L’impartialité constitue une condition et un élément essentiels du concept de justice ; mais en quoi consiste-t-elle précisément ? Les théories de justice contemporaines tendent à l’aborder en termes strictement politiques, en laissant de côté ou en limitant ses aspects épistémologiques et moraux. Ce travail se propose d’exposer, d’analyser et de discuter de manière critique la manière dont Thomas Nagel aborde à nouveaux frais, à partir de sa thèse du conflit des perspectives, l’idée d’impartialité en termes à la fois épistémologiques, moraux et politiques. L’impartialité est en effet d’abord une affaire de jugement objectif et rationnel ; mais un tel jugement doit aussi tenir compte de la division des points de vue personnels et impersonnels en nous, ainsi que du pluralisme des raisons et des valeurs qu’elle engendre. Le concept d’impartialité requiert alors un examen attentif de cette division des perspectives, et des types ou degrés d’objectivité qui seraient possibles dans les débats tant moraux que politiques. Peut-on dégager des critères, des conditions, une méthode de l’impartialité ? Comment la garantir, au niveau moral mais aussi en termes politiques et distributifs ? Et quels principes, raisons ou valeurs une justice pleinement impartiale peut-elle avancer et promouvoir de manière cohérente et légitime ? À travers notre examen des thèses, originales et hybrides, de Thomas Nagel, nous défendons la nécessité de remonter à ces conditions et questions fondamentales afin d’élaborer une conception satisfaisante et réaliste de la justice impartiale. Une telle conception prend avec Nagel un visage libéral, démocratique, pluraliste et fortement égalitarien, qui est certes proche des théorisations de Rawls ou Scanlon, mais est façonné à partir de thèses originales et hybrides offrant des alternatives novatrices. Ces thèses, affinées et modifiées par Nagel au cours des années et souvent non encore traduites en français, n’avaient encore pas fait l’objet d’une étude francophone et spécialisée dans les débats contemporains autour des théorisations de la justice. Dans notre travail, nous en analysons les facettes épistémologiques, métaéthiques, éthiques, politiques et économiques, en mettant en perspective les conceptions de Nagel par rapport à celles des penseurs modernes et contemporains dont il se démarque, et en dégageant la manière dont ces thèses se combinent, se complètent, se limitent respectivement aussi parfois. À partir de l’analyse de ces différentes thèses, nous avançons des éléments de discussion critique et des prolongements du concept d’impartialité qui en résulte, ainsi que du type de justice sociale – libérale, pluraliste, fortement égalitarienne – qu’il porte. Nous défendons la perspective réaliste et rationaliste de Nagel, son refus de toute forme d’utopie et sa conception plurielle, hybride mais exigeante de l’impartialité, tout en prenant au sérieux les difficultés que ces thèses soulèvent et les points de blocage auxquels Nagel se heurte. Mais nous considérons que ces difficultés peuvent trouver, dans les options envisagées par Nagel et dans les éléments de critique que nous avançons dans notre thèse, des solutions ou du moins des pistes de résolution qui constituent autant de perspectives stimulantes pour prolonger l’effort philosophique au sujet de la justice, de l’impartialité et de l’équité, dans et pour le monde d’aujourd’hui. / Impartiality is an essential condition and element of the concept of justice. But what exactly is impartiality in itself? Contemporary theories of justice tend to approach it in strictly political terms, and to leave aside or to limit its epistemological and moral aspects. This work offers to expose, analyse and critically discuss the way Thomas Nagel, from his conception of the conflict of perspectives, renews the approach to the idea of impartiality in epistemological, moral and political terms. Indeed impartiality is first a matter of objective and rational judgment; but such a judgement must also take into account the division of personal and impersonal points of view within us, as well as the pluralism of reasons and values it creates. The concept of impartiality then requires a scrutiny of this division of perspectives, and of the types or degrees of objectivity that could be possible in both moral and political debates. Can we determine impartiality’s criteria, conditions or method? How are we to guarantee it, morally but also politically and distributively? Which principles, reasons or values can a fully impartial justice consistently and legitimately advance or promote? Through our examination of Thomas Nagel’s original and hybrid conceptions, we defend the necessity of going back to these fundamental conditions and questions in order to elaborate a satisfying and realistic conception of impartial justice. Such a conception takes in Nagel’s approach a liberal, democratic, pluralistic and strongly egalitarian shape. It is surely close to Rawls’ or Scanlon’s theorizations of justice, but it is based on original and hybrid theses that offer innovative alternatives. These theses, which Nagel refined and modified over years and which, for most of them, have not yet been translated into French, had not until then been studied in France with a specialized focus on contemporary debates around theories of justice. In our work, we analyse their epistemological, metaethical, ethical, political and economic aspects, while putting into perspective Nagel’s conceptions in relation to those of modern and contemporary thinkers whom he stands out. We also show and explain how his theses combine, complete but also sometimes limit each other. With this analyse, we offer elements of critical discussion and possible extensions of the concept impartiality hence built, as well as of the type of social justice – liberal, pluralist, strongly egalitarian – that it carries. We defend the realist and rationalist perspective of Nagel, his refusal of any form of utopia and his plural, hybrid but demanding conception of impartiality. We also take seriously the difficulties his theses raise and the blockings Nagel faces. But we consider that these difficulties can find, in the options he explores and in the critical elements we suggest in our dissertation, solutions or at least possible resolutions that constitute as many stimulating perspectives to pursue the philosophical effort about justice, impartiality and equity, within and for our actual world.

本論文欲陳述現象學經驗的產生來由，因此首當從經驗的實質意涵入手，藉由經驗意向本質的揭露來指陳其發生原因。所以，相關於經驗是什麼，我們也就進一步探討經驗和被經驗所掌握的對象間之關係。於是我們問，這是一種「實在」關係，一一對應的關係嗎，還是可以被經驗豐富詮釋的關係？是一種基礎論的知識類型？若是，什麼意義下的基礎論，若否，又是側重什麼問題意識呢？心理活動和被經驗對象之間的關係為何？經驗如何客觀地掌握對象，對象在哪裡被掌握，知識是什麼？是心理經驗法則的結果嗎，這會造成什麼樣的認識論困局呢？相較於分析哲學從語言分析的途徑入手來解釋客觀知識如何獲得的問題，胡賽爾又如何從現象之為現象的分析描述中來揭露我們和世界之間所發生的種種事端呢？這些問題在本論文將有進一步說明。

The overall aim of this dissertation is to discuss the scope as well as the limits of sociological theory. This project is undertaken with the help of Søren Kierkegaard and his unique interpretation of human existence. Taking as its point of departure the existential reality of the single individual (den Enkelte), this study also addresses the fundamental question posed by Georg Simmel, “How is society possible?” It is argued that an answer to this question needs to take into account the existential concepts of choice, authenticity, subjectivity, anxiety, faith, and responsibility.  The strategy – and the implicit method – of this study is to start out from the single individual and gradually move towards society, culture and history. After addressing some theories of everyday life, such as social phenomenology and dramaturgical theory, the investigation moves on to the central sociological problem of how to construct a synthetic theory of the relation between man and society. The final theory to be discussed is the social theory of Jean-Paul Sartre, which can be seen as a reformulation and modification of the Kierkegaardian perspective, now set in dialectical relation to society and history. The main argument of the thesis is that the message that can be found in Kierkegaard’s writings represents both a reminder and a challenge to every sociological project which seeks to achieve a synthesis between individual existence and social reality. Sociological theories can neither account for the existence of the single individual in an exhaustive manner, nor fully integrate this existence into some social system. It is impossible to reduce the existence of individuals to some socially and culturally given lifeworld, because authentic faith and infinite passion constitute an inner experience that is largely hidden from the sociologist observer. A sociological incompleteness theorem is proposed, which states that sociological theories are simply incapable of dealing with certain aspects of human existence. These aspects are, from an ontological point of view, unsettled and not social in nature. This theorem can also be expressed so that there exists a blind spot in every sociological theory that tries to account systematically for the single individual. By focussing attention on the existential tension between choice and inner experience, the sociologist can however push the limits for what can be accomplished with the help of sociological theory.

Ce mémoire porte sur l’articulation de la morale en droit. Il soulève la question de l’objectivité de la morale dans la théorie du droit de Ronald Dworkin. Celui-ci doit pouvoir établir les critères de justification de la morale pour asseoir son autorité en droit. Il conteste la validité de la règle de reconnaissance de Hart qui exclue la morale comme source et comme justification inhérente au droit. Dans son dernier livre, Justice for Hedgehogs (2011), Dworkin présente sa thèse de l’unité de valeur entre le droit, la morale personnelle et la morale politique. Pour réussir à intégrer la morale au droit, il doit en défendre l’objectivité. Il développe une conception de la rationalité pratique et de la vérité propre à la morale. Sa conception de la rationalité pratique est rapprochée de celle d’Alasdair MacIntyre. Celui-ci rejette la prétention issue des Lumières d’une rationalité pratique universelle et neutre. Il développe une conception de la rationalité pratique fondée sur le concept de tradition d’investigation. Il fait l’histoire des principales traditions d’investigation depuis l’antiquité jusqu’à aujourd’hui. Il considère la tradition aristotélicienne supérieure, celle-ci réussissant mieux à donner objectivité et intelligibilité à la morale. Des points de convergence ou de divergence sont identifiés dans les conceptions de la morale de Dworkin et de MacIntyre. Ce rapprochement porte sur leurs positions respectives face aux principaux fondements théoriques en philosophie morale, leurs conceptions de la rationalité pratique et leurs définitions des notions de droit et de justice. / The subject of this thesis is the relation between morals and law. It raises the question of the objectivity of morals in Ronald Dworkin’s theory of law. Dworkin has to set sound justification criteria of morals in order to establish its authority in law. He disputes the validity of the rule of recognition of Hart which negates that morality is an inherent part of law. In his last book, Justice for Hedgehogs (2011), Dworkin present his thesis on the unity of value between law, personal morality and political morality. To succeed in integrating morality into law, he has to defend its objectivity. He develops a particular concept of rationality and truth applicable to morality. His concept of practical rationality is drawn together with Alasdair Macintyre’s own concept of rationality MacIntyre rejects the Enlightment’s claim of a universal and neutral rationality. He develops a concept of practical reasoning based on the concept of traditions of enquiry. He makes the history of the most important traditions of enquiry from Ancient Greece to today. He considers that the Aristotelian tradition of enquiry is superior, since it gives objectivity and intelligibility to morality. Points of convergence and points of divergence are identified in the concepts of morality of Dworkin and MacIntyre. These common aspects are found in the theoretical fundamentals in philosophy, in their concepts of practical rationality and in their definition of the notions of law and justice.

Det övergripande transportpolitiska målet i Sverige har sedan 1998 varit att säkerställa en samhällsekonomiskt effektiv och långsiktigt hållbar transportförsörjning för medborgarna och näringslivet i hela landet. Under perioden fram till 2010 har samhällsekonomiska underlag fått en allt tyngre roll i den formulerade transportpolitiken och den statliga styrningen av den långsiktiga planeringen som ett verktyg för att prioritera mellan investeringar i nya vägar och järnvägslänkar. I studien utforskades den samhällsekonomiska analysens roll i den formulerade transportpolitiken och dess styrning av den regionala infrastrukturplaneringen. Studien utgår ifrån ett konstruktivistiskt angreppssätt och en syn på relationen mellan vetenskap/expertis och politik som samproducerad. Det empiriska material som ligger till grund för analysen består av dokument och intervjutranskriptioner. De dokument som har analyserats är publikationer om den samhällsekonomiska analysmetoden, utgivna av myndigheten Statens institut för kommunikationsanalys (SIKA) och dels olika typer av transportpolitiska dokument. Intervjuerna genomfördes med tretton regionala beslutsfattare och en tjänsteman, vilka varit delaktiga i upprättandet av en regional infrastrukturplan i Västra Götaland. Studien visar att samhällsekonomisk analys är en värderingsmetod med stort inflytande i den formulerade transportpolitiken. Trots att den framställs som ett objektivt sätt att utvärdera den samhällsekonomiska effektiviteten hos väg- och järnvägsobjekt, och i förlängningen deras bidrag till det övergripande målet, utgör metodens grunder till stor del en svart låda i den transportpolitiska diskussionen. Detta gäller även hos de intervjuade beslutsfattarna, men de konstruerar den enskilde politikerns omdöme som den viktigaste grunden för beslut. / The study deals with applied cost-benefit analysis (CBA) and the significant role this method has acquired in transport policy in Sweden since 1998. It is a study of a valuation method at the intersection between neoclassical economics, expertise, Swedish transport policy, long term planning and regional decision makers. Specifically, it focuses on the co-production of expertise and politics and how boundaries are drawn between them in relation to valuation. Departing from a constructionist approach to science and expertise, the study is concerned with how CBA and valuation is depicted in various contexts. The empirical foundation of the study concists of documents dealing with CBA, several kinds of transport policy documents and interview transcripts resulting from interviews with thirteen regional decision makers and one regional official. The analysis shows the significant influence of CBA on transport policy. While this valuation method is depicted as an objective valuation tool in planning, its conceptual foundation tends to be black-boxed outside the domain of expertise. This applies also to the interviewed regional decision makers. However, they delimit the space for CBA as a sufficient decision support. In addition, they construct judgment as the most important basis for decisions on infrastructure. Still, it is argued, the black-boxing of CBA in transport policy affect the political landscape negatively: it entails a risk that important political issues are made more inaccessible for public debate.

Det övergripande transportpolitiska målet i Sverige har sedan 1998 varit att säkerställa en samhällsekonomiskt effektiv och långsiktigt hållbar transportförsörjning för medborgarna och näringslivet i hela landet. Under perioden fram till 2010 har samhällsekonomiska underlag fått en allt tyngre roll i den formulerade transportpolitiken och den statliga styrningen av den långsiktiga planeringen som ett verktyg för att prioritera mellan investeringar i nya vägar och järnvägslänkar. I studien utforskades den samhällsekonomiska analysens roll i den formulerade transportpolitiken och dess styrning av den regionala infrastrukturplaneringen. Studien utgår ifrån ett konstruktivistiskt angreppssätt och en syn på relationen mellan vetenskap/expertis och politik som samproducerad. Det empiriska material som ligger till grund för analysen består av dokument och intervjutranskriptioner. De dokument som har analyserats är publikationer om den samhällsekonomiska analysmetoden, utgivna av myndigheten Statens institut för kommunikationsanalys (SIKA) och dels olika typer av transportpolitiska dokument. Intervjuerna genomfördes med tretton regionala beslutsfattare och en tjänsteman, vilka varit delaktiga i upprättandet av en regional infrastrukturplan i Västra Götaland. Studien visar att samhällsekonomisk analys är en värderingsmetod med stort inflytande i den formulerade transportpolitiken. Trots att den framställs som ett objektivt sätt att utvärdera den samhällsekonomiska effektiviteten hos väg- och järnvägsobjekt, och i förlängningen deras bidrag till det övergripande målet, utgör metodens grunder till stor del en svart låda i den transportpolitiska diskussionen. Detta gäller även hos de intervjuade beslutsfattarna, men de konstruerar den enskilde politikerns omdöme som den viktigaste grunden för beslut. / The study deals with applied cost-benefit analysis (CBA) and the significant role this method has acquired in transport policy in Sweden since 1998. It is a study of a valuation method at the intersection between neoclassical economics, expertise, Swedish transport policy, long term planning and regional decision makers. Specifically, it focuses on the co-production of expertise and politics and how boundaries are drawn between them in relation to valuation. Departing from a constructionist approach to science and expertise, the study is concerned with how CBA and valuation is depicted in various contexts. The empirical foundation of the study concists of documents dealing with CBA, several kinds of transport policy documents and interview transcripts resulting from interviews with thirteen regional decision makers and one regional official. The analysis shows the significant influence of CBA on transport policy. While this valuation method is depicted as an objective valuation tool in planning, its conceptual foundation tends to be black-boxed outside the domain of expertise. This applies also to the interviewed regional decision makers. However, they delimit the space for CBA as a sufficient decision support. In addition, they construct judgment as the most important basis for decisions on infrastructure. Still, it is argued, the black-boxing of CBA in transport policy affect the political landscape negatively: it entails a risk that important political issues are made more inaccessible for public debate.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- La Trobe University, 2006. / Research. "A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, La Trobe Law, Faculty of Law and Management, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Victoria". Includes bibliographical references (leaves 318-338). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Electrical energy has become an indispensable part of the modern world, supporting industries and economic systems. Any disruption of supply is felt immediately in all spheres of life. The operation of a power system is a complex process involving rotating machines that may fail from time even though they are maintained regularly. The overhead transmission system is likewise prone to faults caused by environmental factors such as pollution and lightning. Power authorities therefore operate their systems in such a way that they have sufficient reserve capacity available to allow for contingencies. In the last decade of the previous century a condition developed, for various reasons, that the reserve margin was too small in the South African electricity supply system. At the end of 2005, a spate of failures occurred at Koeberg power station and later in 2007 serious coal supply problems developed at the large power stations in Mpumalanga, aggravating the situation. This research project focuses on the complexity of the task of the reporter when reporting on occurrences such as these. It is required to convey the factual situation to the readers, avoiding alarmism and sensationalism. At the same time the reporter also has a role to play in educating the readers. It was a difficult task, seeing that the reporters were not necessary versed in the technical field. They therefore had to rely on Eskom’s spokespersons. In this project newspaper clippings of various Western Cape newspapers containing the word Eskom were analysed. The method of analysis was content analysis. Firstly the quantitative content analysis was used to obtain distribution of articles over the period and among newspapers. Thereafter the topics covered and the types of article were obtained for the various newspapers and years. Next articles for 2006 and 2008 were investigated using qualitative content analysis. Certain attributes in the articles were detected manually and a profile was obtained for each newspaper for each year period. Questionnaires were sent to reporters responsible for some of the articles and to a technical expert who was consulted regularly by the news reporters. It was found that the number of articles and style of presentation vary among the newspapers. There is evidence of framing of Eskom as incompetent. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Elektriese energie het ¢n onontbeerlike deel van die moderne wêreld geword wat nywerhede en ekonomiese stelsels ondersteun. Enige onderbreking van toevoer word onmiddellik in alle lewensfere gevoel. Die werking van kragstelsel is komplekse proses met roterende masjiene en ander toerusting wat onderworpe aan faling is, selfs al word dit in stand gehou. Die oorhoofse transmissiestelsel is ook onderworpe aan foute wat deur omgewingsfaktore soos besoedeling en weerlig veroorsaak word. Kragvoorsieners bedryf daarom hul stelsels so dat hulle voldoende reserwekapasiteit het om toe te laat vir gebeurlikhede. In die laaste dekade van die vorige eeu het die toestand, om verskeie redes, ontwikkel dat die reserwemarge in die Suid-Afrikaanse stelsel te klein geword het. Teen die einde van 2005 het reeks falings by Koeberg kragstasie plaasgevind en later in 2007 het ernstige steenkoolvoorsieningsprobleme by die groot kragstasies in Mpumalanga ontstaan en dus die situasie vererger. Hierdie navorsingsprojek fokus op die kompleksiteit van die taak van die verslaggewer as oor sulke gebeure verslag gedoen word. Dit word vereis om die feitelike situasie oor te dra sonder alarmisme en sensasie. Terselfdertyd moet die verslaggewer ook rol speel om die lesers op te voed. Dit is moeilike taak daar die verslaggewers nie noodwendig belese in die tegniese vakgebied is nie. Hulle moes dus staatmaak op Eskom se spreekbuise. In hierdie projek is koerantuitknipsels van verskeie Wes-Kaapse koerante wat die woord Eskom bevat, ontleed. Die metode wat gebruik is, is inhoudsanalise. Eerstens is kwantitatiewe inhoudsanalise gebruik om die verspreiding van artikels oor die tydperk en tussen die koerante te verkry. Daarna is die onderwerpe wat gedek is verkry vir die onderskeie koerante en jare. Vervolgens is artikels van 2006 en 2008 ondersoek deur kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalise te doen. Sekere kenmerke is in die artikels opgespoor en profiel is verkry vir elke koerant en elke jaarperiode. Vraelyste is aan verslaggewers wat sommige artikels geskryf het en ook aan tegniese deskundige wat gereeld deur verslaggewers genader is, gestuur. Dit is bevind dat die getal artikels en die styl van aanbieding wissel tussen die koerante Daar is ook tekens van raming van Eskom as onbekwaam.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT:In a system of representative government, the media is assumed as an important institution to reflect public concerns and holding government accountable for the way in which it addresses these public concerns. Not only is this role imposed by a paradigm which views the media as one of the institutions that sustain and consolidate liberal democracy – the so-called fourth estate alongside the legislative, executive and judicial pillars – but the media itself has conceptualised its identity around the notion that journalists are a “vital part of political life” (Sparks, 1991:58). This study explores the validity of this authority. It suggests that the authority of the media to frame public concerns in a way that is useful for ordinary citizens to “bridge the gap between the private, domestic world and the concerns and activities of the wider society (McQuail, 2005:432)” has been eroded because citizens feel that their concerns and priorities have become secondary to the priorities of powerful state, economic and other “experts” who determine the news agenda. At the same time, there is a general sense that representative government or what is generally known as liberal democracy is losing its currency because citizens have developed a “habit of seeing the political system as indifferent and unresponsive” to their problems and their circumstances (Mathews, 1999:33). This study explores the potential of a more productive relationship between the media and citizens to rekindle and energise the role of citizens to contribute to the public work of solving common problems that face the wider society. This study proposes three theoretical frameworks – democratic professionalism, public journalism and deliberative democracy – with the potential to re-conceptualise the way journalists consider their professional role. This re-conceptualisation raises the possibility for reassessing the political work of journalists and the political work of citizens and build new habits of participation and discussion in the political process of communities. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In 'n stelsel van verteenwoordigende regering, word die media veronderstel as 'n belangrike instelling om publieke kwessies te weërspieël en die regering verantwoordelik te hou vir die wyse waarop dit hierdie publieke kwessies aanspreek. Hierdie rol word veronderstel in 'n denkraamwerk wat die media beskou as een van die instellings wat liberale demokrasie konsolideer as die sogenaamde “vierde pilaar” neffens die wetgewende, uitvoerende en geregtelike gesag. Die role word verder deur die media self gekonseptualiseer as ‘n identiteit rondom die idee dat joernaliste 'n "belangrike deel is van die politieke lewe" (Sparks, 1991:58). Hierdie studie ondersoek die geldigheid van hierdie gesag. Die studie dui daarop dat die media gesag het wat die moontlikheid bied om publieke kwessies aan te spreek op 'n manier wat van nut kan wees vir gewone burgers om die kloof tussen die private, huishoudelike wêreld en die sorg en die aktiwiteite van die breër gemeenskap te oorbrug (McQuail, 2005:432). Die gesag word ondermyn omdat gewone burgers voel hulle belange en prioriteite word sekondêr geag aan die magsbelang van die staat en ander "kenners" wat die nuus agenda bepaal. Terselfdertyd is daar 'n algemene persepsie dat verteenwoordigende die regering, of wat algemeen bekend staan as liberale demokrasie, geldigheid verloor omdat burgers voel dat die politieke stelsel onverskillig reageer op die probleme wat hulle ervaar. Hierdie studie ondersoek die potensiaal van 'n meer werkbare verhouding tussen die media en die burgery om die energie wat burgers in die openbare sfeer kan bydra te ontgin. Hierdie studie stel drie teoretiese raamwerke voor – demokratiese professionaliteit, openbare joernalistiek en beraadslagende demokrasie – wat moontlikhede bied om opnuut oor die professionele rol van joernaliste te besin. Hierdie “besinning” bied weer nuwe moontlikhede vir die politieke werk van joernaliste en die politieke werk van die burgery. Dit veronderstel nuwe gewoontes van deelname en gesprek in openbare politieke proses.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Govemment and the media are in the process of establishing South Africa's first Presidential Press Corps (PPC) based on the White House Press Corps in the United States of America. The need for a body like the Presidential Press Corps (PPC) has become increasingly evident as the recent relationship between the South African president and this country's press can only be characterised as poor. The establishment of the PPC potentially presents an ethical dilemma though due to various factors. A joumalist can only serve the public with the most comprehensive and accurate news when his or her finger is on the pulse of events that take place within the decision-making bodies. However, being so close to those in power may seriously threaten journalistic independence. This dilemma would be discussed in detail in this assignment. In May 200 I, the troubled relationship between Mbeki and the media was tackled at an Indaba between the South African National Editor's Forum (SANEF) and cabinet at Sun City. The crux and outcome of these discussions are set forth in The lf/oy Fo/wOld, a report prepared by those attending the Indaba. The establishment of the PPC is one of eight joint government and media initiatives outlined in this report. Although there is overwhelming support for the Pl'C, there is concern that the Pl'C members would be censored, manipulated and controlled by government as a result of their proximity. The Freedom of Expression Institute (FXI) believes the implications are far reaching and pose a serious threat to a free press. This first group of Pl'C journalists is going where no other has gone before in this country's history. They are however facing a daunting task, as the arena they are entering is fraught with novelties, challenges, obstacles and temptations. This assignment will examine the media's role in a democracy, the challenges of far closer cooperation between the media and government, the ethical dilemma potentially presented by the Pl'C as well as ways to ensure as far as possible, an ethical and professional relationship between government and the corps's members. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regenng en die media is in die proses om Suid-Afrika se eerste Presidensiele Perskorps (PPK) te stig. Die konsep is geskoei op die van die Wit Huis Perskorps in die Verenigde State van Amerika. 'n Dringende behoefte bestaan in Suid-Afrika aan 'n liggaam soos die PPK aangesien dit duidelik geword het dat die verhouding tussen die president en die media nie na wense is nie. Die stigting van die PPK kan egter weens verskeie faktore eties-problematies wees. Joernaliste kan die publiek slegs voorsien van akkurate nuus indien hulle vingers op die polsslag van gebeure binne die land se besluitnemende liggame is. Joernalistieke onafhanklikheid kan egter in gedrang kom indien die verhouding tussen die "waghond" en die regering te intiem raak. Die PPK-Iede sal na verwagting weens gereelde kontak 'n veel hegter verhouding met die president he as wat die geval is met ander joemaliste. Die vertroebelde verhouding tussen die media en president Thabo Mbeki is in Mei 200 1 bespreek tydens 'n lndaba by Sun City. Een van die inisiatiewe waarop daar ooreengekom is in 'n poging om die probleme aan te pak, is die stigting van die PPK. Die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Redakteursforum en die regering hoop dat die korps sal bydra tot 'n vryer vloei van inligting asook tot 'n beter verstandbouding tussen die regering en die media. Hoewel daar oorweldigende steun is vir die PPK, is daar ook vrese dat die korps se lede gemanupileer en beheer sal word deur die kabinet.Die eerste groep PPK-lede gaan baanbrekerswerk verrig, maar die pad voor hulle is onbekend en vol potensiele gevare. Die uitdagings, slaggate sowel as maniere hoe etiese probleme oorkom kan word, word in hierdie werkstuk bespreek.