The aim of this study is to examine visibly racialized social workers' experiences of encountering racism at work; with clients, colleagues, and managers. Furthermore, the aim is to examine how racism is responded to and handled by colleagues and managers. Seven semi-structured interviews were conducted with visibly racialized social workers. The interviews were analyzed using a thematic analysis mainly based on the theoretical concepts; everyday racism, color-blind racism, and whiteness. Research findings showed that all interviewees have experienced racism in various forms, both overt and covert, from clients, colleagues, and managers. The experiences of racism varied in both expression and extent. This seemed to be partly due to how the interviewees were racialized by other people, and partly due to the extent of ethnic diversity in the interviewees' workplaces; both concerning the geographical area and the employees. Furthermore, findings showed varying responses to racist incidents from colleagues and managers with either an unfavorable or favorable significance for the interviewees. Greater awareness and knowledge are needed in social work organizations regarding how racism works, its extent, and the impact on visibly racialized people as well as a more active anti-racist approach which also includes covert and subtle expressions of racism.

This bachelor’s thesis is an effort to understand how black women in Sweden experience 'race' and racism in everyday life. The theoretical framework includes a postcolonial theory from Sara Ahmed, with the concept of 'race' as a key element. Additional to that, Judith Butler’s gender performativity theory contributes to a broader understanding of the informants’ situation. The material consisting of interviews with four young black women implies that everyday racism is present in Swedish society to that extent that 'race' is a major aspect of these women’s life. In everyday encounters with the white majority of the society, they often feel different, marginalized, objectified and exotified. Furthermore, the informants experience that their skin color and phenotypic markers are a magnet for white people’s fetish and fantasies, but also an obstacle to obtain legitimacy in interactions with them. To those reasons, the informants are considering migrating to a country where black people are forming a larger minority in society than it is the case in Sweden. That opens up the possibility to interact with more black people who have similar experiences of being exposed to everyday racism.

[pt] A presente dissertação tem como objetivo produzir um ensaio que problematize as representações da história escravista e colonial brasileira e as violências fixadas pelo racismo em manifestações artísticas contemporâneas. Para ler tais questões analiso o livro Memórias da Plantação: episódios de racismo cotidiano (2019), da artista multidisciplinar portuguesa Grada Kilomba e o filme de ficção Vazante (2017), dirigido pela cineasta brasileira Daniela Thomas, em diálogo com o evento de sua recepção e repercussão crítica na mídia brasileira. A partir destas duas obras que partem de diferentes perspectivas, abordagens e temporalidades, a pesquisa procura refletir sobre como as cicatrizes da violência escravista e colonial são performadas na contemporaneidade e como as noções de lugar de escuta/lugar de fala, letramento racial e fragilidade branca têm sido ativadas no vocabulário contemporâneo para se pensar racialidade e privilégio branco. / [en] This dissertation aims to produce an essay that problematizes the representations of the colonialism and slavery times of brazilian history and the violence fixed by racism in contemporary artistic works. To read such questions, I analyze the book Plantation memories: episodes of everyday racism (2019[2008]), by the portuguese multidisciplinary artist Grada Kilomba and the fiction feature film Vazante (2017), directed by the brazilian filmmaker Daniela Thomas, in dialogue with the event of its reception and critical repercussion in the brazilian media. From these two works that start from different perspectives, approaches and temporalities, the research seeks to reflect on how the scars of colonial and slave violence are performed in contemporary times and how the notions of place of listening / place of speech, racial literacy and white fragility have been activated and transformed in contemporary vocabulary to think about raciality and white privilege.

The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

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People who are racialized in Sweden as ‘Asian’—a panethnic category—come from different countries or ethnic backgrounds and yet, often face similar, gender-specific forms of discrimination which have a significant impact on their whole lives. This thesis centres women who are racialized as 'Asian', focusing on how their racialization affects, and is shaped by, their social, professional and intimate relationships, and their interactions with others—in particular, with white majority Swedes, but also other ethnic minorities. Against a broader context encompassing discourses concerning ‘Asians’ within Swedish media, art and culture, Swedish ‘non-racist’ exceptionalism and gender equality politics, the narratives of nine women are analysed through the lenses of the racializing processes of visuality and coercive mimeticism, and epistemic injustice.

The aim of this study is to describe and explain how five women with a non-European background find the expression of everyday racism in today’s Swedish society, how everyday racism can affect their mental health and how they experience that the Swedish majority population handle and respond to everyday racism. The study is qualitative and was made with semi-structured interviews. The theories used are the theory of everyday racism, "we" and "the Others" and Goffman’s stigma. The results indicate that everyday racism is manifested through the population's ignorance and silence, comments, prejudices and stereotypes and is mainly expressed in arenas where there are many people at the same time. According to the women, the school and the labor market are the two most common arenas for the expression of everyday racism. They witness that the Swedish majority population rarely deal with the occurrence of everyday racism. Their mental health is negatively affected by everyday racism and can lower the individual's self-esteem. The study’s three theories that include everyday racism, “we” and “the Others” and stigma can be applied to the women's stories about their experiences and feelings about everyday racism in the Swedish society.