Submitted by Suelen Reis (suziy.ellen@gmail.com) on 2013-04-22T19:17:04Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Olivia Dias2.pdf: 7958204 bytes, checksum: 06cde82657a4139e0987aa6b24317b5a (MD5) Dissertacao Olivia Dias 1.pdf: 7879098 bytes, checksum: 3c374b60ba42bf1dea0b2bffc05adf28 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-11T15:38:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Olivia Dias2.pdf: 7958204 bytes, checksum: 06cde82657a4139e0987aa6b24317b5a (MD5) Dissertacao Olivia Dias 1.pdf: 7879098 bytes, checksum: 3c374b60ba42bf1dea0b2bffc05adf28 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-11T15:38:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertacao Olivia Dias2.pdf: 7958204 bytes, checksum: 06cde82657a4139e0987aa6b24317b5a (MD5) Dissertacao Olivia Dias 1.pdf: 7879098 bytes, checksum: 3c374b60ba42bf1dea0b2bffc05adf28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / O estudo analisa as viagens enquanto fenômeno social que obteve expressivo crescimento no mundo ocidental, sobretudo, a partir da segunda metade do século XIX. A pesquisa teve como objetivos compreender as motivações das viagens realizadas por diversos estrangeiros que estiveram no Brasil e passaram pela Bahia no período; identificar e analisar o estabelecimento de serviços de hospedagem, alimentação e lazer, viabilizado devido à permanência temporária desses personagens em terras baianas. Constatei que a interface entre viagens, serviços e atrativos possibilitou que a cidade do Salvador se constituísse em núcleo receptor de visitantes das mais variadas nacionalidades. A presença desses atores sociais levou à formação e consolidação de novas atividades comerciais, voltadas para atendê-los. Essa dinâmica exerceu influência na intensificação e reconfiguração das representações do lugar, promovendo novas formas de ver e interagir com o outro. / Salvador

Percevoir signifie recevoir une information, la prendre en compte, la confronter aux données de notre mémoire et la traiter selon nos modes de raisonnement puis tirer de l’image ainsi formée une conséquence c’est-à-dire un acte. Pour approcher la perception de l’islam par les élites françaises entre 1830 et 1914 nous avons donc dans un premier Livre fait une compilation des présentations que les élites dites « d’érudition » : historiens, écrivains, religieux, linguistes, philologues, artistes, faisaient de l’islam ; des données qu’ils pouvaient recevoir de leur mémoire puisque l’on glosait sur l’islam depuis Pierre le Vénérable ; et des modes de raisonnement qui caractérisaient l’époque en étudiant l’évolution du sens des concepts de civilisation, de race, d’économie politique. Nous avons ensuite, dans un deuxième Livre essayé de comprendre comment et pourquoi l’image ainsi formée avait abouti à la colonisation de terres islamiques par des hommes politiques, leurs conseillers, leurs soutiens, des officiers, des industriels, des financiers, et des administrateurs. Enfin, dans un troisième Livre, nous avons tenté de suivre jusqu’à nos jours les jugements portés sur ces travaux orientalistes. Il nous semble que le traitement d’une image, au départ volontairement tronquée, par des hommes persuadés que les techniques - balbutiantes - des sciences de la nature pouvaient être appliquées aux sciences humaines a conduit à une incompréhension de deux mondes. / Perceiving means to receive an information, to take it into account, to compare this information with the data from our memory, to process it according to our ways of thinking and then to pull from the image thus formed a consequence, that is to say: an act. To approach the perception of Islam by the French elites between 1830 and 1914, we initially, in our first book, made a compilation of presentations that "scholarship" elites - historians, writers, religious, linguists, philologists, artists - made of Islam; of the data they could receive from their memory, since we talked about Islam since Peter the Venerable; and of these ways of thinking that characterized the era by studying the evolution of the meaning of concepts like civilization, race, and political economy. We then, in a second book attempted to understand how and why the thus formed image had resulted in the colonization of Islamic lands by politicians, their advisors, their supporters, officers, industrialists, investors and administrators. Finally, in a third book, we tried to follow to this day the judgements that are made about these orientalist works. It seems to us that the process of an image, deliberately, and from the beginning, truncated by men convinced that early techniques of natural science could be applied to human sciences has led to a misunderstanding of both worlds.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-11-08T15:13:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Maria das Graças Souza Teixeira.pdf: 35216212 bytes, checksum: 01a3ccf0aa8dcabde81ca22a52655c2a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2013-11-12T18:27:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Maria das Graças Souza Teixeira.pdf: 35216212 bytes, checksum: 01a3ccf0aa8dcabde81ca22a52655c2a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-11-12T18:27:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese - Maria das Graças Souza Teixeira.pdf: 35216212 bytes, checksum: 01a3ccf0aa8dcabde81ca22a52655c2a (MD5) / CAPES / A tese de doutorado intitulada Infância, sujeito brincante e práticas lúdicas no Brasil oitocentista aborda questões relativas à criança no seu universo lúdico, buscando discutir esse universo como o espaço privilegiado de relações sociais e o lugar em que a criança, como sujeito brincante, produz cultura e nesse processo participa da cultura geral. Por este caminho, busco discutir e desmistificar a idéia da criança como um indivíduo a ser modelado, reflexo do mundo do adulto, pois é no dia-a-dia que a criança se insere no mundo e constrói o seu próprio. Para tanto, trabalhamos com uma bibliografia especializada sobre infância, ludicidade e memória, além do arcabouço teórico-metodológico da história. As fontes foram identificadas, coletadas e trabalhadas em arquivos, museus e bibliotecas no Brasil e na Europa, além do uso da iconografia e da literatura dos viajantes que estiveram no Brasil no período estudado. Foi possível mapear o circuito de produção, distribuição e venda do brinquedo em diversos espaços na sociedade, além de evidenciar que a criança brinca e no seu brincar ela subverte a ordem estabelecida, cria novos objetos e dá vida a outros. Por fim, a criança é parte da história e se constitui em ator e sujeito de sua própria existência no Brasil oitocentista. The doctorate thesis entitled “Childhood, a player subject and ludic practices in Brazil during the 19th century” approaches questions related to the child in his/her ludic universe. This document is in search of discussing this universe as a privileged space of social relationships and the place where the child, as a player subject, produces culture and as a consequence of this process he/she actively participates in the general culture. In doing so, I am looking forward to discussing and to demystifying the idea of a child as an individual to be modeled, as a reflex of the adult's world, because it is in the day by day that the child interferes in the world and builds his/her own one. To achieve this, we have worked with a specialized bibliography about childhood, ludicity and memory, besides the theoretical-methodological outline of the history. The sources were identified, collected and worked at files, museums and libraries in Brazil and in Europe, besides the use of the iconography and of the travelers' literature that were in Brazil during the studied period. It was possible to map the production circuit, distribution and sale of the toys in several spaces in the society, besides evidencing that the child plays and in doing so he/she subverts the established order, creates new objects and gives life to other ones. Finally, the child is part of the history and is the actor and the object of his/her own existence in the Brazil of the 19th century.

Master's thesis: Victorian era fashion theoretical and practical source of inspiration. Theoretical part of thesis explores fashion in 19 th century in UK in the context of contemporary facts. Thesis describes a development in particular parts of women's clothing which reflects former spirit and culture. In the next chapter is discussed how Victorian England has inspired nowadays fashion and its impact on modern subcultures. There are additionally added images for deeper understanding of this complex phenomena. Practical part of the thesis consists of development of ball jointed doll which was inspired by Victorian fashion. In addition, it includes sketches and workflow with visualization.

No description available.

The thesis depicts life of the parish in Třešť in the second half of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century. The emphasis is placed on nuns of the Congregation of the Poor School Sisters de Notre Dame who worked in Třešť from 1885 till 1946. This thesis is further focused on pastors from Třešť and also on local churches and their economic background. Finally, there are also described changes in conditions of the parish, especially after 1918. To elaborate this thesis both sources of the Diocesan Archive of the Bishopric of Brno in Rajhrad and of the State District Archive Jihlava were perused. Documents provided by the Archive of the Congregation of the Poor School Sisters de Notre Dame in Hradec Králové also meant a valuable contribution to this thesis. The aim of the thesis is to disclose so far unknown or non-compiled history of the parish in Třešť.

(in English): "Grabenbummel", a walk of the German Studentenverbindungen in couleur, was one of the most significant displays of a national war over Prague and its public space. Four times between 1898 and 1912 the "bummel" gave opportunity for unrest and riots in the city. Not only it became a political topic, a reason for conflicts between Czech and Germans in the media, Bohemian Diet and Imperial Council, but also a very serious problem for the state and its offices to solve. Based on Czech and German press and archive resources from Národní Archiv České republiky and Österreichisches Staatsarchiv, I am presenting the creation, evolution, and the politicization of the custom. I examined the four main years of the riots, finding multiple important topics, and analyzing some of them in the last chapter. I complemented the thesis with the poems from the press of the Burschenschaften, as well as Czech and German anecdotes and caricatures.

The main purpose of this thesis is to study and analyze how concepts of childhood and adolescence were constructed in scientific medicine during the period 1870 to 1930. The focus in the first part of the thesis is to study the sick girl as a stereotype in 1870–1900. In the late nineteenth-century, the poor health of girls was a popular topic in Swedish medical discourse. It was a well-established opinion that a substantial number of Swedish girls suffered from various diseases and ailments. Mass- and coeducation was under debate and physicians became interested in the impact of schools and schooling on children’s health. It is here shown that children, and in particularly adolescents, were de-fined as gendered creatures. The doctors emphasized the universal nature of adolescence and conceptualized pu-berty as a traumatic and risky stage of life and they also tended to focus on middle-class girls. Pubescent girls were seen as most vulnerable to external stress such as mental strain and physical demands. Physicians claimed that ill health inevitably followed when girls were educated in the same way as boys. However, boys and their health were discussed too. The most common ailments for both girls and boys were overstudy, anemia, headaches and disor-dered digestion. It was also shown in various studies, that poorer children were substantially inferior in weight as well as in height. Chlorosis was a common theme in late nineteenth-century medical discourse. Although it appeared mainly as a girls’ disease in medical books and in most sanitary journals, health studies for example, showed that chlorosis could also be a boys’ disease. However, sick boys were rarely spoken of. Medical opinions on overstudy, chlorosis and dress reform could be interpreted as a concern for unhealthy girls as future mothers of the nation. It is not my intention to advertise doctors as vicious oppressors, as opponents of female emancipation. In fact, the doctors often pointed out social factors and unequal circumstances of childhood and adolescence for girls and boys. In early twentieth-century, the scientific opinion of girls changed. Even though gendered notions of children and youths persisted all through the period studied, more and more some doctors, Karolina Widerström, for example, began to question them. The new girl was not weak and ill, but rather healthy and active. However, a dividing line between those who claimed the weakness of girls and those who emphasized the new, healthy girl became more evident after 1900. In this thesis, this disparity is discussed in terms of popular medical discourse and scientific medi-cal discourse. In the latter, girls were still described as more sensitive and more frail than boys and as unfit for higher education and strenuous schoolwork. Thus, the new girl – vivid, healthy and equal to the boy – was above all a con-struction in popular medicine. The uniform medical discourse on girls from the late nineteenth-century thus dissolved. A number of changes in the medical discourse on sickness and health of girls and boys during in this period occurred. First, concepts of sickness and health were modified over time and fewer schoolchildren were considered sick. Fi-nally, in the beginning of the period studied, girls were sicker than boys were, but in the end, in the 1930s, there was no obvious gender difference. Both sexes seemed equally sick (or healthy).

Before the regulation of opium as a “narcotic” in Sweden in 1923, opium was not regulated for its intoxicating properties and was freely available. But not in any kind of shop. Opium was legally available only through the pharmacies. This thesis explores how this free availability of a narcotic was understood by its traders, the pharmacists. The title of this thesis – The Value of Poison – indicates how opium could be conceptualized both as a safe, everyday remedy essential to keep freely available and as a drug of intoxication. As a poison it could be articulated as a matter of primarily pharmacological, not moral or medical, concern. This also gave the pharmacists, with their special knowledge of pharmaka (drugs, poisons), an autonomous space of knowledge free from the ever more intruding “medical gaze”. But, in order to articulate this kind of understanding of opium, another kind of knowledge was needed to be acknowledged: that of the user. In this articulation a “sensus communis” was tied in with a broader cultural knowledge of drugs. Problems with opium were focused on the danger of acute poisoning, not recreational intoxication. Concepts that could have problematized this kind of use were rearticulated as problems either of illegitimate trade, unregulated markets and advertising or of draconian regulation by greedy or sloppy doctors. These rather opposite elements were made equivalent through the articulation of ignorance in both cases, thus further emphasizing the special knowledge of the pharmacist. The thesis locates a process of contradiction that contributes to the eventual diminishing of the discourse of poison towards the end of the period. The pharmaceutical knowledge that guaranteed the discourse was based on a “pharmaceutical gaze” on pharmaka. It pierced through the drug to identify its constituent parts. In this process it was promised that the different effects of opium would be separated. “Narcotic” could be a by-product, to be discarded or controlled, without dispensing of other therapeutic effects. With this ever deeper knowledge of opium, knowledge in the pharmacies was made insufficient for the full understanding or opium, and so too was that of the traditional user. The era of opium as a poison was over. / Före den första särlagstiftningen om narkotika i Sverige 1923 reglerades inte opiumets rusgivande egenskaper. Drogen var fritt tillgänglig i handeln. Men inte i vilken butik som helst. Opium kunde bara köpas lagligt på landets apotek. Den här avhandlingen undersöker hur denna fria tillgänglighet av narkotika förstods av droghandlarna själva, apotekarna. Titeln pekar på hur opium på en och samma gång kunde tänkas som en säker husmedicin vars tillgänglighet var avgörande för folkhälsan och som en rusgivande drog. Som ”gift” artikulerades det som en i första hand farmakologisk angelägenhet, inte en moralisk eller medicinsk. När de talade på detta sätt upprättade apotekarna, genom sin särskilda kunskap om farmaka, ett eget rum för sitt vetande, fritt från läkarnas allt mer genomträngande ”kliniska blick”. Men för att kunna artikulera denna förståelse av opium krävdes också att en annan typ av kunskap vidkändes: brukarens. Genom denna artikulation knöts brukarnas ”sensus communis” samman med en bredare kulturell kunskap om droger. De av opiumets problem som lyftes fram handlade om akut förgiftning, inte rekreationellt rusbruk. De begrepp som hade varit möjliga att användas för att problematisera denna senare form av bruk reartikulerades: antingen förpassades de till den olagliga handeln, de oreglerade marknaderna och reklamen, eller också till de drakoniska regleringarna som giriga och slarviga läkare stod bakom. Apotekarna artikulerade dessa båda helt motstående element som ekvivalenta genom en brist på kunskap, vilket i sin tur ytterligare stärkte deras egen kunskapsmakt. Avhandlingen lokaliserar även en processande motsägelse som sker när giftets diskurs tynar bort vid slutet av den undersökta perioden. Den farmaceutiska kunskap som underbyggde diskursen vilade på en ”farmaceutisk blick” på farmaka. Denna genomborrade drogämnet för att avslöja dess beståndsdelar. Genom denna process utlovades att opiumets olika effekter skulle kunna skiljas från varandra. ”Narkotikan” kunde ses som en bieffekt, som kunde kastas åt sidan eller kontrolleras separat, utan att opiumets kvarvarande terapeutiska effekter minskade. Denna allt djupare kunskap medförde att de enskilda apotekarnas eget vetande på apoteken inte räckte till för att fullt ut förstå opium, och därmed bröts även samartikulationen med brukarnas kunskap. Tidseran när opium var ett gift tog därmed slut under mellankrigsperioden.

La these analyse la collection de terre cuite de Raffaele Gargiulo (1785-après 1864), céramiste et restaurateur affirmé, personnage de première importance du Musée de Naples, marchand napolitain d'antiquité des années 20 et 30 du XIXe siècle. La proposition de vente de sa collection au Musée de Naples est faite en décembre 1852. Après deux années de dures négociations le 29 mai 1855 la vente se conclut pour 6000 ducats. Pour comprendre le personnage de Gargiulo en tant que marchand d'oeuvre d'art, 315 documents, conservés dans l'Archive d'État de Naples et la Surintendance de Naples, ont èté analysés. L'étude de 11 arrêtés royaux entrés en vigueur entre 1807 et 1852, ont permis de reconstruire le cadre législatif en vigueur de l'époque. La petite plastique, la classe la plus nombreuse, représente environ les trois quarts de la collection de terre cuite. En ce qui concerne les provenances, les Pouilles et la Campanie sont largement dominantes avec 578 objets (95.54% de la collection entière): dans le détail on note que les localités se trouvant aux premières places sont aussi bien les Pouilles (Gnathia, Ruvo et Canosa) que la Campanie (Capoue et Calès), plus célèbres pour les fabrications coroplastiques. Le matériel architectonique va de la fin du VIe s. av. J.- C. au I Ier s. ap. J.-C., le matériel coroplastique se situe entre la moitié du IVe s. et la fin du IIIe s. av. J.-C., la céramique à décoration plastique et polychrome et celle achrome entre le IVe et le IIIe s. av. J.-C., alors que la chronologie des vases modelés va de la fin du VIe et le IIIe s. av. J.-C. Enfin, les lampes à huile sont toutes datées entre la première moitié et le dernier quart du Ier s. ap. J.-C. / The thesis analyzes the collection of terracottas of Raffaele Gargiulo (1785-after 1864), ceramist and restorer, leading figure of the Museum of Naples, neapolitan merchant of antiquity in the twenties and thirties of the 19th century. The proposed sale to the Museum of Naples of his collection is made in December 1852, but only after more than two years of hard deals it comes to the purchase on May 29th, 1855, for 6000 ducats. In order to understand the figure of Gargiulo as merchant of art 315 documents, kept in the State Archive of Naples and in the Historical Archive of the Archaeological Superintendence of Naples, have been analyzed. By the study of 11 royal decrees dated between 1807 and 1852 the legislative framework in force at the time was rebuilt, as part of the trade and export of archaeological and art objects. In the Gargiulo’s collection of terracottas the little plastic (443 specimens, 73.88%) is the most documented class, accounting for about three-quarters of the collection. About the provenances, Apulia and Campania with 578 items, the 95.54%, prevail. At the top lie the towns, both in Apulia (Gnathia, Ruvo and Canosa) and Campania (Capua and Cales), most famous for the coroplastic products. If the architectural material is dated from the end of the 6th century BC to 1st century AD, the coroplastic material lies mostly between the mid-4th century BC and the end of the 3rd BC. The pottery ranges between the 4th century and 3rd century BC, especially the plastic and polychrome decoration and the achromatic ceramic; the chronology of plastic vessels is more varied, between the late 6th and 3rd centuries BC. The lamps, finally, are dated to 1st century AD. / La tesi analizza la collezione di terrecotte di Raffaele Gargiulo (1785-post 1864), ceramista e restauratore affermato, figura di primo piano del Museo di Napoli, grande mercante napoletano di antichità degli anni Venti e Trenta dell'Ottocento. La proposta di vendita al Museo di Napoli della sua collezione viene fatta nel dicembre del 1852, ma dopo oltre due anni si giunge all'acquisto, il 29 maggio 1855, per seimila ducati. Per inquadrare la figura del Gargiulo come mercante di opere d'arte sono stati analizzati 315 documenti custoditi nell'Archivio di Stato di Napoli e nell'Archivio Storico della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Napoli. Attraverso lo studio di 11 regi decreti tra il 1807 e il 1852 si è ricostruito il quadro legislativo in vigore all'epoca nell'ambito del commercio e dell'esportazione di reperti archeologici e oggetti d'arte. Nella collezione Gargiulo di terrecotte la piccola plastica (443 esemplari, pari al 73.88%) è la classe più documentata, rappresentando circa i tre quarti della collezione. Tra le provenienze prevalgono la Puglia e la Campania con 578 oggetti, il 95.54%. Ai primi posti si collocano le località, sia pugliesi (Egnazia, Ruvo e Canosa) che campane (Capua e Cales), più celebri per i prodotti coroplastici. Se il materiale architettonico va dalla fine del VI a.C. al I d.C., quello coroplastico si colloca per lo più tra la metà del IV e la fine del III a.C. La ceramica spazia tra il IV e il III secolo a.C., soprattutto per la ceramica a decorazione plastica e policroma e per quella acroma, più varia è la cronologia dei vasi plastici, tra la fine del VI e il III a.C. Le lucerne, infine, si datano nell'ambito del I secolo d.C.