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Is Xi Jinping’s anticorruption campaign genuinely fighting corruption, or does it serve to expand Xi’s power? This “hunt for tigers and flies” is second to none in the history of the Communist Party of China. In the first 29 months of Xi’s tenure, 104 “tigers” – corrupt cadres at or above vice-provincial/ministerial level – have been confirmed of being brought down in the campaign, including 4 national leaders. It is Xi’s first sweep of his new broom and tells a story more than anticorruption itself. This thesis studies the early stage of Xi’s campaign against corruption from November 2012 to March 2015 from quantitative and network perspectives and illustrates the political dynamics that drive anticorruption in a period when the new autocrat consolidates his power. First, the thesis examines the temporal and geographical/functional distribution of tigers and concludes that it is a thorough campaign fueled by the autocrat’s increase of power. The process of Xi Jinping’s consolidating power pushes through anticorruption. Second, analysis of the tiger succession shows that Xi Jinping does not often apply outsider succession to fill the vacancies by his own loyalists. It suggests that the anticorruption campaign does not directly expand his power by personnel appointment. Third, this thesis draws a colleague network of the fallen tigers and uses centrality measurement to identify factional structure in the sociogram. Network analysis helps find out whether Xi Jinping takes advantage of the tiger hunt to strike down his enemies and, if he does, who he targets at. It turns out that there are factional groups that Xi cracks down, and the purge creates a favorable climate for Xi’s transcendence from a first-among-equals leader in power-sharing arrangements to an unchallengeable autocrat.

何謂現當代中國之民族主義? 此種民族主義如何想像出「中華民族」這個共同體? 中國民族主義之話語是否在習近平擔任中共中央總書記以來有所變化? 本論文試圖通過有關民族主義之理論, 中國研究文獻與中國民族主義話語之分析來探討以上幾個問題. 方法論上, 本論文提供兩種二分法: 其一為民族主義話語「公民–領土」與「族裔–文化」之不同內容, 其二為民族主義「尋求建立政體」與「維護既有政體」之不同方向. 本作者適用此兩種二分法來重新解釋幾代中國政治領導層之人物所講出來的民族主義話語之內容與方向. 因此, 此篇論文將打造理論, 敘述與「社會現實」之間的對話來闡明中國政治至關重要方面之一 : 即「中華民族」持續不斷的再定義. 了解到現當代中國民族主義之內容與方向在很大程度上有助於我們對中國人民共和國政治之認識, 更能夠讓我們進一步地理解在「大中華」所存在的政治與社會問題之一. 不僅如此, 本論文所體現之學習方式具有延伸性, 而因此能夠適用在其他個案上, 使民族主義學之文獻變得更為一致. / What kind of nationalism exists in contemporary China, and how does that nationalism imagine the Chinese nation? Has the rhetoric of nationalism in mainland China changed since the ascent of Xi Jinping to the position of General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP)? This thesis seeks to address these questions by analyzing theories of nations and nationalisms, secondary literature on Chinese nationalism, and a volume of primary sources representative of Chinese nationalist discourse with an emphasis on the Xi Jinping era. Methodologically, this study presents a dichotomy of nations as either ethno-cultural or civic-territorial in content and nationalisms as either polity-seeking (state-seeking and revisionist) or polity-based (nationalizing and status-quo reinforcing) in orientation. These distinctions are then applied to reinterpret the content and orientation of official nationalism across generations of Chinese political leadership. This study therefore generates a dialogue between theories, narratives, and “social realities” that illuminates a critical aspect of Chinese politics: the ongoing redefinition of “China” as a nation. Discovering the nature of Chinese nationalism in this context is crucial not only for an understanding of politics in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), but indeed for greater clarity on a key social and political issue throughout “Greater China.” Furthermore, the approach embodied herein can be applied to other cases to bring greater consistency to the literature of nationalism studies.

Denna undersökning kommer analysera Kinas handelspolitiska strategier med finanskrisen och handelskriget som tidpunkt samt även påpeka hur dess strategier förändrades underrespektive tillfälle. Undersökningen redogör för vilka likheter och skillnader det finns i handelspolitiken mellan perioderna med syfte att förklara förändringen i handelspolitiska preferenser. Den handelspolitiska förändringen som Kina genomgick mellan perioderna är viktig att undersöka då Kina fortsatt växer sig starka på den globala marknaden. Metoden i studien utgörs av en teorikonsumerande fallstudie där rational actor model används för att undersöka och förklara den rationella aktörens beslutsfattande i respektive situation. Spelteori används som en komplimenterande teori för att förklara Kinas vägval under handelskriget. Slutsatsen i undersökningen är att Kinas främsta mål och rationella val i krissituationer är att främja sin egen ekonomiska tillväxt oavsett vilka långsiktiga konsekvenserna detta kan innebära. Mot den bakgrunden återfinns även den främsta skillnaden mellan kriserna som var hanteringen av protektionism. Kina förebyggde mycket protektionism under finanskrisen men utövade det själva under handelskriget. Förändringen av agerandet mellan kriserna berodde likaväl på USA som på Kina och kan förklaras som det mest rationella valet för Kina för att främja sitt främsta mål med handelspolitiken, ekonomisk tillväxt. Förändringen förklaras som en tillfällig avvikelse från deras handelspolitik givet att det var det mest rationella beslutet givet omständigheterna och rådande situation.

捷克共和國（簡稱捷克）自建國以來，與中華人民共和國（簡稱中國）維持著正式的外交關係。2004年，捷克加入歐盟後，兩國關係更快速進展，乃因中國視捷克為策略夥伴。 為了最佳檢視捷中關係，本論文採用新自由主義當作研究方法，從國際政經的角度來探討，而非從國際安全的角度。 本論文檢視了現任總統執政期間，捷克為深化與中國合作所採取的各種措施。捷克總統曾積極地推動捷中經濟往來以及吸引中國各種可能的投資。除了經濟合作之外，捷中兩國擁有正向的政治關係。捷克政府改變了對中國既有的態度，從“因違反人權而譴責中國以及對捷中進一步合作興趣缺缺”的負面態度大幅度轉變成致力於“維持捷中良好關係、避開敏感話題以及發展實質的合作”的正面態度。本論文藉檢視捷中已簽訂的協議以及捷克官員的言論來探討政治面的議題。此外，也利用其中一個章節來探討捷克與台灣間的非正式關係，以及此一關係如何影響捷中關係。 在歐洲的中部與西部地區當中，捷克並非是中國唯一有興趣往來的國家，本論文透過維謝格拉德集團（Visegrád group）等四國與中國關係的比較來探討中國是否給予捷克任何較為特殊的待遇。 / Since its establishment, the Czech Republic has had an official relationship with the People’s Republic of China. The mutual relationship has been evolving in recent years, however notably from the year 2004 when the Czech Republic join the European Union, which made her a strategic partner in China’s eyes. To provide the best examination of Czech-China relations, I use neoliberalism as a theoretical approach. I apply neoliberalism from an international political economy perspective rather than international security. During the current Presidency period we can examine steps that have been made by the Czech Republic to deepen cooperation with China. The Czech president has been actively involved, especially in economic engagement with China and in attracting possible investment. Besides economic cooperation, these two countries have had a positive political relationship. The Czech government has changed the unofficial approach from 'blaming China for violating human rights and lack of interest in further cooperation especially from the Czech side' into a focus on 'keeping good relations, avoiding sensitive topics, and aiming at developing solid cooperation'. This signals a dramatic change in focus for the Czech Republic. The political section of this research provides the examination of agreements and statements of government officials. One chapter of this section is devoted to unofficial relations between the Czech Republic and Taiwan and how it influences Czech-China relations. The Czech Republic is not the only country in the region of Central and Eastern Europe China is interested in. Comparing the Czech Republic to other Visegrád group (V4) countries leads us to a question as to whether China provides any special treatment to the Czech Republic, therefore an analysis of V4 countries-China relations is also shown in this research.

中共認為體制編制變革，既是武裝力量管理方法及作戰力量體系編組思路的體現，也是提升軍隊戰鬥力，引導軍隊現代化發展的重要措施，特別是習近平在中共十八大會後，藉反貪名義積極進行整風運動，改革已確定是習近平政權的重要施政目標，2015年9月，習近平於閱兵時公開宣布將裁軍30萬，更讓外界增添許多想像空間，在2016年裡逐步落實四總部的重整，軍委機關改制，二砲部隊改為火箭軍，及新成立戰略支援部隊，撤銷七大軍區，改設立五大戰區，完成推動領導指揮體制、優化結構規模力量編成與強化軍事訓練等，勢必對解放軍的體制與發展造成相當的影響。 中共歷任領導人都將掌握軍權視為權力穩固的基礎，上任之後安排信任者或同一派系擔任重要領導角色。本研究嘗試從中共中央軍委直轄體系與軍隊的變化，探討戰區改革現況，及軍事法治改革之意圖與目標，並從中分析改革對軍文職關係之影響。 / PLA thought that the change of armed forced‘structure and organization’is a good way to show the management and combat force system as well as the measure for power enhancement and leading the development of modernization, especially after the 1th CPC National Congress,‘reformation’has been determined to be an important policy objective of regime of Xi Jinping. Particularly in September of 2015, Xi Jinping announced at the parade that they will disarm 300,000 people, and leave a lot of imagination to outside world. And in 2016, it was gradually implemented in reforming of the four general departments, restructured the Central Military Commission, and reorganized the Second Artillery to the Rocket Forces and the new established strategic support units. The announcement of cancelling seven military regions to establish five war regions at same level. Already completed the leadership system change, forces and structure reform and improve the combat training , which is bound to cause a considerable impact. Xi’s predecessors regarded securing military power as a basis for a stable authority. Therefore, they usually assigned major positions to people they trusted or from the same factions. This study attempts to discuss the change of the PLA Central Military Commission to the variation of the governance system to military, as well as practices of joint operations while seven MR integrate into war regions. And the intentions and objectives of military rule of law reform. And analyzes the influence of reform on military relations.

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