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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 51 to 59 of 59 (0.027 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"clausewitz"" "subject:"klausewitz""
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The great forge of nations: violence and collective identity in fascist thoughtCorbett, Morgan 23 December 2019 (has links)
This thesis analyzes the origins and development of conceptions of the relationship between violence and politics characteristic of twentieth century fascist thought. It critiques existing approaches to fascism and fascist ideology in the interdisciplinary field of fascist studies and proposes and employs an alternate approach which centres and emphasizes the flexibility and mutability of fascist thought and denies that any particular complex of beliefs or concepts can be said to constitute an ‘essence’ or ‘heart’ of fascist ideology. Morphological studies are offered of four discursive traditions in fascist and fascist-adjacent thought with respect to violence and politics: German military theory of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries; the ‘new’ French nationalism of the fin-de-siècle; the genre of ‘future warfare’ around and after the First World War; and the work of Ernst Jünger and Carl Schmitt. The thesis concludes with some consideration of the continuities and discontinuities made apparent in the morphological studies, an argument that those results vindicate the initial framing, and some avenues for extending them into areas of concrete contemporary relevance. / Graduate
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La paix et la guerre et la téléologie naturelle de l'hommeLégaré, Jacques 07 February 2022 (has links)
Par l'étude philosophique de l'ensemble du développement historique de l'homme et des réalités politiques contemporaines, cette thèse de Philosophie politique et de Philosophie de l'Histoire cherche à démontrer que l'homme est habité depuis toujours par un désir naturel de paix qui le conduit à construire un espace pacifié de plus en plus grand, à la limite, planétaire. Par delà les conflits les plus nombreux et les plus virulents dont l'Histoire fut le théâtre, et malgré leur apparente pérennité, se dessine un mouvement en vue d'une paix universelle et durable. En vue de cette démonstration, cette thèse propose un concept nouveau qui a pour nom "espace pacifié". En outre, cette thèse aborde plus spécifiquement le problème dichotomique de la paix et de la guerre par un commentaire critique de quelques-unes des œuvres les plus percutantes sur cette question, dont De la Guerre, de von. Clausewitz, Mars ou la guerre jugée d'Alain, de même que les œuvres d'autres savants et philosophes qui ont traité de la guerre et de la paix, tels Machiavel, Hobbes, Spinoza, Sorokin, Lorenz, ainsi que les représentants des Lumières que sont Locke, Rousseau et Kant. Finalement, elle tente d'élucider certains problèmes philosophiques que posent l'avènement et la sauvegarde de la paix par l'étude de thèmes particuliers.
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Spacepower and space warfare : the continuation of terran politics by other meansBowen, Bleddyn Endaf January 2015 (has links)
Space technologies and the tools of space warfare are proliferating across Earth. The use of spacepower in conflict necessitates strategic thinking. Strategic theory can guide and improve strategic thought about outer space. Drawing on strategic theory, this thesis develops a spacepower theory in the next step of a collective theory-making effort about warfare in the Space Age. This spacepower theory is based on seven distinct, complementary, and interacting propositions that aim to shift the debate of spacepower away from space weaponisation and the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), and towards a more holistic view of the vast possibilities granted by spacepower. This spacepower theory proposes that space warfare only has meaning in so far it works towards the command of space; that the command of space is about manipulating celestial lines of communication; that spacepower in Earth orbit is a place to conduct strategic manoeuvres to influence the wider war and grand strategic goals; and that the command of space can have direct meaning for battlefield success through its dispersing effects. The theory is based on three major strategic analogies from terrestrial strategic theory and experience. First, space warfare is a continuation of terrestrial politics. Second, space is like the sea in its most basic concepts. Third, Earth orbit is like a coastal region. The contributions of this work are a theory that assists the individual’s education on warfare in the Space Age that takes emphasis away from space-based weaponry and the RMA, and a treatise that demonstrates and encourages a pedagogical method of analysis in strategic studies. This has tentative implications for wider discussions of astropolitics in International Relations (IR) as well. IR will continue in its usefulness in the cosmos, while Terran IR today must account for the realities of the Space Age.
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Clausewitz and Schlieffen : a study of the impact of their theories on the German conduct of the 1914-1918 and 1939-1945 warsWallach, Jehuda Lothar January 1965 (has links)
No description available.
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[en] BETWEEN ABSOLUTE WAR AND ABSOLUTE PEACEKEEPING: SEARCHING FOR A THEORY OF THE USE OF FORCE ON BEHALF OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY / [pt] ENTRE A GUERRA ABSOLUTA E AS OPERAÇÕES DE PAZ ABSOLUTAS: EM BUSCA DE UMA TEORIA PARA O USO DA FORÇA EM NOME DA COMUNIDADE INTERNACIONALCARLOS CHAGAS VIANNA BRAGA 19 July 2016 (has links)
[pt] Enquanto a moldura teórica de Clausewitz foi essencial para lidar com as guerras modernas, a compreensão do uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional ainda demanda urgentemente uma teoria de trabalho. Em 1945, o preâmbulo da Carta das Nações Unidas, ao enfatizar a determinação de salvar as gerações futuras do flagelo da guerra, estabeleceu uma clara dicotomia entre o bem, representado pela paz, e o mal, representado pela guerra. Entretanto, esta tentativa de evitar as guerras entre estados e de proteger as populações acabou criando as condições de possibilidade para o uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional. O fenômeno do uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional é relativamente novo e tem sido caracterizado, principalmente, por operações de manutenção da paz robustas, intervenções humanitárias e, ainda mais recentemente, pela responsabilidade de proteger (R2P). Inspirado em uma abordagem clausewitziana e introduzindo conceitos, tais como as operações de manutenção da paz absolutas (absolute peacekeeping) e a trindade terciária, a presente tese de doutorado propõe uma moldura teórica para compreender o uso da força em nome da comunidade internacional, aplicando, ainda, a moldura proposta em dois eventos recentes: a operação de manutenção da paz no Haiti (MINUSTAH) e a intervenção de 2011 na Líbia. / [en] While Clausewitz s theoretical framework was instrumental in dealing with modern wars, the undrestanding of the use of force on behalf of the internacional community is still in urgent need of a working theory. In 1945, the preamble of the Charter of the United Nations, while emphasizing the determination to save future generations from the scourge of war, established a clear dichotomy between good, represented by peace, and evil, represented by war. Nevertheless, the attempt to avoid wars between states and to protect populations ended up creating the conditions of possibility for the use of force on the behalf of the international community. The phenomenon of the use of force on behalf of the international community is therefore somewhat new. It has been mainly characterized by contemporary robust peacekeenping, humanitarian interventions, and (even more recently) responsibility to protect (R2P). Inspired by a Clausewitzian approach and introducing concepts such as abolute peacekeeping and thrinity, the present doctoral dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to understand the use of force on behalf of the international community. It also applies the proposed theoretical framework in order to understand two recent events: the UN peacekeeping operation in Haiti (MINUSTAH) and the 2011 intervention in Libya.
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Multiplying an Army: Prussian and German Military Planning and the Concept of Force Multiplication in Three ConflictsLocke, Samuel A., III 18 May 2020 (has links)
No description available.
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戰略武器管制與蘇聯外交政策之研究魏葛蘭, Wei, Ge-Lan Unknown Date (has links)
第一章以施奈德（Richard C. Snyder）等所創之﹁決策制訂模型﹂（Decision-Ma-
king Model）為研究蘇聯決策制訂之指涉架構。並就﹁外交政策﹂之界定，探討外交
政策之研究途徑、目標、手段、權力基礎，以及國家利益和安全。再分析蘇聯之決策
制訂與執行架構，及影響其外交、軍事決策制訂與執行之機構。
第二章首先界定﹁戰術武器﹂一詞，再研究核子時代之戰略理論，如嚇阻理論、巨型
報復與彈性反應（全面之戰爭與有限戰爭）．．．．．．等攻擊與防衛之理論，並探
討對於蘇聯戰略武器時代之適用性，以及﹁贏得核子戰爭﹂之真實性為何。
第三章從國際層面，分析戰略武單競賽與管制之理論與實際。悉心研究自第二次世界
大戰後所曾試探解決國際上戰略武器競賽之各種裁減和管制方案，作為分析未來﹁戰
略武器管制﹂可行性研究的基礎
第四章就﹁共產主義意識型態﹂、﹁俄羅斯傳統﹂和﹁國家目標與行動綱領﹂，從理
論和實際並重的角度判斷外交政策之決策制訂和執行。
第五章軍事戰略理論、戰略兵力部署及其指揮結構。
第六章以美蘇﹁戰略武器管制談判﹂第一、二階段為個案，分析蘇聯對於戰略武器管
制、外交、軍事之政策制訂，以及未來戰略武器管制之展望。
結論
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Winning a race with no finish line : assessing the strategy of interstate competitionSkold, Martin January 2018 (has links)
This dissertation offers a framework for understanding the strategies of states engaged in competition for regional hegemony. Although international relations literature refers extensively to such competition and obliquely to states' strategies, to date little has been done to show how states' strategies in such competition may be analyzed. Drawing on a variety of strategic literature, this dissertation synthesizes a theoretical approach to analyzing the strategies of states engaged in regional security competition. Employing insights drawn from business strategy, this dissertation argues for an essentially asymmetric understanding of fundamental policy goals for states engaged in competition for regional hegemony, with one state attempting to maintain a dominant position and another attempting, by focusing limited resources, to supplant it. The competition is understood metaphorically (based on an anecdote from the end of the Cold War) as a “race with no finish line,” with the reigning hegemon attempting to extend the race and the challenger attempting to create a finish line and cross it. With homage to realism, liberalism, and constructivism, possible state goals are categorized as belonging to three realms: security, welfare, and intangible goals. These are used as metrics for a state's success or failure in any given competitive scenario, as well as the resources at its disposal. Drawing on military strategic literature, this thesis then applies decision-cycle analysis to state competitive behavior. The conclusions from this analysis are then synthesized into a framework for analysis of similar regional competitive scenarios, the first such framework yet devised for such purposes. A case study: the “Dreadnought Race” between Britain and Germany prior to World War One, is then examined, in which states' performance is analyzed in the competitive scenario in light of the above strategic precepts.
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The Limits of Fire Support: American Finances and Firepower Restraint during the Vietnam WarHawkins, John Michael 16 December 2013 (has links)
Excessive unobserved firepower expenditures by Allied forces during the Vietnam War defied the traditional counterinsurgency principle that population protection should be valued more than destruction of the enemy. Many historians have pointed to this discontinuity in their arguments, but none have examined the available firepower records in detail. This study compiles and analyzes available, artillery-related U.S. and Allied archival records to test historical assertions about the balance between conventional and counterinsurgent military strategy as it changed over time.
It finds that, between 1965 and 1970, the commanders of the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), Generals William Westmoreland and Creighton Abrams, shared significant continuity of strategic and tactical thought. Both commanders tolerated U.S. Army, Marine Corps, and Allied unobserved firepower at levels inappropriate for counterinsurgency and both reduced Army harassment and interdiction fire (H&I) as a response to increasing budgetary pressure. Before 1968, the Army expended nearly 40 percent of artillery ammunition as H&I – a form of unobserved fire that sought merely to hinder enemy movement and to lower enemy morale, rather than to inflict any appreciable enemy casualties. To save money, Westmoreland reduced H&I, or “interdiction” after a semantic name change in February 1968, to just over 29 percent of ammunition expended in July 1968, the first full month of Abrams’ command. Abrams likewise pursued dollar savings with his “Five-by-Five Plan” of August 1968 that reduced Army artillery interdiction expenditures to nearly ten percent of ammunition by January 1969. Yet Abrams allowed Army interdiction to stabilize near this level until early 1970, when recurring financial pressure prompted him to virtually eliminate the practice. Meanwhile, Marines fired H&I at historically high rates into the final months of 1970 and Australian “Harassing Fire” surpassed Army and Marine Corps totals during the same period. South Vietnamese artillery also fired high rates of H&I, but Filipino and Thai artillery eschewed H&I in quiet areas of operation and Republic of Korea [ROK] forces abandoned H&I in late 1968 as a direct response to MACV’s budgetary pressure. Financial pressure, rather than strategic change, drove MACV’s unobserved firepower reductions during the Vietnam War.
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