The aim was to investigate what may have caused women's underrepresentation at leading positions in Alvesta municipal politics. This was intended to be carried out with an analysis of three parties selection processes and based on the parties perceptions of possible causes for the underrepresentation. The method chosen was a theory-consuming case study, conducted with collected material from semi-structured interviews as well as a quantitative material that was collected from the municipality's website. Politicians from the Social democrates, the Moderate party and the Centre party were interviewed for the investigation. The results were analyzed with a pre-selected theoretical framework, such as homosociality, contactcapital and gender differences when it comes to political ambition. The results showed that the selection processes mainly proceeded in a similar way, however, there were differences regarding which criteria were sought from the candidates. The results also showed that the underrepresentation could have been caused by different circumstances for each party. More prominent perceptions of causes were analyzed against different socialized processes on the basis of gender, which could have affected the possibilities the parties had for being able to nominate women for the leading positions.

Psykisk ohälsa orsakar ofta ett stort lidande för både drabbade individer och deras närstående. Hur politiker sätter ramar och fördelar resurser påverkar i hög grad hur vård, behandling och stödinsatser fungerar i praktiken. Politiska formuleringar och framställningar av olika aspekter rörande psykisk ohälsa påverkar även allmänhetens syn, attityder och inställningar. Syftet för denna studie är att undersöka hur de politiskapartierna Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna, Vänsterpartiet och Sverigedemokraterna förhåller sig till och framställer frågor kring psykisk ohälsa, vård och stödinsatser och vilka potentiella effekter det för med sig. Detta ställs även i relation till vad tidigare forskning och kartläggningar har kommit fram till. En textanalys av vad partierna själva skrivit på sina hemsidor och i valmanifesten från 2018 har genomförts och som analysverktyg har Carol Bacchis diskursanalytiska “What's the problem represented tobe” - ansats använts. Studien visar på likheter mellan partierna som en betoning på barn och unga och långa vårdköer inom psykiatrin. I Sverigedemokraterna och Moderaternas framställningar görs invandrare och nyanlända till en belastning på välfärdssystemet. Moderaternas främsta betoning ligger på sjukfrånvaro till följd av psykisk ohälsa och dess kostnader medan Socialdemokraterna och Vänsterpartiet talar om psykisk ohälsa i termer av ekonomisk jämlikhet och ojämlikhet ligger. Partiernas framställningar ochpolitik för med sig olika effekter som riskerar att bidra till bland annat diskriminering och stigmatisering och potentiellt även en ökad psykisk ohälsa. Brister i dagens system som kartläggningar visar på handlar till stor del om samverkan mellan olika vårdgivare och ansvarsfördelning mellan landsting och kommuner, vilket ges ett begränsat utrymme i partiernas framställningar.

Election promises and their fulfillment are subjects that have been studied quiete extensively within the academics, this thesis seeks to investigate how the promises given by the red-green block in Sweden during the mandate periods of 2014-2018 and 2018-2022 have or have not been fulfilled. The theoretical basis used in this thesis is that of Rational choice with Gunnar Sjöbloms three arenas that parties engage in and that of the responsible party model. In this study the method used is a theory consuming one, this type of method uses multiple theories on the same case and investigates how well each of them can explain the phenomena. The promises were taken from each of the parties manifestos from each mandate period and following this some were left out since they could not be fulfilled with national level policies. The results of the study showed that mandate period 1 followed previous results and studies quite well whilst mandate period 2 results differed from previous results. A number of factors could help explain this vast difference and with these variables accounted for the results became more in line with previous studies results. The study showed that for the most part parties do keep most of their promises to some degree but how these studies also must be conducted on a case by case basis to achieve the best results.

This essay refers to analyse how the French far-right party National Front was able to establish themselves in 2002 and how they continued to develop from the presidential election of 2002 to the most recent presidential election of 2017. The thory used to analyse regards the establishment and development of far-right parties and the model of PPM, standing for the policy process model and concerns factors of political opportunities, mobilisation and the political master frame, is used to analyse the party. The model is later applied to the National Front from 2002 to 2017 by reading existing work on the subject to find a result and examine hoe the development has shown. The conclusion of the analysis is that they have used the opportunities they have gotten from other parties as they have legitimised the party. But still, little difference is to be seen in the party's political master frame, the biggest difference is regarding the party's discourse where the current leader of the party, Marine Le Pen, has wanted to differentiate her leadership and the party from how it was during the former leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen.

Den svenska Försvarsmakten har under de senaste 100 åren varit stadd i ständig förändring. Dess styrka, organisation och uppgifter har ändrats i takt med rådande politiska villkor och  säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningar. Denna anpassningspolitik, som tidigare benämndes elasticitetsprincipen, är en uttalad politisk viljeinriktning syftande till att balansera de ekonomiska anslagen till försvaret med övriga viktiga samhällsområden. Som utgångspunkt för anpassningspolitiken anges, nu som då, säkerhetspolitiska argument. Det är det rådande omvärldsläget som avgör om försvaret måste tillväxa eller kan reduceras, heter det från beslutsfattarna.I denna uppsats görs en jämförelse mellan försvarsbesluten 1936 och 2000. Med en kvalitativ metod som grund, studeras de bägge besluten utifrån ett policyprocessperspektiv. Tonvikten läggs på själva policyutformningsfasen, d.v.s. hur besluten växer fram och formuleras. Uppsatsen visar att det är andra frågor än de rent säkerhetspolitiska som avgör omfattningen, och därmed realismen, i den svenska anpassningspolitiken. Ekonomiska förutsättningar, budgetmässiga aspekter samt sociala och kulturella ambitioner, har påverkat utformningen och omfattningen av Försvarsmaktens utveckling. Behovet av folkligt stöd för den förda politiken samt den uttalade viljan till politiskt samförstånd är också genomgående teman. / During the latest century, the Swedish armed forces have been in a state of constant development and change. Its organisation, strength and overall tasks changed in line with the, at that time, actual conditions for domestic and security policy. This so-called policy of adaptability, earlier named the principle of resilience, was and still is an explicit political intention aiming to balance the economical appropriations between the armed forces and other important public functions.Today, as well as in the past, security policy is marked as a cornerstone for the policy of adaptability. It is the international political and security environment that should be the determined reason for growth or reduction of the armed forces.This essay compares the parliamentary defence resolutions from 1936 and 2000. With a qualitative method as basis, the two resolutions are examined from a policy process point of view. The emphasis is on the so-called working phase, in which the resolutions progresses and finally formulates. The essay points out, that it is a fact that other reasons than strict national security policy shape the dimensions of the national defence, and therefore also the credibility, of the policy of adaptability. Economical, social and cultural aspects have influenced the form and size of the development of the armed forces. The need for public support and the political will to reach consensus in these matters is also significant. / Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 99-01

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I uppsatsen genomförs en intervjuundersökning med ett antal kommunalpolitiker. Syftet är att se hur de resonerar kring begreppet partidisciplin samt hur de och partierna löser problem som är av denna art. Katarina Barrling-Hermanssons doktorsavhandling Partikulturer kommer vara central i studien och det teoretiska resonemanget som förs baseras dels på Robert Michels Organisationer och demokrati men också andra författare är med. I intervjuundersökning deltog åtta anonyma politiker där de var och en fick svara på frågor om partidisciplin. Alla de intervjuade politikerna ansåg att det var nödvändigt med partidisciplin men meningarna gick isär något när det gällde hur stark den skulle vara. Partierna löste problemen med partidisciplinen genom att de dels tog in ersättare för den ledamoten som inte ville eller kunde rösta med dem, eller så lade ledamoten ned sin röst eller så opponerade sig ledamoten internt men röstade sedan med partiet i kommunfullmäktige trots att han inte delade partiets åsikt i frågan. Mest avvikande var att aktivt rösta emot partiet. Partidisciplin är det som gäller för ledamöterna, då det är viktigt att ha en enad fasad mot allmänheten och de andra partierna.

Regionalization has become a catchphrase in European countries during the last twenty years with the establishment of the European Union. An ideational development has occurred during time towards emphasing more politicially powerful regions with the idea of new regionalism. Sweden represents a deviant case study, where regions historically have been politically weak and where Sweden has been characterized as a strong unitary state. The aim of this paper is to analyze the political debate in the Swedish parliament concerning the implementation of a stronger regional level (storregioner) during 2007-2010 and to determine if the debate can be characterized as a case of depoliticalization. The theory of depoliticalization have been introduced by Richard Katz and Peter Mair to explain why political parties through external pressure from europeanisation and globalization tend to become more consensual with similar political agendas, leading to a diminished the lef-right scale. This external pressure is argued to also constrain the ability to shape policies on a national level. Political parties are argued in this context to seek to delegate political issues and areas to other political arenas. Three clearly specified questions have been used to qualitatively analyze how the political parties argue concerning the issue of regionalization. The theoretical framework in this paper is based on two conflicting core ideas of regional politics, depoliticalization based on new regionalism and politicalization based on old regionalism to analyze the political debate. Depoliticalization emphasizes technocratic ideas and a minimized state, and where politicalization emphasizes the idea of a strong and active state in regional politics.  The findings in this study suggest that the political debate concerning regionalization can not be seen as a case of depoliticalization, where the rhetoric of the parties differs in two of the three questions. But the political parties share to a high degree a similar argumentation why a regional reform is necessary through technocratic arguments and by pointing to a weakening state pressured by europeanization in need of reform.

The aim of this study is to examine explanations for why Swedish local political parties are formed. This is done by using a statistical method with a focus on first person explanations, whereas previous research either has focused on third person explanations or conducted small scale studies. Several perspectives and explanations are found in the previous literature, around which a total of seven hypotheses are constructed. To test the hypotheses, a survey is constructed and data is collected from a total of 63 founders, representing 44 of the 62 local parties that received mandates in a municipal council for the first time in either 2014 or 2018. Results indicate that difficulty to influence the established parties, disappointment aimed towards the established parties as well as a lack of attention given to topics perceived as important are all significant factors when making the decision to form a party. Contrary to previous research, factors such as anger and a desire for revenge are not found to affect the decision to form a party. Furthermore, a potential explanation for why the diffusion effects that have been documented in previous research exist, namely rational imitation, finds some support in this study. In conclusion, it is argued that the disparity within the previous research and between previous research and this study, along with theoretical shortcomings in some theoretical explanations, shows that the study of why local political parties emerge is in its infancy and that both theoretical explanations and empirical analyses could use further development.