民主化後，更能相繼以聯合政府的方式取得上臺執政的機會。 其中最受國際關注的，便是摩爾多瓦共產黨於2001年2月2日在國會選舉中獲得眾多選民的支持，在國會101席中取得71席的絕對多數，令其有權單獨組成政府，更尤甚者，推舉出自家的共黨總統沃羅寧；2005年沃羅寧二度蟬連總統職位，並由摩共繼續組成政府。自2001年起至2009年已連續執政八年，從執政前摩爾多瓦的政治背景、摩共得以重新回朝的原因探究，到其執政後國內外政治的重要議題，皆是本文專章著墨的重點。 本文認為：第一，社會民主主義在後蘇20年中，積極從事理論與實踐的改革，在老左派與新右派之間已經走出新的「第三條路」；第二，研究摩共得以重新上臺的因素，除了本身對於政治制度的探索與改革之外，轉型時期的經濟危機與府會之爭，以及共產遺緒效應皆為主因；第三，摩共執政八年在經濟調息與外交政策的表現上成績斐然，但逐年下降的民主化評比卻突顯出共黨一貫僵化的政治思維，外加第二任期的經濟表現停滯，導致摩爾多瓦共產黨最終還是淪為最大在野黨。 / Both Social democracy and communism are derived from Karl Marx’s Socialism. However, they had come to a parting of the ways after the success of the proletarian revolution in Russia. Social democracy continued to develop under the parliamentary system in Western Europe, while communism thrived in Eastern European countries, which were controlled by USSR after WWII. Coming into the 21st century, however, the two reconciled and have once again merged and redefined themselves as “the Third Way”, which adapts itself to certain modern political values, and it had been growing steadily in the first two decades following the dissolution of Soviet Union. In Eastern Europe, successors of communist party have adapted themselves to this “Third Way”, which helped them come into power one after another by forming coalition governments. Among them, it was the Party of Communist of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM), which attracted international attention. The PCRM has won an absolute majority, gaining 71 out of a total of 101 seats, in the 2001 Moldovan Parliamentary election, enabled it to form the government, as well as, electing its very own communist President Vladimir Voronin. In 2005, the PCRM has once again won the election, and made President Vladimir Voronin re-elected to a consecutive term. The PCRM was in government between 2001 and 2009 for 8 years, and this research will look into a wide range of issues including the political background of PCRM, accounts of its regaining of political power, and important decisions of domestic and foreign policies made by the PCRM government. The first part of this research argues that social democracy had been actively reforming both in theory and practice in the two decades after the dissolution of USSR and it has successfully created a “Third Way” as opposed to the Old Left and the New Right. The second part argues that PCRM’s return to office can be attributed to its self-reformation, economic crisis, confrontations between the President and the Parliament in the period of transition, as well as, the communist legacy. In conclusion, it is argued that, although, PCRM government has made great achievements in foreign policies and in restructuring economy, Moldova’s score on democracy has worsened during its time in government, reflecting the ossified political ideology of communist party. It is this ossified political ideology alongside with the economic stagnation in its second term that led to the defeat of PCRM in the 2009 election and sent it back to opposition majority in the Parliament ultimately.

本文約二十九萬字，分為兩篇十章。 上篇分為五章。前兩章分別探討革命理論、建黨策略與共產黨組織之間的關係。黨是 實行主義、從事革命之工具，故主義之性質與革命之目的，決定著工具之性質與功能 ，但是，如何建造此種工具，其方法則不能純從理論推演而得，而是共產黨徒為贏取 革命鬥爭勝利在實戰中鍛鍊而得者。後三章論述中共組織本身之建立與發展，形成三 個重點說明：(1) 組織體制本身之發展為骨幹，說明中共自建黨至建立政權之大略經 過。(2) 說明其內部鬥爭。內部鬥爭是共黨組織之特徵，中共自亦不能例外，其原因 為何？共黨本身如何看待此問題？內鬥發展到何種程度？應有簡單認識；(3) 說明「 八大」以至「十大」組織體制之演變，這一段歷程代表著組織體制由成熟又轉趨混亂 。 下篇即是組織體制本身查本性質之探討與體認，故稱為「本質之分析」。從組織結構 、活動所產生的種種現象觀察，明顯可以看出，共產黨是全能主義的或俗稱極權性的 政黨(totalitarian party)，其極權性表現在思想上、組織上、生活上、行動上、以 及對人類社會之全面侵略與統治上。為探討方便，分為五章，分就各項性徵予以討論 。構成極權性的黨最重要因素，自為宗教性與軍事性，其他各種特性（暴力、侵略、 國際、階級等）不過是此二性之推展展而已。 /

俄國內戰包含了許多面向，其過程不是官方紀錄所登載的表象，蘇維埃政權的因應之道是依循既定步驟計畫，抑或是只是蘇維埃政權順應時勢且戰且走的結果，對日後蘇維埃國家的產生有何種催化作用是本文的研究動機。本文的中心旨在探究俄國革命初成在奪權成功後，內戰對蘇維埃政權鞏固的挑戰，戰爭期間俄國社會經歷的變遷，以及因應戰爭的進行蘇維埃政權的回應之道。 / Unlike the single-dimensioned description by the Soviet government, the Russian civil war includes many dimensions.What is the response of the Soviet government to the civil war and how it enables the creation of the Soviet Union is the motive of the dissertation.The main purpose of the dissertation focuses on how the soviet regime faces the challenges of power consolidation, the social changes during the war and the response of the soviet government after the Bolshevik party seizes the power.

在擴大對「蘇聯文化」研究的基礎上，本論文探討蘇聯的文化政治與政策施作，其終極目標乃透過命名的權力來建構文化的社會主體性，也即「蘇維埃人」這樣的歷史共同體。為求例證之多樣性，本論文綜合了文化研究與歷史研究途徑，以文本分析和文獻分析作為研究方法，並將指涉的文化政策範圍縮限於文學與藝術領域，以及對文化公共財，如圖書館、博物館、劇院的擴充。 對布爾什維克而言，爭取文化霸權就是建構並傳播蘇維埃意識形態，透過意識形態國家機器，即藝文團體、報刊媒體等來體現，繼而將個人建構為主體，製造出一批批本應如此的「形象」。因此，蘇維埃意識形態始終驅動著蘇聯文化政策的開展。配合主政之領導人，國家對政策的指導可簡化為「文化革命─社會主義寫實主義─公開性」的歷程，並對應由逐漸緊縮到開放的程度。其中，由列寧發起的文化革命可謂蘇聯文化政策的承先啟後階段，尚且容許藝文團體的多元發展。進入史達林時期後，所推出的社會主義寫實主義既是一種創作風格，也是政策的依歸。從寫作到編曲，從繪畫到電影，它為蘇聯的文藝創作設置理論與框架，並成為作品能否公開展演及獲得國家獎勵的唯一標準。至於戈巴契夫的公開性則帶來蘇維埃意識形態更為人性化的修正與文化政策的轉折。 另一方面，本論文透過觀照經蘇維埃化所產生之新蘇維埃人的日常生活片斷，概括蘇維埃文化的若干特徵，點出其指導大眾邁向由官方營造之理想人生的規訓功能，繼而探究蘇聯社會中不同身分的互動，析論政策造成的後續影響。藉由對精英、婦女與青年等文化研究關鍵面向的討論，可以發現蘇聯文化政策的差別待遇模式，以及未將文化納入政策考量的若干失誤。

從歷史淵源而言，「東突厥斯坦」乙詞緣於19世紀沙俄試圖從地理名稱、宗教信仰與民族識別等深層的滲透方式，藉由「泛突厥主義」與「泛伊斯蘭主義」拉攏新疆信仰伊斯蘭教的少數民族，以東突的概念，將之納入已遭其併吞的中亞突厥斯坦地區，復以此話語的界定權，取得全世界對於俄國版地理分隔線的認同。復由於國共內戰時期，蘇聯鼓動成立「東突厥斯坦共和國」，毛澤東亦以「三區革命」稱許之，以期掀起遍地革命火種，給予現代新疆少數民族留下以語言及信仰為基礎的革命建國歷史記憶。 從中國的內政視野，政治穩定與否是東突問題載浮載沉的關鍵，清末與民國時期的內憂外患時期自不待言。中共建政之初，對少數民族採取相對溫和的社會主義改造政策，漸次形成了認同的政治文化，然而卻隨著左右傾路線發展遭到破壞；雖然1989年中共實施經濟改革後，新疆少數民族亦從中獲利，但幅度始終跟不上漢族的移入者，以致無論是民族關係、經濟關係乃至政治關係上均惡化為破碎的政治文化，即漢族始終自認是政策利多的給予者，而少數民族則自視為被剝奪者與受害者。1991年蘇聯解體之後，中亞五國獨立對新疆少數民族造成磁吸效應，成為東突議題再起的火種。然自江澤民上台之後，對於東突治理的基調仍採取軍事過硬的鎮壓手段，並未從根本解決少數民族的問題，以致民族融合更加困難，暴力衝突的數量與規模屢創新高。 從區域安全角度，新疆與其隔鄰的中亞自古以來就是伊斯蘭、儒家、斯拉夫與佛教等四大文明邊緣的交會破碎區，少數遊牧民族逐水草而居的生活型態更打破國家之間的界線，伊斯蘭宗教信仰與突厥方言的識別取代了國家認同。以致本地區所謂的認同兼具有脆弱性與包容性。因此，自古以來外在強權對於本地區並不刻意建立有形的實質統治，而是透過優勢文化或軟實力滲透，讓區域內的少數民族對強勢帝權國家產生有形與無形依賴，前者是物質與經濟力量，後者是文化與心理作用。兩相交替，造成被影響國家邊境少數民族出現認同危機。過去是沙俄與前蘇聯藉此覬覦中國的領土，現今則有美國、歐洲乃至日本加入競逐天然資源蘊藏豐富的中亞地區，以各種優厚的條件，取得天然資源開發特許權。 從治理成果評估，新疆少數民族、東突議題與中共政權之間不僅在中國大陸境內出現認同分離現象，並隨著全球資訊化的發展，使得國內問題惡化為國際議題。衝突雙方藉由印象管理、符號黏合等方式，在各自的舞台上展示政治訴求。雖然在以主權國家為主體的國際體系中，東突組織屈居下風；然而受到網際網穿透性、民族宗教關懷，或者，如中共政權所認定之「國際陰謀」作用，使得部分東突組織與成員雖然不足以影響大局，但仍透過相關議題在特定國際社會場域形成動靜觀瞻之國際影響。 / From the historical aspect, Russia mixed the concepts of geography, religion and nation to establish the title of “East-Turkistan” in 19th century, and then attracted the minorities of Xinjiang into her Center Asia provinces by the ideas of Pan-Islam and Pan-Turkism. By the power of discourse, Russia’s new map about the East-Turkistan got the recognitions in the world. In 1944, the eve of Chinese Civil War, Soviet Union supported the Xinjiang minorities to establish the “Republic of East-Turkistan”. Mao Zedong praised it “Three Regions Revolution” to combine the spirit of revolution in the China Mainland. All these give the modern Xinjiang minorities fresh founding memory till now. Tracing the development of Chinese internal affairs, there are significant relations between the issues of East-Turkistan and domestic political stable. It goes without saying the worse situation during the late Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China (ROC). In the beginning of People’s Republic of China (PRC) regime, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) taking the warm socialism reform policies, got the Xinjiang minorities’ identity and formed the unify political culture, which been broken by following political conflicts in a short time. In 1978, the CCP promoted the economic reform policies, the Xinjiang minorities got some profit from it, but the earnings could not compare with the Han immigrations. All of those led the ethnic, economic and political relations becoming a cracked political culture. In other words, the Han thought themselves as givers of the profit, but the Xinjiang minorities felt been exploited. The independent tide of the five former Central Asia Republics after dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 produced the magnetic effect to Xinjiang minorities and stimulated the revival of East-Turkistan issues. Since Jiang Zemin, the Secretary General of CCP still compressed the problem by military means in 1992; the ethnic integration in Xinjiang becomes more difficult. The number of violence accidents hits higher and higher level. According to the regional security, Xinjiang and Central Asia locate at the crossroad of four civilizations, including Islam, Confucius, Slavs and Buddhism. In addition to the living style of nomads breaking the boundaries in this area, the Islamic belief and Turkic dialect take place the national identity, which are full of the vulnerability and tolerance. The outside superpowers penetrate this area by excellent culture and soft power instead of creating functional institutions, causing the crisis of identity or loyalty. For example, the Russia and Soviet Union invaded the vast land of Xinjiang in the 19th; the US, Europe and Japan rapidly join the great competition of natural resources in Central Asia nowadays. Evaluation the policy of CCP toward East-Turkistan is not easy. This is not only the identity crisis in China, but also transfers into the international field. Both sides take the strategies of impression management and exegetical bonding to show their political appeals. Although the realistic international system is composed by the sovereignty states obstructed the East Turkistan organizations, which still take advantages of internet, ethnic and religious methods to attract some specific concerns. This study found that: First, the proper noun “East Turkistan” does not created by the Uyghur themselves, but by the Russia in the 19th. In addition, The Republic of East Turkistan (1944-1949) organized by many minorities of Xinjiang, not by Uyghur only. Therefore, the Uyghur can’t be referred to the East Turkistan totally. Second, the definition of East Turkistan problem is rebellion or terrorist attack is decided by the Chinese central government. The Republic of China thought it as the Soviet Union agitated the local minorities’ armed rebellion. The CCP took the same viewpoints before 1990s. While, the CCP highlights the terrorism about the East Turkistan’s issues that got few recognition from the US and UN after September 11 attack. Although the change let the CCP wins tiny interest in a short period, the foreign countries use the excuse of human rights and against radical anti-terrorism strategy to intervene the CCP domestic issues. Third, the exile Uyghur does not get the general agreement about resistance movement and the core attitude toward the CCP. Those are the obstacles for the exile Uyghur to form the unify action and power. Forth, the CCP always declares to the world that the Xinjiang Uyghur relates closely with the East Turkistan terrorism organizations. That enrages some Uyghur to take fierce actions against the CCP. Now the most important duty for the CCP is to find a balance between the removals of terrorism label from the Uyghur and increasing the budget for the anti-terrorism mission. Fifth, the appeals of Rebiya Kadeer and the overseas Uyghur groups which she leads do not want to establish an independent state. Instead, she struggles to ask a higher autonomy. The idea is familiar to the Soviet republics, but refused by the CCP.

2003年，喬治亞民眾因不滿政府選舉舞弊而爆發玫瑰革命，翌年，烏克蘭同樣因民眾不滿選舉舞弊而爆發橙色革命，兩者革命性質成因相同，且都成功推翻舊有領導人，被學者認為是第三波民主化浪潮之一，稱為顏色革命；2010年，中東國家突尼西亞爆發茉莉花革命，翌年，這把革命之火延燒到臨近國家埃及，造成原有領導人下台。兩波革命發生的時間、地點和成因都不同，但兩波革命發生過程中，大眾媒介皆扮演了重要角色，本文先探討大眾媒介跟政權更替的關聯性，從而探討大眾媒介如何對政權更替造成影響。 　　顏色革命國家跟阿拉伯之春國家的政權體制、文化、宗教等背景等全然不同，但同樣發生民眾不滿現況而上街抗議，最後促成執政者下台，本文認為，革命之所以成功，大眾媒介是重要推手，因其傳播速度快、無時效性、無地域性，特別是社群媒體，透過社群媒體，民眾動員更迅速，消息的傳播也更為快速。 / This thesis focus on the role of media in the series of revolutions in 2003-2004, which are called “Color Revolution” and the Arab Spring, which had had been broke out from 2010. Some scholars call the revolution in Georgia is “Rose Revolution”, in Ukraine – Orange Revolution, those people successfully overthrow their leader, for this reason, most of them deeply believe that to be the one of the Third Waves of Democratization. 　　In 2010, Tunisia burst into a revolution and the fire spreads Egypt, the regime also had been overthrow by people. Although the causes of these revolutions are totally different, they have a common point – mass media. 　　This thesis argues that mass media play an important role in these revolutions, first of all interpret the relationship between mass media and regime, and then analyze that the mass media how to lead to regime change.

以英國革命浪漫詩人拜倫，與法國浪漫文學領袖雨果為代表的西方浪漫主義，帶著充滿感情與想像、重視精神與狂熱、反抗成規與企圖改變世界的態度、人道主義、自然主義、個人與自由主義……種種特質，隨著清末民初西方思潮的引進，在梁啟超、馬君武、林紓、蘇曼殊等人的介紹下，來到了中國。在那個內憂外患、動盪不安的大時代□，浪漫主義多樣貌的精神特質也分別展現在不同的地方。號稱「以革命為導向的文學團體」的南社，是革命浪漫主義的集結之地。而拜倫的革命浪漫精神，也經由南社社員蘇曼殊個人濃厚的浪漫氣質和全力介紹，在革命當時以愛國思想鼓舞了革命力量；又在革命挫敗之後的反動下，造成了浪漫主義的流行與一股「拜倫熱」，並展現在消極逃避的鴛鴦蝴蝶派和積極提倡白話文學、人道主義、自由主義的新文化運動當中。懷著「身世之恫」的蘇曼殊，夾處在中西思潮衝擊和新舊文化交替的時代變局□，使得他原本就憂抑感傷的心靈更加矛盾痛苦。他有積極的愛國思想，於是熱情地參與革命活動；但他也有消極的另一面，於是他出家為僧，尋求超然的解脫。天性率真浪漫的他，即使出了家依然反抗成規，不拘世俗眼光地貪吃嗜食、愛喝花酒。從他的言行舉止和文學作品之中，可以看到他熱愛民族、反抗成規、感性浪漫以及感傷淒婉、悲涼孤獨……種種發自性情，又受到浪漫主義影響的浪漫精神的展現。掙扎在新舊傳統、現實與理想之間的蘇曼殊，不僅被當時文人稱為「一個渾身充滿著浪漫氣質的詩人」，更自然而然地帶動了清末民初的浪漫風氣，也為往後的文學留下了一股浪漫的影響力量。

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2001年911恐怖攻擊事件之後，美國重新調整全球戰略，而其戰略重心的東移，相對牽動了亞太及台海的戰略布局，美國在戰略部署上的一連串舉措，諸如「反恐戰爭」的進行、「四年期國防總檢報告」的發布、宣布退出「反彈道飛彈條約」，乃至於小布希的東亞之行與「核武態勢評估」將原有的三個「邪惡軸心」擴大為七個「不排除動用核武」的國家，顯見美國小布希政府在軍事與戰略上的重大轉變。 就美國的安全評估，東亞地區可能對美軍及其盟邦發動攻擊的國家中，無論是短、中、長程彈道飛彈，均危及美國在東亞之戰略利益，其中以中共及北韓最令美國擔憂。 針對北韓的核武危機與中共崛起的威脅潛伏，美國建構了亞太「戰區飛彈防禦系統」，台灣應如何相對調整國防戰略、兵力結構與國防現代化，與因應中共的彈道飛彈威脅，台灣飛彈防禦應有的積極作為、建立第二擊的反擊力量，以及推動兩岸建立軍事互信機制、謀求兩岸雙贏的策略，本篇論文提出研究的發現與建議。

本論文以十七世紀英國千禧年思想為脈絡，從神學的角度檢視密爾頓千禧年思想的發展。千禧年思想在十六世紀時被斥為異端，但卻在十七世紀初興起，並於英國大革命時達到前所未有的高峰。密爾頓早年並未相信千禧年王國會降臨人世。從密爾頓1640年之前所寫的短詩中，我們發現他期待這個世界結束後，接續而來的是天國。然而隨著內戰爆發，密爾頓也受到當時盛行的千禧年思想所感染；因而在其反對聖公會神職制度文章中，密爾頓熱切企盼基督早日再臨人世，建立千禧年王國。唯此熱度很快就消退，直到1649年查爾斯一世戰敗後，密爾頓又重燃對千禧年王國的渴望。在為弒君辯護的文章中，密爾頓懇求基督速速降臨，在這個世界興起第五王國。但1652年眼睛全盲後，密爾頓對於忍耐有了更深刻的「洞視」，因而也重新調整他的千禧年思想。密爾頓終於體認到主的日子是無法預測的，人只能忍耐等候神。但他仍然持守對於千禧年王國的信仰。1660年當查爾斯二世即將復辟之時，密爾頓最後一次表達他的千禧年思想。他希望英國共和體制能延續到千禧年王國的來臨。然而這次他並未表達對千禧年王國的急切性。在密爾頓的兩部史詩──《失樂園》與《復樂園》──當中，我們看不到任何的千禧年思想。老詩人似乎重拾他早年的思想：天國的盼望。但同時密爾頓也鼓吹大家追求神在人內心創建的樂園；也就是說，神的國已經降臨：神的國並不是外在物質的邦國，而是內在屬靈的國度。 / This dissertation aims to discuss Milton in the context of seventeenth-century English millenarianism. The writer examines the development of Milton’s millenarian ideas through a theological lens. Millenarianism was condemned heretical in the sixteenth century, but it arose at the beginning of the seventeenth century and reached its zenith during the English Revolution. At first, Milton did not believe in the realization of an earthly millennial kingdom. In his early short poems written before 1640, we only find his hope for a kingdom of heaven after the end of the world. However, with the outbreak of the Civil War, Milton was influenced by the then widespread millenarianism, and in his anti-prelatical tracts he expected the imminent coming of Christ to inaugurate an earthly kingdom of God. But his fervency for millenarianism was soon quenched, and was not rekindled until the defeat of Charles I in 1649. In his regicide tracts, he urged the imminence of Christ’s Advent to usher in a terrestrial fifth monarchy. Yet his total blindness in 1652 gave him a deeper “insight” into the value of patience, causing him to readjust his attitude toward millenarianism. After two wrong guesses, Milton finally came to realize in terms of experience that the Day of the Lord was unpredictable, and that all he could do was to wait patiently for God’s time. But he still maintained his belief in the realization of an earthly kingdom of God. On the eve of the Restoration of Charles II in 1660, Milton for the last time uttered his millenarian hope. He wished the English Commonwealth would last until the arrival of God’s millennial kingdom. Only this time he did not urge its imminence. Millenarianism was absent in Milton’s two epics—Paradise Lost and Paradise Regained. In them the old bard seemed to resume his earlier stance: anticipating a heavenly kingdom of God. But he also emphasized the importance of enjoying a paradise within heart—that is, the kingdom of God has already arrived, and it is not an external, physical monarchy, but an inward, spiritual realm.