外交戰略屬於總體戰略下的一項分類戰略，而周邊外交戰略則構成外交戰略中的一環。當前中國的周邊外交戰略，是採「以鄰為伴，為鄰為善」為精神的「睦鄰外交」，屬於周邊外交戰略模型中「有所作為」的型態。睦鄰外交的內涵已由早期單純強調政治層面的「睦鄰」，擴充為今天同時兼顧經濟層面的「富鄰」及安全層面的「安鄰」，其特點包括了尋求與周邊國家建立合作夥伴關係、廣泛參與區域性多邊外交機制、以談判手段解決領土紛爭、加深與周邊國家的經貿聯繫、降低周邊國家對中國軍事威脅的疑慮等。影響周邊外交戰略形成的因素可分為內在的思維及外在的環境兩部分。中國周邊外交的戰略思維歷經了「和平共處」、「革命輸出」、「和平發展」、「和諧世界」四個階段，當前的周邊外交戰略思維，即是在這些概念下一脈相承的產物。中國周邊包括了東北亞、東南亞、中南及南亞四個次區域，而每個區域中的地緣政治因素、區域整合因素、以及美國的因素等，構成了影響周邊外交戰略的外在環境因素。在這些內、外因素的交互作用下，形成了今天的周邊外交戰略。透過中日的「暖春之旅」、中緬的新經濟合作關係、中俄的「和平使命」聯合軍演三個案例的印證，可幫助我們觀察及評估睦鄰外交戰略在政治、經濟、安全三個領域的發揮及成效。

大躍進運動，貫徹烏托邦主義，結合毛澤東及其追隨者賦予的闡釋，加上嚴格管制的官方宣傳體系與人民對理想的渴望，演變為大規模集體狂熱運動。對共產主義世界、烏托邦理想的期待與將國家推往急速發展的思想，這種思想化為多樣化的語言論述，藉由傳媒大肆散佈，並形成獨樹一幟的語言風格。 本研究分為五個章節，除導論簡述本文研究要旨外，首先將說明革命語言與中國共產黨之關聯性，定義革命語言的基本內涵，並說明中共革命語言的形成。其次說明中共宣傳的策略與手段，對意識形態及語言的散播發生何種影響。而後進入研究核心，以《人民日報》、《紅旗》文獻與《紅旗歌謠》新民歌，歸納大躍進革命語言的構成內容，並依據前文歸納，分析革命語言的特徵。 / The Great Leap Forward carried out Utopia doctrine, combined the explanation that Mao Zedong and his followers offered to, in addition, the official propaganda system that control strictly and aspiration of the people about ideal, developed into extensive collective's fanatic movement. The expectation of communist world and Utopia ideal, thought of push the country to develop rapidly, the thought turned into variety of languages, spread out by the media, and formed the language style of taking the course of its own. This research is divided into five chapters, except that the introduction, at first will prove the relation of revolutionary language and the CCP, define the basic intension of the revolutionary language, and explain the forming revolutionary language of CCP. Secondly, to show that CCP’s propaganda tactics and means how influenced ideology and language. And then enter the core of studying, in the documents of " People's Daily ", "Red Flag "'and new folk songs of " Red Flag Ballad ", sum up the composition content of the revolutionary language of the Great Leap Forward, and according to preceding paragraphs, analyze the characteristic of the revolutionary language.

本論文旨在討論內戰持續性的差異是否可以以其政治轉型解釋？也就是說，作者欲探討為何有些內戰較短、有些內戰較長？是否有關鍵因素導致內戰持續性之差別。目前學術研究多著重於以非政治因素（經濟因素）解釋內戰延續性問題，但筆者認為政治制度相對於其他因素（經濟、社會制度）是最能解釋內戰持續性差異之自變數，並提出本文核心假設－「內戰隨著政體的民主深化而縮短。」，其主因有三：（一）生活於民主政權下的人民，政治壓迫感較小（二）民主促進社會的重新分配（Redistributive）消弭國內之不平等狀況；（三）民主政府能透過稅收進行公共財的施放或公共服務滿足人民。 本文之研究方法以質性分析法的個案研究法為主，以南美洲作為研究對象而不以內戰發生最頻繁的非洲為研究對象，乃因2016年11月13日哥倫比亞政府正式與左翼武裝「哥倫比亞革命軍」（FARC）簽署修正版和平協議，結束長達半世紀的敵對狀態，引發作者對南美洲內戰延續性之研究興趣。經過最大相似法篩選後，作者以哥倫比亞與哥倫比亞革命軍和秘魯與光明之路的內戰作為個案案例，透過個案研究法，本文研究發現符合筆者之核心假設。筆者認為本文之內戰研究發現提供受內戰影響之國際社會、國家有關政治制度面之政策方向－即民主深化對於一國內戰延續性之影響力。

巴古寧是十九世紀最著名與最活躍的革命家之一。他橫跨歐洲的革命活動、領導俄國的革命民粹運動，以及在第一國際中與馬克思的爭論，使他成為歷史中的一股動力。另外，他的無政府主義思想更使他加入近代政治思想家的行列中。然而，巴古寧的個性、活動與思想的多樣與複雜，卻讓他擁有許多不同的面貌刻畫，有讚美也有毀謗；他的思想也獲得不同的闡釋，是真理也是矛盾。因此，以「革命」作為理解巴古寧生平與思想的關鍵字，本論文試圖探求巴古寧的革命信念源於何處？他的革命思想與實踐如何交互影響與演進？又要如何看待這位毀譽摻雜的歷史人物？ 　　本論文的研究架構主要將巴古寧的革命信念與實踐分成三個階段來討論：第一為思想的年代，期間巴古寧主要沈浸於哲學思想的領域，研讀與吸收德國唯心主義哲學、黑格爾主義以及各種社會主義的學說，沒有實踐革命的機會與行動。第二為泛斯拉夫主義的革命年代，巴古寧主張哈布斯堡帝國(Hapsburg Empire)的瓦解為歐洲革命的關鍵點，並以斯拉夫民族組織成的自由聯邦取代奧匈帝國，形成他革命泛斯拉夫主義的主張。不過，此一思想也曾一度倒退為保守性，轉為期望俄國沙皇變成為革命獨裁者，發起一個由上而下的革命，以便解放所有的斯拉夫人民。此一期間，巴古寧得到多次實踐革命的機會：一八四八年革命期間的布拉格暴動與德萊斯登叛亂，以及一八六三年波蘭叛亂。 　　第三階段是巴古寧無政府主義思想時期，分成「俄國」及「歐洲」兩部分。在俄國部分，巴古寧在瑞士創辦的雜誌《人民的事業》，讓他再度投入俄國革命的宣傳活動，成為俄國革命民粹運動的主要領導人之一。與俄國革命份子涅恰耶夫的合作中，巴古寧發展了個人的革命理論，並對「革命策略」與「革命道德」的問題做一省思。最後，巴古寧對俄國的革命指導形成俄國「到民間去」運動的一個革命派別。歐洲部分，主要探討巴古寧在歐洲的革命活動，包括在義大利以及第一國際中的活動。巴古寧的無政府主義思想，主要鼓吹破壞一切現有秩序，包括政治、社會與宗教制度，廢除國家、教會與私有財產等制度，並建立一個由各種自發性組織所形成的自由聯邦。他的革命方法乃是建立一嚴格紀律的革命密謀組織，組織社會低下階層的暴動成為全面起義，作為達成革命目標的方法。這樣的理念皆表達在參與法國里昂起義、義大利波隆那起義中。 　　研究發現巴古寧的革命信念主要來自三方面：一為黑格爾哲學作為革命的哲學基礎；二為對法國大革命原則「自由、平等、博愛」的追求；最後加上巴古寧的個性。他的革命實踐方法主要依靠宣傳與密謀兩種方式。而在原始社會運動的形式上，預示出革命如何形成與到來，巴古寧實為現代革命的真正先知。 / Michael Bakunin(1814-1876) was one of the most famous and active revolutionaries in the 19th century. His dazzling revolutionary activities across Europe and his famous controversy with Karl Marx(1818-1883) made him an influential historical actor. Besides, his anarchism also ranked him as one of the political thinkers in modern times. However, the complexity of his personality, activities and thoughts were portrayed from the diabolical to the glandular to the heroic; his thoughts were interpreted differently as truths or paradoxes. The purposes of this thesis were to explore where his revolutionary conviction came form, to examine how his thoughts and life interwove and evolved, most of all, to reassess his significance and relevance basing on the up-to-date research. 　　Bakunin's ideological and life odyssey was divided into three parts: a first, philosophic, stage lasting until 1847, in which he confined himself to German idealistic philosophy and socialist thoughts; a second, Pan-Slav phase lasting from 1848 to 1863, during which he saw the key to European revolution in the disintegration of the Hapsburg empire and its replacement by a free federation of Slavic peoples, contrary to this revolutionary PanSlavism, he also saw Russian emperors as revolutionary dictators issuing a revolution from above to emancipate all Slavic peoples; and a final, anarchist period. This period is divided into two parts: one, Russian, is to elaborate on his influences in Russian revolutionary movements and his reflections on the dilemma of the means and ethic of revolution; the other, European, is to examine his revolutionary activities in Europe, especially in Italy and the International Working Men's Association(the first International). The political philosophy of this time is a paean to destruction: all political, social and religious institutions must be destroyed, the goal being a free federation of independent associations. The means of revolution would be a universal rebellion of the lower orders of society, led by a secret group of conspirators bound together by an iron discipline. Four controversies was discussed, including the development of Bakunin's Hegelism interpreted as a continuous development or a leap in thought, whether his "Confession" diminished his integrity and reputation as a revolutionary, the problem of the joint authorship of "Catechism of a Revolutionary", and whether Bakunin's intrigues and secret societies were the main reason resulting in the disintegration of the first International. 　　The conclusion is drawn to point out that Bakunin's revolutionary conviction came from: (1)Hegelism as his revolutionary philosophy; (2)the search for the principals of French Revolution - Liberty, Equality and Fraternity; (3)his personality. His revolutionary means are chiefly propaganda and conspiracy. On the archaic forms of social movement, Bakunin was the true prophet of modern revolution.

毛澤東的文藝思想主要包含了馬克思主義,中國傳統文化,以及二十世紀中 國革命思潮三個來源,這三者之間並非全無扞格,但是毛澤東卻是採取一種 相當實用的態度來處理這些不同的思維.其間的判準並不全是基於推動革 命事業的需求,還包括了毛澤東相當個人化的忖度與反應,包括他的世界 觀,他的欣賞情趣,以及他對權力地位的佔有欲望.這使得在毛澤東文藝思 想宰制下的中國文藝歷史,呈現出一種多變的,不穩定的,壓抑且扭曲的面 貌.除了歷史情境的因素,以及與毛澤東個人因素之間的互動探討之外,筆 者也指出了馬克思主義文藝觀演變之下,文藝的革命性被政治實踐要求扭 曲,以及革命文藝對於文藝歷史扭曲的結構性因素.於是,文藝的實用性從 事實認定轉變為本質認定,其極至的結果,使得文藝淪為政治的宣傳工具. 中共在新時期主導中國大陸的文藝思想,與毛澤東文藝思想的最大區別,在 於知識份子的地位從工農兵文藝原則下的尷尬地位解放出來,這對於中國 大陸文藝的多元發展,起著根本的正面作用.但無論如何,文藝的首要價值 仍是受到非文藝的因素決定,在中共政權之下,加在文藝工作者身上的束縛 仍是存在的.

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伊朗自進入二十世紀遭受西方帝國的殖民後，穆斯林婦女的穿著問題一直成為殖民者與被殖民者討論的焦點。本文以「後殖民」理論學者Gayatri C. Spivak所認為主體與政治的關係，說明女性在歷史、文化論述之中所居「賤民」地位，實與知識暴力、文化霸權等議題相連結，從而影響女性地位的說法，試圖由伊朗在巴勒維時期過渡至伊斯蘭共和國此階段歷史（1953-1989）中對於穆斯林婦女穿著(hijab)論述，商榷或討論Spivak理論與實際上存有的差異。 巴勒維國王延續其父改革意志，並欲以「白色革命」帶領伊朗進入現代之林，利用一系列現代化計畫與執行全國的波斯化鞏固其王權。其所提出的女性政策中，為朝向「偉大文明」之國發展，要求婦女為增加建設、擺脫國家落後形象、投入公共領域而脫下hijab。 左派知識份子如Jalal Al- I Ahmad、Ali Shariati，以及宗教學者Murtaza Mutahhari等人，分別以「中西毒」概念，聖女法蒂瑪形象，以及伊斯蘭公、私領域的概念，批判時下盲目西化的人們，藉此釐清社會現象背後的帝國症狀，與有心人士摧毀伊斯蘭的詭計，他們共同指出復興伊朗的唯一途徑即在於伊斯蘭。 經過其他知識份子的理念鋪陳，何梅尼所建構的「伊斯蘭政府」，其重心在於神聖的律法與合法的統治者，配合精神聖戰的呼籲，扭轉什葉派傳統權威者限制，將治國權威交付通曉伊斯蘭法、且具正義感的教法學者。順利推翻巴勒維政權、確立其個人無可取代領導地位的何梅尼所認定婦女於該理想國度的職責、行為舉止，皆必須與伊斯蘭共和國對於虔信、道德等訴求互為表裡。 本文以殖民者與賤民史家對於女性的論述個別分析，並以何梅尼所建構的「教法學者權威」(wilayat al- faqih)作為「女性賤民可否發言？」此提問的重點，探視伊朗革命的發生，與女性參與此中所指涉的意涵。在後殖民研究的脈絡裡，由宗教角度的分析，能更清晰地描繪出在帝國主義與傳統父權勢力雙方交織下的個別論述，使婦女之聲顯得微弱的現實。 / The attire of Islamic women has been the point of concern for the colonist and the colonized since Iran has been colonized by Western Imperialism. Departing from the Postcolonial theorist Gayatri C. Spivak’s concern of the relationship between the subject and politics, this thesis intends to explicate that the issue of women as the subaltern in the historical and cultural discourses is closely associated with epistemic violence and cultural hegemony and this has greatly affected the status of women in Iran. I will then go to the discourses of Muslim women’s attire, hijab, from transitional Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic（1953-1989）to discuss Spivak’s theory and the actual condition. Mohammed Riza Pahlavi, King of Pahlavi regime, followed in his father’s footprints and led the White Revolution to modernize Iran. To consolidate his power, Pahlavi employed a series of modernization programs and carried out persianization. In terms of his policies toward women, he wanted women to take off their hijab and participate in public affairs so that they can help establish the State of Great Civilization. Leftists such as Jalal Al- I Ahmad, Ali Shariati and the ulama Murtaza Mutahhari applied the concept of occidentosis, the image of Saint Fatima, and the differentiation of public and private spheres in Islam to critique people’s blind westernization. They intended to uncover the Imperialist symptoms behind social phenomena and pro-westernizers’ schemes to destroy Islam and pointed out that the only way to revive Iran lies in Islam. Through the theories the various intellectuals proposed, the Islamic government propounded by Khomeini focuses on Divine Laws and legal rulers and through appeals to the spiritual jihad, he maintains that the power should be consigned to the al-faqih (jurist) who has not only excellent knowledge of Islamic law but also a sense of justice. After overthrowing the Pahlavi regime and establishing himself as political authority, Khomeini holds that in the Islamic Republic, the duty a woman needs to fulfill is to act according to what this ideal state requires: to be moral as well as pious. In this thesis, I will analyze respectively discourses on women from colonists and subaltern studies theorists and concentrate on Khomeini’s wilayat al- faqih (the governance of the jurist) in order to respond to the question: Can the Female Subaltern Speak? Therefore, we can take a closer look at the eruption of the Islamic Revolution and the significance of women’s participation in political activities. In postcolonial studies, a religious perspective can help us see even more clearly that women can hardly speak for themselves between Imperialism and traditional patriarchal powers.

本文題目為「俄國女性革命家 維拉‧沙蘇里契及其政治思想轉換」，專述沙蘇里契的生平要事與其思想轉換過程。好比她在勞動解放社和俄國社會民主黨在十九世紀末的紛爭，另外在火星報時期列寧和普列漢諾夫之間的紛爭中也可以看出沙蘇里契的樞紐角色。在幾乎二十五年的時間裡，在反政府恐怖主義運動中，她不得已地刺殺了德列波夫之後，她便拋棄了恐怖暴力革命之思想，並在土地與自由社的分裂當中，吸引一些追隨者隨她加入黑土重分社，同樣地她在一八八三年更有助於發掘第一個俄國馬克思主義社會，如此一來，永久地分裂了民粹主義，長久以來換得了一個激進的社會主義觀點。一度在一九○三年，沙蘇里契扮演一個在孟什維克派與布爾什維克派的分裂中重要的角色。 　　不難發現其所每次之轉變，她好爭論的工作之進程也在這些分裂之中，近三十多年的著作，她的影響確實在社會主義的世界裡，令人深切的感受到。 　　本文目的主要在於分析三個問題： 　　一、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契其先後思想更迭之因素； 　　二、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契和列寧之關係轉換與俄國政治型態更替之關係； 　　三、俄國女性革命家─維拉‧沙蘇里契晚期思想分析。 　　綜上所述，第一章將以序論為楔子，敘述研究動機、文獻探討、研究目的、研究限制、研究架構。第二章則題為沙蘇里契革命思想之形成，也就是與涅查耶夫相識的形成期。 　　第三章則題為從民粹主義至馬克思主義的思想轉換，也就是銜接沙蘇里契的自我形成與之參與民粹派活動。第四章則題為馬克思主義中的維拉‧沙蘇里契，此段時期為她一生中革命事業與地位之最高峰。第五章題為一九○九年至一九一四年的取消派與維拉‧沙蘇里契。第六章題為十月革命以後的維拉‧沙蘇里契，此時已然為沙蘇里契在政治舞台上最後一段時期。第七章為結論部分，主要呈現研究目的與研究結果相互回應下所產生的維拉‧沙蘇里契之思想原貌與轉變原因，並利用垂直分析，來使讀者清晰本論文之目的與結論，更進一步回應本文之研究目的。 / The topic of this dissertation is “ The Russian female revolutionist- the life of Vera Zasulich and her transformation of political conviction.” The focus of this research is her life and the transformation process of her political conviction. For example, her role in the Liberation of Labour, Social Democratic Labour Party, and her relationship with Plekhanov and Lenin. 　　At first, the focus is an introductory part in a piece of this research. In the second chapter, touching upon her life, she was born into a poor family in 1849. Her father died when she was three years old and as her mother was unable to cope, she sent Vera to live with wealthy relatives in Biakolovo. When Zasulich finished her schooling she moved to St. Petersburg and found work as a clerk. She became involved in radical politics and met Sergi Nechayev, the co-author with Mikhail Bakunin of Catechism of a Revolutionist. Zasulich joined a weaving collective and became active in the movement to educate workers, conducting literacy classes for them in the evenings. 　　In the third chapter, the focus is her transformation from a populist to a Marxist. In 1876, Zasulich found work as a typesetter for an illegal printing press. A member of the Land and Liberty group, when Zasulich heard that one of her fellow comrades, Alexei Bogoliubov, had been badly beaten in prison, she decided to seek revenge. Zasulich went to the local prison and shot Dmitry Trepov, the Governor General of St. Petersburg. She was arrested and charged with attempted murder. During the trial the defence produced evidence of such abuses by the police, and she conducted herself with such dignity, that the jury acquitted her. When the police tried to re-arrest her outside the court, the crowd intervened and allowed her to escape. 　　In the fourth chapter, the focus is the role she played in the Marxist period. In 1883, Zasulich joined with George Plekhanov and Paul Axelrod to form the Liberation of Labour, the first Russian Marxist group. Later she moved to Switzerland where she became active in the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDLP) and served on the editorial board of Iskra. 　　From the fifth to the seventh chapter, the key point is the latter part of her life. At the Second Congress of the Social Democratic Labour Party in London in 1903, there was a dispute between Vladimir Lenin and Jules Martov, two of SDLP''s leaders. The last part, she returned to Russia during the 1905 Revolution but after its failure ceased to be active in politics. During the First World War Zasulich supported the war effort and opposed the Bolshevik Revolution. Vera Zasulich died in 1919. 　　The objective of this research is to analyze three subjects: 　　1.The causes of her transformation in her political conviction. 　　2.The relationship between Zasulich and Lenin under changing of the Russian political form. 　　3.The thinking of the latter part of Zasulich''s life.

上世紀末蘇聯的崩潰讓喬治亞的地緣政治產生了根本性的質變，喬治亞在歐亞大陸的地緣政治地位提升，較蘇聯時期更具有地緣政治價值。過去的喬治亞是蘇聯維護國家利益與國防安全的關鍵國家，它是蘇聯在黑海的門戶，高加索與中亞的進出口貿易都必須過境喬治亞，同時它也是蘇聯與北約之間的重要邊防區。然而，俄羅斯與喬治亞各自獨立之後，兩國的合作關係不復存在，雙方因劃界爭議、族群衝突、軍事基地等問題嫌隙日增，漸行漸遠。另一方面，美國亦來到裏海地區爭奪能源利益，喬治亞的通道位置與戰略價值吸引了美國的關注，喬治亞於是成為美、俄兩強進行地緣戰略競逐的舞台。 本文以地緣政治學與國際關係的現實主義論做為研究途徑，觀察俄、美兩國在喬治亞的戰略競逐。筆者首先藉由回顧地緣政治學理論與國際關係現實主義論，探討喬治亞的地緣政治價值、地緣政治要素以及喬治亞對於俄、美兩國的戰略意義。在正文的部分，筆者分別討論了俄羅斯與美國在喬治亞的地緣政治活動，以地緣利益、地緣政治威脅、地緣政治實踐等三個面向深入分析俄喬、美喬的雙邊關係。如俄、美與喬治亞的合作關係；俄、美在裏海能源利益的爭奪；俄、美對於喬治亞加入北約的立場；俄、美對玫瑰革命的立場以及俄、美與2008俄喬衝突的關係。 最後，本文的研究發現將俄、美在喬治亞的戰略競逐分為三個時期，第一個時期是俄羅斯掌握傳統影響力，美國進入裏海能源領域（1991～1996年）；第二個時期是美國積極經營，俄羅斯處於被動（1997～2003年）；第三個時期是美國掌控主動權，俄羅斯伺機反擊（2004～2009年）。在這三個時期，俄羅斯與美國在喬治亞的地緣政治影響力呈現此消彼長的態勢，俄羅斯無力阻止美國在喬治亞軍事、經濟、政治上的積極布局，俄羅斯步步退讓，逐漸喪失在喬治亞的地緣政治影響力。然而，2008年的俄喬衝突卻有了戲劇化的發展，俄、美在喬治亞的勢力重新洗牌，美國依舊擁有提比里斯政權的支持，與喬治亞進一步合作，繼續維護美國在喬治亞的地緣利益。俄羅斯雖然與提比里斯的關係低到冰點以下，但卻得到分離地區阿布哈茲與南奧塞梯亞的支持，俄羅斯透過與阿布哈茲和南奧塞梯亞的合作關係控制兩地，從而維繫在喬治亞的地緣利益與外高加索的地緣政治空間。未來，喬治亞預料仍將因其地緣政治的重要性，持續做為俄羅斯與美國地緣戰略競逐的重要舞台。 / The collapse of Soviet Union in the last century fundamentally changed the geopolitics of Georgia. Its geopolitical values in the Eurasian continent have been improved after the Soviet Union era. In the past, Georgia was a key country that Soviet Union utilized to maintain its country interest and defense security. It served as an entrance to the Black Sea for Soviet Union, as the import and export trading between Caucasus and Middle East relied on it. Meanwhile, it was also the critical sector between the Soviet Union and NATO. However, Russia and Georgia have stopped cooperation since their respective independence; both parties had ceased partnership due to issues of border demarcation, ethnic conflicts, military bases, etc. On the other hand, the United States also competed for its energy interest in the Caspian Sea region, and the passage and strategic values of Georgia has drawn attention of the United States. Georgia, therefore, has become a stage of geostrategic competition for the two superpowers that are the United States and Russia. This study utilizes the geopolitics and realism theory of the international relations as an approach to observe the strategic competition of the United States and Russia in the Georgia. First, I reviewed the geopolitics and realism theory of the international relations and discuss the geopolitical values and elements of Georgia, as well as its strategic meanings for the United States and Russia. In the thesis, the geopolitical activities of the United States and Russia are discussed respectively. The bilateral relations between Russia and Georgia, as well as the United States and Georgia are deeply analyzed in terms of geo-economic benefits, geopolitical threats and geopolitical practices, including the cooperative relations for Georgia with Russia and the United States; the competition for energy interest in the Caspian Sea region between the United States and Russia; the positions of the United States and Russia on joining NATO for Georgia; the positions of the United States and Russia on the Rose Revolution; and the conflict relations between Russia and the United States on the 2008 Russia-Georgia Conflict (South Ossetia War). Finally, the findings of this study divide the strategic competition of the United States and Russia in Georgia into three periods: The first period is that Russia had traditional power and the United States meddled in the Caspian Sea region for energy (1991~1996); the second period is that the United States operated actively while Russia operated passively (1997~2003); and the third period is during which the United States took the initiative while Russia waited for the opportune moment to counterattack (2004~2009). The geopolitical influences of the United States and Russia on Georgia have been constantly changed through these three periods. Russia was unable to strategically stop the military, political, economic plans of the United States in Georgia and had gradually lost its geopolitical influence on it. However, the conflicts between Russia and Georgia in 2008 had a dramatic development. The influences on Georgia of the United States and Russia have been changed again. While the United States have gained Tbilisi’s support to continue cooperation with Georgia to maintain the geo-economic benefits in Georgia, and while Russia has a bad relationship with Tbilisi, Russia has gained support from the two breakaway regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Russia controls these two regions by cooperating with them to maintain the geopolitical interest in Georgia and the geopolitical space in South Caucasus. Due to its geopolitical significance, it is expected that Georgia will continue to serve as a critical stage of the geostrategic competition between the United States and Russia.

本論文主要以梁啟超戲劇觀和劇作為中心，但是牽涉的領域擴及梁啟超政治、歷史、教育、文學等思想觀念，也包括他的政治活動、報刊事業。對照探索的還有晚清的戲曲發展、報刊時事劇發展、戲曲改良運動和時事新劇搬演的論題。因此本論文預期的成果有三大方向： (一)、探討梁啟超戲劇觀與劇作的形成背景與發展過程。 (二)、梁啟超戲劇活動概況與近代劇壇中的位置。 (三)、梁啟超戲劇觀對近代戲劇發展的貢獻與延續發展。 各章論述重點如下：首章論述晚清局勢與學術思想概況，並介紹梁啟超個人生命幾個重大階段，包括進入政治活動前的接受傳統教育階段、與康有為師生積極參與政治階段、維新運動後逃往日本辦報階段，以及辛亥革命之後到去世前的學術階段。另外介紹影響其文學主張的重要師友，探討其戲劇改良理論形成的背景。第二章則以晚清劇壇發展與小說界革命為論述重點，以明梁啟超「戲劇改良」主張在近代戲劇中具有承先啟後的關鍵位置。並且考察其戲劇改良理論的形成過程，從報刊與戲曲的結合中，尋找出戲劇新變之處。第三章，進一步探索本論文中心文本《劫灰夢傳奇》、《新羅馬傳奇》、《俠情記傳奇》、《班定遠平西域》等重要作品的取材、情節與主題，並且深入討論其創作藝術特色。第四章則綜整其戲劇相關論述，並參照其作品特色，歸納出梁啟超的戲劇觀。第五章從梁啟超創作現象延伸思考，探討其創作文本與搬演性、創作中斷等論題。歸納其對於近代戲劇的貢獻，並從戲劇改良運動的發展，觀察其戲劇觀的延續發展。 梁啟超不僅是從傳統科舉士子過度到新時代知識分子的代表人物，他更身兼政治改革推動者和報刊界領袖的身分。梁啟超的戲劇觀與時代有著不可分割的關連，其各種文學觀點更建立在「維新運動」的理論之上，而近代文學運動又受到梁啟超的啟迪極深。他以「小說界革命」包舉其「戲劇改良」理論，另外從他認為「革命」包含Reform和Revolution兩個概念來論，梁啟超的「戲劇改良」具有兩個層次，一是對於原有的文學體裁和劇種體製僅作修正，真正徹底翻新、變革的是其所承載的主題思想與內容。而以「舊瓶裝新酒」作為比喻，「舊瓶」指戲劇原有的體製形式，「新酒」是梁啟超真正要全面變革的「主題思想」。 梁啟超親自示範「新傳奇」的創作，為了將新思想帶入作品，因此援引西史「意大利建國三傑」傳記作為題材，不僅「援史作劇」還「以劇喻今」，將劇中「紫髯碧眼兒」充作「優孟衣冠」，達到醒民、教育、宣揚愛國精神的「政治功能」。梁啟超創作的劇作包括傳奇劇本《劫灰夢傳奇》、《新羅馬傳奇》、《俠情記傳奇》另有《花木蘭傳奇》殘稿五頁；另有為學生演劇創作的廣東戲劇本《班定遠平西域》。這些劇作所傳遞的主題思想包括一、揭露社會的頹敗現況，喚醒群體憂患意識。二、讚揚英雄與游俠「捨己無畏」的精神，召喚救國志士。三、強調國民教育與國民責任。四、闡揚尚武精神，革去「疲弱」的民族形象。五、灌輸女子平權與新社會觀念 。六、表達對國家改革的殷切盼望。雖完整作品僅《班定遠平西域》一部，但透過劇作實踐，可以使其歸於「小說界革命」中的「戲劇改良」主張能夠展現「獨立」的樣貌。 在劇本的藝術表現方面，梁啟超仍依照傳奇體製進行創作，但在舊有形式上稍作變革。除了因應故事跨時之久、史實人物眾多，因此在腳色出場次序、行當安排需作權變之外，仍運用上場引子、賓白、曲文、科介、曲牌聯套、淨丑科諢、下場詩等傳統形式進行創作，雖偶有出律犯規之處，但仍保留了傳奇的樣貌。在劇本形式上的變革，主要是在曲文賓白與人物塑造這兩方面。梁啟超將自創的「報刊體」風格運用在曲文賓白的撰寫上，包括使運用新語詞和口語化的書寫風格，尤其利用淨丑科諢，大量使用新詞彙還加入了外國語，做了全新的嘗試。而主角賓白唱詞，仍維持「典雅」風格，點染新語詞、新概念之後，形成一種新意境。在人物塑造方面，除了利用賓白曲文表現之外，透過全新的「穿關」、「砌末」塑造出「西洋人物」形象，另外還利用「演說介」、「讀新聞紙介」、「宣誓介」等動作指示，不僅塑造人物形象，也以「置入性行銷」的方式，向讀者宣傳參與政治活動的方式。歸納綜整梁啟超的戲劇觀包括：一、以「新小說」概念統括「小說」與「戲劇」。二、以「文學進化論」為戲曲定位。三、吸納「文學啟蒙」觀念的戲劇功能論。四、「援史作劇，以劇喻今」的創作理念。五、「以俗載道」的傳播觀念。六、 以多元式評論「現身說劇」。 雖然梁啟超參與戲劇活動時間不長，但他對於近代戲劇的重要貢獻包括：一、戲劇改良的先行者。二、創造文人劇與報刊緊密結合的成功範例。三、使「小說戲曲」在文學中的位階逆轉。梁啟超不但是晚清民初舉足輕重的政治家與輿論界領袖，同時身兼文學家、史學家、報刊主編、教授等多種身分。對於「戲劇」領域來說，因為推動「文學革命」，將「戲劇」與「小說」以「小說界革命」口號一起推動，加上與「報刊」的傳播相結合，響應者紛紛提出各種改良主張。梁啟超戲劇觀的延續與發展可概括為：一、戲劇有益社會的概念逐漸普及。二、從報刊到新式劇場─戲劇改良的多元詮釋。三、戲劇成為「政治宣傳利器」。四、「惟新至上」的劇壇風潮。因為梁啟超的鼓吹與示範帶動，「戲劇改良」的範圍從報刊擴展到「新式舞台」上的京劇與話劇演出，真正達到了「寓教於戲」的目標。