Cette recherche porte sur les activités mentales réalisées lors d’un geste invasif d’une infirmière sur un malade. Il s’agit de comprendre ce qui l’encourage à rendre objet le corps de ce dernier alors que les nouvelles pédagogies prônent de rendre le malade acteur de ses soins. Cette étude vise à caractériser le cheminement intellectuel qu’impose ce geste en termes d’opérationnalité et de motivation à agir pour résoudre les tensions entre ce que les infirmières pensent devoir faire au regard de leur prescription médicale et des recommandations professionnelles, mais aussi ce qu’elles peuvent réellement faire en situation.Les résultats obtenus permettent d’identifier que l’infirmière s’autohypnose en se concentrant sur sa respiration et en s’invectivant en utilisant le « tu » d’une manière positive et en inhibant ses émotions afin de ne courir aucun risque émotionnel et de vivre son geste dans une version simplifiée de la réalité. / This thesis is all about the mental activities realized during an invasive gesture of a nurse on a patient. It deals with the question what makes the nurse to consider as an object the patient’s body wheras the new pedagogies advocate turning a sick person actor of his own care. The aim of this study is to characterize the intellectual path imposed by this gesture in terms of operational effectiveness and motivation to act. It is about solving the tensions between what the nurses think they have to do – with regards to their prescription and professional recommendations – and what they really can do in situation.

L'objet de cette thèse est de mettre en lumière les interrogations éthiques, métaphysiques et esthétiques qui accompagnent la production des œuvres de maturité de !'écrivain autrichien Hugo von Hofmannsthal. Après avoir rappelé ses hésitations initiales entre des conceptions du monde et de l'existence distinctes, ce travail envisage les deux versions de la Femme sans ombre. Cette œuvre offre une première expression de son esthétique de maturité dont elle éclaire aussi les fondements métaphysiques. L'expérience de la Première Guerre mondiale, analysée dans le troisième chapitre, conduit Hofmannsthal à élargir le champ de ses réflexions. Son œuvre dramatique devient l'illustration des principes éthiques devant régler les échanges entre les membres d'une même société ainsi qu'entre les peuples d'Europe. Le Grand Théâtre du monde à Salzbourg, dont l'examen occupe le quatrième chapitre, pose les linéaments d'une éthique sociale inspirée des principes de la doctrine sociale de l’Église. La tragédie La Tour, qui est analysée dans le cinquième chapitre, esquisse quant à elle une éthique de l'action politique. Son but est de contribuer au maintien de la paix en Europe tout en aidant les peuples à s'élever à un degré supérieur d'humanité. / This thesis aims at highlighting the ethical, metaphysical and aesthetic questions that arise in the mature works of the Austrian author Hugo von Hofmannsthal. After having dealt with Hofmannsthal's original dilemma between opposing conceptions of the world and of his own existence, this work considers the two versions of The Woman without a Shadow. This opus is the first expression at maturity of his aesthetic whose underlying metaphysical foundation it enlightens.The experience of First World War, subject of our third chapter, compelled Hofmannsthal to widen the scope of his thoughts. His later plays illustrate which ethical conducts should rule individuals in a given society as well as between the peoples in Europe. The Salzburg Great World Theaterwhich is the focus of our fourth chapter, sets the pattern of his social ethics inspired by the principles of the social doctrine of the Church. As for The Tower, a tragedy which we will deeply analyse in our fifth chapter, it sketches his ethics for political action. The purpose of this play is indeed to advocate peace in Europe while helping nations to achieve higher standard of Humanity.

Nous proposons dans cette thèse une étude des phénomènes politiques dans la réserve mohawk de Kahnawake au Canada. Nous fondons notre interrogation sur des données croisées du symbolique et de la praxis, du perçu/vécu et des dimensions pragmatiques étayées par différents aspects de la culture matérielle. Ce projet d'anthropologie politique, qui fait des ontologies, des phénomènes de subjectivation et des pratiques les axes principaux de recherche, nous invite à investir autant les cadres normatifs et idéels que les dynamiques structurelles qui animent la communauté et ces différentes institutions. Nous souhaitions nous détacher des études qui se fondent sur des paradigmes construits à partir d'une dyade antagoniste tradition/modernité, authenticité/rupture, etc. De même, nous avons rompu avec des travaux qui pointent essentiellement les aspects fonctionnels du politique et des institutions. En serrant au plus près ce vaste ensemble, qui embrasse une variété de champs, nous postulons l'existence d'une mécanique sociale, politique et spirituelle cohérente capable d'épouser les courbes irrégulières de la vie de cette population, marquée par des angles aigus qu'ont dessiné la colonisation et ses conséquences. / In this thesis, we propose a study of political phenomena in the mohawk reservation of Kahnawake in Canada. We base our interrogation on data crossed between symbolism and praxis, the perceived and the experienced and the pragmatic dimensions supported by different aspects of material culture. This project of political anthropology which makes ontologies, subjectification phenomena and practices the central theme of its research, invites us to invest normative and ideational frameworks as much as the structural dynamics that animate the community and its different institutions. We wish to detach ourselves from studies that base themselves on paradigms built from such antagonistic dyads as tradition/modernity, authenticity/rupture, etc. Furthermore, we have broken off from works that essentially point to the functional aspects of the political and the institutional. In closely tightening up this vast ensemble that embraces a variety of fields, we postulate the existence of a coherent social, political and spiritual mechanism, able to espouse the irregular curves of this population’s life, marked by the sharp angles drawn by colonization and its consequences.

[pt] O objetivo desta dissertação de Mestrado é analisar o processo de reformulação da identidade coletiva do Reino Unido no governo de Tony Blair, em função de sua participação na Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa da União Européia, com base em conceitos desenvolvidos pela teoria construtivista de Relações Internacionais. As mudanças ocorridas no esquema de segurança e defesa europeu receberam um grande ímpeto por parte do Reino Unido, que, tradicionalmente, tem se caracterizado por uma política reticiente no que diz respeito a cooperação em questões de segurança e defesa. Argumenta-se que o novo enfoque da política britânica com relação à Política Européia de Segurança e Defesa, a partir de 1998, insere-se num processo de redefinição da identidade coletiva com relação a União Européia, apos o Reino Unido ter sido relegado ao segundo plano no que se refere a questões de uniao política européia. / [en] The aim of this dissertation is to analize the process of identity reformulation of the United Kingdom under Tony Blair through its participation in the European Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. This analysis is based on constructivism litterature. The changes that had taken place in the european security and defence field were, to a certain degree, the result of a british attitude, which has traditionally been characterized as sceptical in these areas. The argument is that this new british approch is part of a deeper process of colletive identity reformulation.

Cette étude se penche sur la façon dont le pouvoir politique se est imaginé et imagée dans le centre-ville de Nairobi. Il examine comment l'environnement bâti de la ville a transformé l'ubiquité en place-de-appartenance. Construit culture est considérée comme un outil (mais non exclusif) pour forger une relation entre la société et un contexte spatial donné; un support pour la société de «personnaliser» son espace. L'accent est mis bâtiments emblématiques situées dans l'espace central, public et symbolique et est en outre délimitée à leur style architectural. L'autorité politique, mais pas singulièrement responsables de l'identité collective, a été choisi comme point de départ, car sa contribution est décisive. Par conséquent, il est aussi un produit de la performance politique Nairobi est interrogé. Une exploration des connotations et les nuances des styles utilisés pour ériger ses bâtiments emblématiques possibles sont esquissées. Gouvernement colonial de Nairobi utilisé un style néo-classique. Kenyatta, le premier président indigène, se est éloigné de cette tradition néo-classique. Sa préférence était une déclaration stylisée-africaine. Et, en plus de choisir un style différent, il réorienté la dynamique spatiale dans City Square ainsi ré-articuler son identité. Pour un examen plus complet de Nairobi, elle est comparée à Dar es-Salaam (la capitale commerciale de la Tanzanie) voisin. Dar es Salaam dispose d'une plus grande variété dans les styles architecturaux: arabo-swahili, classique européenne avec des fonctionnalités omanais-arabes et les Sarrasins compositions décoratives. Pendant ce temps, la variété architecturale à Nairobi coloniale, où les Britanniques avaient plus de six décennies undisturbed- pour élaborer leur image, est carrément néo-classique. Présenté avec plus (ou moins) polarisée images coloniales, les présidents autochtones du Kenya et de la Tanzanie ont réagi différemment. L'image postcoloniale de Nairobi est ouvertement «africaine» peut-être une réponse au classicisme néo aussi manifeste des coloniaux. Dar es Salaam, d'autre part, est dépourvu de stridente de va-et-vient dans ses discours stylistiques. En conclusion, il semble que le plus fougueux du concours sous-jacente de posséder une ville, plus articuler son image spatiale; plus contesté un espace a été, le plus spectaculaire de l'image qu'il porte. Nairobi a connu un concours de propriété plus intense par rapport à Dar es-Salaam. Une concurrence intense nécessite un style architectural décisive tout pluralisme stylistique prospère où le concours est moins intense. Cela peut ne pas se applique à toutes les villes en Afrique, mais ce est la vue en gros plan, l'identité imagé dans l'espace central de Nairobi. / This study looks at how political power has imagined-and-imaged itself in Nairobi’s city centre. It examines how the city’s built environment has transformed ubiquity into place-of-belonging. Built culture is considered as a tool (though not an exclusive one) for forging a relation between society and a given spatial context; a medium for society to ‘personalise’ its space. The focus is iconic buildings sited in the central, public and symbolic space and is further delimited to their architectural style. Political authority, though not singularly responsible for collective identity, has been selected as the point of departure because its contribution is decisive. Therefore, it is as a product of political performance that Nairobi is interrogated. An exploration of possible connotations and nuances of the styles employed to erect its iconic buildings are sketched out. Nairobi’s colonial government used a neo classical style. Kenyatta, the first indigenous president, distanced himself from this neo-classical tradition. His preference was a stylised-African statement. And, in addition to selecting a different style he re-oriented the spatial dynamics in City Square thus re-articulating its identity. For a fuller scrutiny of Nairobi, it is compared to neighbouring Dar es Salaam (the commercial capital of Tanzania). Dar es Salaam features greater variety in architectural styles: Arab-Swahili, European classical with Omani-Arab features and the decorative saracenic compositions. Meanwhile, architectural variety in colonial Nairobi, where the British had over six decades–undisturbed– to craft their image, is bluntly neo-classical. Presented with more (or less) polarised colonial images, the indigenous presidents of Kenya and Tanzania reacted differently. Nairobi’s postcolonial image is overtly ‘african’ perhaps as a response to the equally overt neo classicism of the colonials. Dar es Salaam, on the other hand, is devoid of strident back-and-forth in its stylistic discourses. In conclusion, it appears the more spirited the underlying contest to own a city, the more articulate its spatial image; the more contested a space has been, the more spectacular the image it bears. Nairobi has experienced a more intense ownership contest compared to Dar es Salaam. Intense competition necessitates a decisive architectural style while stylistic pluralism thrives where the contest is less intense. This may not apply to all the cities in Africa but it is the close-up view, the imaged identity in Nairobi’s central space.

No description available.

This project investigates Russian nationalist organisations during the invasion of Ukraine, to study their collective identity and practises. It features an ethnography of 26 organisations, their websites and social media. Their content is coded via a semiotic framework, categorising their symbols, images, content posted and other identity tropes. It is then analysed by applying political, sociological and communication theories. The study’s background is the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, with its dynamics of war and cultural struggle. The results are that Russian collective identities simplified their communication already by the end of March 2022, abandoning many of the tropes they initially supported, as well as their symbols, limiting themselves to attribute the label of Nazism to Ukraine and its government, avoiding the promotion of frontline volunteer activities and considering Russia’s struggle as global. Finally, most continued to evaluate the invasion of Ukraine as proceeding positively, and at the time half the organisations referred to it as special military operation.

No description available.

Den breda mitten, eller bara mitten, är ett centralt begrepp i Centerpartiets identitet. Trots detta är Centerpartiets sakpolitik inte särskilt positionerad i ”mitten”. Partiet är snarare det mest högerlutande partiet av samtliga riksdagspartier vad gäller ekonomiska frågor. Samtidigt är själva idén med den breda mitten att etablera ett bredare samarbete över blockgränser men exkludera Vänsterpartiet och Sverigedemokraterna på grund av deras respektive ytterkantsposition. Rent sakpolitiskt är den breda mitten en gåta. Medan fenomenet inte tillåter sig att begripas speciellt väl ur ett sakpolitiskt perspektiv, argumenterar föreliggande uppsats för att det bättre kan förstås utifrån dess symboliska betydelse. Den breda mitten undersöks således som en instans av sekulär religion. Genom intervjuer med Centerpartister kartläggs ett religiöst meningssystem som grundas på; (1) ett heligt ideal om en icke-extrem politisk karaktär i form av mitten; (2) en moralisk gemenskap som sluter upp kring idealet och försvarar det från all form av upplevd extremism, men som är mer intresserad av sitt förakt för Sverigedemokraterna och (3) upplevelser av hur ritualer kring motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna och självuppoffring för idealet erbjuder frälsning från synden att kunna associeras med Sverigedemokraterna via högeridentiteten. Religionens funktion tolkas vara att reglera diskrepansen mellan partiets identitet och praktik genom ritualer och moraliska argument som triumferar över sakliga problem med motstånd mot Sverigedemokraterna som den övertygande mekanismen. Mitten identifieras vidare som den perfekta täckmanteln för en förlorad högeridentitet och för de framgångar som motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna bringar partiet, då motstånd mot båda ytterkantspartierna gör att Centerpartiet kan hävda sig som mitten och därigenom attrahera den större grupp väljare som finns där. Motståndet mot Sverigedemokraterna tolkas i sin tur som den grundläggande drivkraften bakom fenomenet den breda mitten, en drivkraft som inte bara bygger på framgångar i termer av en ökad väljarbas utan också på en upplevd välvilja, en dold förhoppning om en alternativ och självständig högergemenskap men även på en möjlighet för Centerpartiet att göra upp med sin egen historia av främlingsfientlighet. / The broad middle, or just the middle, is a central concept in the identity of The Centre Party in Sweden. Despite this, the politics of The Centre Party is not particularly positioned in “the middle”. Rather, The Centre Party is the most right-leaning party of all the parliamentary parties when it comes to economic issues. Simultaneously, the very idea behind the broad middle is to establish wider cooperation across block boundaries but exclude the parliamentary parties The Left Party and The Sweden Democrats due to their respective outer edge position. As a matter of concrete policy, the broad middle is an enigma. While the phenomenon does not allow itself to be understood particularly well from a concrete political perspective, the present thesis argues that it can be better understood based on its symbolic meaning. The broad middle is thus analysed as an instance of secular religion. Through interviews with members of The Centre Party, a religious meaning system is mapped which is based on; (1) a sacred ideal of a non-extreme political character in the form of the middle; (2) a moral community that defends the ideal by protecting it from all sorts of experienced extremism, but whose interest lies more in its contempt for The Sweden Democrats and (3) experiences of how rituals surrounding the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats and self-sacrifice for the ideal offers salvation from the sin of being associated with The Sweden Democrats trough a Right-wing identity. The function of the religion is interpreted as regulating the discrepancy between The Centre Party’s identity and practise through rituals and moral arguments that triumphs over factual problems with the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats as the convincing mechanism. The middle is further identified as the perfect cover for a lost Right-wing identity and for the successes that the antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats brings the party, since opposition to both the outer-edge parties allows The Centre Party to assert itself as the middle and thus attract the larger group of voters who are located there. The antagonism towards The Sweden Democrats is in turn identified as the primal driving force behind the phenomenon the broad middle, a driving force that is not only based on successes in term of increased voters but also on an experienced benevolence, a hidden hope for an alternative and independent Right-wing community as well as on an opportunity for redemption with The Centre Party’s own history of xenophobia.

„Weshalb gibt es keine NATO in Südostasien?“ – mit dieser Frage wird darauf verwiesen, dass die USA mit dem Beginn des Kalten Krieges auf dem amerikanischen Kontinent, in Europa, im Südpazifik, in Südostasien und im Mittleren Osten sicherheitspolitische Bündnisse etablierten, dass diese jedoch im Hinblick auf ihre Reichweite und bindende Kraft, ihre strukturelle Ausgestaltung und vor allem die im Bündnisvertrag eingegangenen Verpflichtungen gegenüber den Bündnispartnern höchst unterschiedlich waren. Während die USA im Rahmen des Nordatlantikpaktes (NATO) und des Vertrags über die Organisation der Amerikanischen Staaten (OAS) bereit waren, weitgehende Verpflichtungen einzugehen, war ihre Einbindung im pazifischen Raum im Bündnis mit Australien und Neuseeland (ANZUS) bzw. in Südostasien (SEATO) weit weniger verbindlich. Dem Bagdad-Pakt im Mittleren Osten, den sie zwar mitinitiierten, traten sie schließlich formal nicht bei. Innerhalb dieser Arbeit wird nachgewiesen, dass die bisherigen Allianztheorien diese unterschiedliche Politikkonzeption nicht erfassen können, da sie kulturelle Faktoren zu wenig berücksichtigen. Desweiteren wird aufgezeigt, dass die US-Allianzpolitik nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg von eben solchen kulturellen Faktoren wesentlich geprägt wurden, wobei insbesondere der Einfluss einer kollektiven Identität basierend auf Vorstellungen einer Überlegenheit der weißen Rasse, dem „White-supremacy-thinking“, in den Vordergrund gestellt wird. / „Why is there no NATO in South East Asia?“ – this question leads to an interesting observation. With begin of the Cold War, the United States were eager to build a chain of various alliance systems in the different region of the world. Their basic intention for developing this policy strategy was on the one hand to contain a further expansion of the communist block under leadership of the Soviet Union and on the other hand to bind the participating nations closer to themselves. In this way, in not even a decade there came into existence the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization of American States (OAS), the Australien-New Zealand-United States Pact (ANZUS), the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Baghdad-Pact. But it is remakrable that although all these alliances were founded by the United States with similar intentions, their institutional design, their scope and the treaties itself differed a lot. While the United States, for example, were willing to enter into broad commitments within the NATO, they were much more hesitant to do the same within the SEATO. This work argues that traditional theories concerning alliances are not able to explain these different approaches because they neglect cultural factors as important variable. It is shown that cultural considerations played a preeminent role in the decision making process in the United States and that these cultural considerations were still heavily based on racially stereotypical thinking and the belief on „White Supremacy“.