Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T18:01:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 IGOR BERGAMO ANJOS GOMES.pdf: 673503 bytes, checksum: 5fa2766b14e0b3bb32b61db410dd3d56 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-13 / The Brazilian soap opera was consecrated as a media product and culture compound and resultant of particularities of the it historizes of the country and of the own development of television. The history of the insert blacks in the Brazilian soap opera allows to conclude that the pamphlets don't portray the population of the country, that is composed for the most part by mestizos and black. The proposal of the present rehearses dissertation it is to analyze the debate around the proposition of the quotas in soap opera, it discusses that has as social actors, Senator Paulo Paim, author of the project of quotas, the soap operas authors, and CIDAN (I Center Brazilian of Information and documentation of the Black Artist), problematizing concerning the reactions and consequences of the adensament of that debate, that makes interface with the problem related to the insert of blacks in soap opera, that historically camouflaged the black under the myth of the mestizos people, as a whiting strategy. / No processo de desenvolvimento da televisão brasileira, a telenovela sagrou-se como um produto midiático-cultural complexo e holográmatico, abordando através da teledramaturgia, aspectos diversos da vida nacional. A análise da participação de negros nas telenovelas, revela que estes não estão retratados nas tramas, na mesma proporção de sua presença na composição da população brasileira. A proposta do presente ensaio dissertativo é analisar as conseqüências da proposição das cotas raciais na mídia brasileira, especialmente no que diz respeito à inclusão proporcional de negros nas telenovelas, apresentada pelo Estatuto da Igualdade Racial. Tendo em vista as noções de mestiçagem como estratégia de branqueamento da população brasileira, pretendemos desenvolver nossas análises, enfocando os debates gerados a partir da proposta de cotas nas telenovelas, envolvendo o Senador Paulo Paim, como proponente do Estatuto, o Centro Brasileiro de Informação e documentação do Artista Negro (CIDAN) e os autores de telenovelas.

Objetivos: Investigar o percentual de pessoas com fissura labiopalatina inseridas ou não no mercado de trabalho e identificar as dificuldades vivenciadas nesse processo. Método: Estudo descritivo em 519 indivíduos com idade entre 18 e 35 anos com fissura de lábio e/ou palato, das diferentes regiões do Brasil, em tratamento no Hospital de Reabilitação de Anomalias Craniofaciais da Universidade de São Paulo (HRAC/USP). O método baseou-se em abordagem quanti-qualitativa, utilizando como instrumento para a coleta de dados um formulário de entrevista com 30 questões divididas em domínios. O cálculo formal da amostra foi feito a partir de um universo de 9.109 indivíduos que se enquadravam nos critérios definidos para o presente trabalho, com uma margem de erro global de 4,2% e nível de confiança de 95%, chegando-se a uma amostra de 514 indivíduos a serem analisados que, ao final da pesquisa, totalizou 519 participantes. Os domínios levantados foram: perfil sócio-demográfico; situação profissional atual; experiências profissionais anteriores; conhecimento e acesso de direitos; dificuldades e facilidades para inserção social e mercado de trabalho. Resultados: Dados quantitativos aferidos a partir das respostas colhidas em cada um dos domínios do formulário de entrevista mostraram que um percentual significativo de indivíduos estudados não está sendo contemplado com a reserva de cotas no mercado de trabalho (89,4%) e nunca foi anteriormente (98,0%); tem o ensino médio completo (51,3%); pertence à classe social baixa superior (65,3%); não tem conhecimento e acesso às leis que beneficiam as pessoas com deficiência (56,1%); não usufrui de qualquer um destes benefícios legais (86,5%), nem usufruiu (90,8%); sente necessidade da aplicação das leis que assegurem a inserção no mercado de trabalho (67,4%); sentiu ou ainda sente constrangimento ou vergonha por apresentar fissura labiopalatina (87,3%) na escola (51,6%), em relação à fala e estética (49,8%) e pelo motivo de zombaria (65,5%). Ao final de cada entrevista, todos os participantes manifestaram-se favoráveis à aplicação das leis de reserva de cotas no mercado de trabalho destinadas às pessoas com deficiência, especialmente aos indivíduos com fissura labiopalatina, devido às dificuldades vivenciadas, especialmente ligadas às dificuldades de fala e aparência facial, que levam a discriminações e preconceitos. Conclusão: Com base nos achados do presente estudo conclui-se que indivíduos com fissura labiopalatina não estão sendo devidamente contemplados com a reserva de cotas no mercado de trabalho destinado às pessoas com deficiência, uma vez que dos 223 indivíduos que relataram trabalhar no mercado formal, apenas 37 conseguiram pelo sistema de cotas. Ficou também evidenciado que o HRAC/USP tem contribuído para ingresso no mercado de trabalho destes indivíduos, por meio de ações que visam conscientizar os setores públicos e privados de que a fissura labiopalatina também é uma deficiência, assim como as demais categorias que são contempladas pelas Leis nº 8.112/90 e nº 8.213/91. / Objective: To investigate the percentage of people with cleft lip and palate inserted or not in the job market and identify the difficulties experienced in this process. Methods: Descriptive study of 519 subjects aged 18 to 35 years with cleft lip and/or palate, from different regions of Brazil and treated at the Hospital for Rehabilitation of Craniofacial Anomalies, University of São Paulo (HRAC/USP). The method comprised quantitative and qualitative approach, with data collection by an interview with 30 questions divided in different domains. Formal calculation of the sample was obtained from a universe of 9,109 individuals who met the inclusion criteria of this study, considering an overall error margin of 4.2% and a confidence level of 95%, which led to a total of 514 subjects, finally adding up to 519 individuals at study completion. The following domains were surveyed: sociodemographic profile; current professional situation; previous professional experiences; knowledge and access to rights; difficulties and facilities for inclusion in society and the job market. Results: Quantitative data based on the responses to each domain of the interview revealed that a significant percentage of individuals with cleft lip and palate is not (89.4%) and has never been (98.0%) included in quotas reserved for people with special needs. Most have completed high school (51.3%), belong to upper low socioeconomic level (65.3%), have no knowledge on and access to laws that benefit people with disabilities (56.1%), do not make use (86.5%) or made use (90.8%) of these legal benefits, and feel the need of enforcement of the law that foresees the reservation of job quotas for persons with disabilities (67.4%). Most felt or still feel embarrassment or shame for the cleft lip and palate (87.3%) in school (51.6%), in relation to speech and esthetics (49.8%) and suffer bullying (65.5%). At the end of each interview, all individuals were favorable to the application of law that reserve quotas for people with special needs also for people with cleft lip and palate, due to the difficulties experienced in their lives, especially related to speech and facial appearance, which lead to discrimination and prejudice. Conclusion: Based on the present findings, it was concluded that individuals with cleft lip and palate are not being included in the reservation of job quotas for people with disabilities, because among 223 individuals with formal jobs only 37 had access through the quota system. It was also demonstrated that HRAC/USP has contributed to the job market entry of these individuals, by actions that aim to educate the public and private sectors that cleft lip and palate is also a disability, as well as the other categories that are covered by Laws n. 8112/90 and n. 8213/91.

A segregação socioeconômica da população negra brasileira remonta as relações sociais do período escravista até os dias atuais através do preconceito, da discriminação racial e do racismo institucional, naturalizado pelo contrato racial. Os negros sempre resistiram e lutaram contra o racismo e para a promoção da igualdade racial. O racismo midiático é disseminado pelas elites logotécnicas detentoras do poder simbólico da mídia. Contudo, a implementação de cotas sócio-raciais nas universidades públicas tem sido debatida de forma polêmica pelos meios de comunicação de massa. Este trabalho avalia o discurso da mídia sobre as políticas públicas de inclusão sócio-racial no período de abril a setembro de 2012. / The socioeconomic segregation of black people dating social relations of slavery period to the present day through prejudice, racial discrimination and institutional racism, the national racial contract. Blacks have always resisted and struggled against racism and to promote racial equality. The media racism is spread by the elite logotécnicas holding the symbolic power of the media. However, the implementation of socio-racial quotas in public universities has been debated polemic manner by means of mass communication. This paper evaluates the media discourse about public policies for social and racial inclusion in the period April to September 2012.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-11-06T17:03:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 laiscostaxavier.pdf: 1756257 bytes, checksum: c1cf1f37f025ffc29a9855319bb5f692 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-11-23T11:14:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 laiscostaxavier.pdf: 1756257 bytes, checksum: c1cf1f37f025ffc29a9855319bb5f692 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-23T11:14:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 laiscostaxavier.pdf: 1756257 bytes, checksum: c1cf1f37f025ffc29a9855319bb5f692 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018 / A assistência estudantil tem como finalidade viabilizar a igualdade de oportunidades entre os discentes que ingressam nas Instituições de Ensino Superior (Ifes). Por isso, o estudo pretende aprimorar essa viabilidade para um grupo específico de discentes (aqueles que ingressaram pelas cotas A e B), devido à possível maior vulnerabilidade desses grupos. Para isso, a pesquisa tem como intenção investigar as maiores necessidades desse público para, no fim, propor alguma intervenção pela Pró-reitoria de assistência estudantil (Proae). Essa intervenção tem como alvo a melhora do desempenho acadêmico desses estudantes para que obtenham uma formação de qualidade, priorizando assim, uma maior igualdade de oportunidades. / The student assistance has the finality to make feasible the equality of opportunities among the undergraduate that join the public university. Therefore, the study intends to improve this viability for an specific group of students (those that joined the course by groups A or B), because of the greater possibility of vulnerability of those. For this, the research has the intention to investigate the bigger necessities of this public in order to, at the end, propose some intervention for the Pro-rectory of students assistance. This intervention has as a target to improve the academic achievement of this students to obtain a quality training, prioritizing thus a greater equality of opportunities.

Orientador: Salvador Antonio Mierles Sandoval / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T08:44:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Noroes_KatiaCristina_M.pdf: 4726192 bytes, checksum: a953cb7edca1f9486e5ed7884542354b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Após dez anos de implementação de ações afirmativas na maioria das IES públicas, essa pesquisa consiste em investigar a tendência das políticas para institucionalização desses programas para acesso aos cursos de graduação públicos, seja por meio de cotas raciais ou por meio de cotas sociais. No primeiro capítulo abordamos o histórico da atuação dos movimentos sociais dos negros, divididas em dois períodos: 1) denúncia e pouca inserção política (até 1980); e 2) proposições e inserção na estrutura do Estado (a partir de 1990). No segundo capítulo analisamos o trâmite de Projetos, Leis e Decretos, que versam sobre ações afirmativas para a população negra nos Poderes Executivo e Legislativo, bem como as ações contrárias aos programas das IES públicas, que foram apresentadas ao STF. O terceiro capítulo trata das experiências com ações afirmativas em IES públicas, no geral, e, em específico, aborda a experiência da UNIFESP. Concluímos que houve maior aceitação do argumento social em contrapartida ao racial, no entanto, possibilitou que grande parte das IES reestruturasse seus mecanismos de ingresso e repensasse o perfil de estudante atendido. / Abstract: After ten years of implementation do affirmative actions in the majority of higher education public institutions in Brazil, this research consists in investigating the policies' tendency of institutionalization of programs of access to public graduation courses by racial of social quotas. In the first chapter we investigate the history of the black social movements, divided in two periods: 1) denounce and low political insertion (until 1980); and 2) propositions and insertion in State structure (beginning in 1990). In the second chapter we analyze legal channels of Projects, Laws and Decrees, that dissert over affirmative actions for the black population in executive and legislative powers, as well as actions against public higher education programs presented to the Federal Superior Court. The third chapter approaches experiences with affirmative actions in public higher education institutions in general and, specifically, approaches the experience at UNIFESP. We conclude that there was higher acceptance of the social argument if compared to the racial argument, although allowing a large number of public higher education institutions to restructure its mechanisms of ingress and rethink the it's student outline. / Mestrado / Ciencias Sociais na Educação / Mestre em Educação

Orientador: Mara Regina Martins Jacomeli / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T02:07:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Avila_MariangelaMattos_M.pdf: 2980764 bytes, checksum: be82f6834c976e8aad62cacbbff97315 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Por meio desta dissertação problematiza-se o significado do ingresso através de cotas, para os estudantes negros do Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina (IFSC), Campus São José nos cursos superiores de Licenciatura e Sistema de Telecomunicações. Foi utilizado o questionário como instrumento de pesquisa para analisar o perfil socioeconômico desses estudantes, registrar suas opiniões sobre discriminação racial na sociedade brasileira e no IFSC - Campus São José e identificar qual a compreensão dos estudantes pesquisados sobre ações afirmativas e o programa de cotas nesse estabelecimento de ensino. Com o objetivo de obter um melhor entendimento sobre a relação entre o acesso à educação e o sistema de cotas, abordou-se o processo de escravidão no Brasil, como se deu a construção do mito da democracia racial, bem como as desigualdades educacionais existentes entre negros e brancos no ensino superior. Contextualiza-se as ações afirmativas nos Estados Unidos e no Brasil e os aspectos que distinguem a conquista de políticas de reparação, nestes dois países. A política de cotas no ensino superior tem provocado uma acirrada discussão na sociedade brasileira, sendo os argumentos contrários e favoráveis tratados na presente dissertação e, nesse contexto social e histórico, relata-se como foi implementada a política de cotas para negros no Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina. A pesquisa revelou a importância do programa de ações afirmativas para os estudantes negros que ingressaram pelo sistema de cotas, possibilitando o acesso ao direito de ingresso no ensino superior, ampliando as oportunidades educacional, de mobilidade social e, sobretudo, a reversão de um processo histórico de discriminação. / Abstract: The thesis has its focus on Affirmative Actions in Brazilian higher education. It problematizes the admission's meaning, through quotas, for black students of Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina - IFSC, Campus São José in the courses of Graduation and Telecommunications Systems. It uses questionnaire as a research tool to analyze the socioeconomic profile of those students, to register their opinions about racial discrimination in Brazilian society and in IFSC - Campus São José and to identify their undestanding about Affirmative Actions and about the quotas program in this educational establishment. The theorical approach is based on the slavery process in Brazil and the construction of the myth of racial democracy and the educational inequalities between black and white people to access higher education. It contextualizes the Affirmative Actions in the USA and in Brazil and approaches the aspects that distinguish the conquest of reparation policies, in these countries. The quotas policy in higher education has provoked a heated discussion in Brazilian society and the arguments for and against will be presented in this dissertation. Considering the social and historical context it will report how the quota policy has been implemented for black people in the Instituto Federal de Santa Catarina. The research reveled the importance of the Afirmative Actions Program for black students that joined through the quota system, giving the possibility of access to the right of joining the higher education, expanding the educational and social mobility oportunity, and especially the reversal of a historical process of discrimination. / Mestrado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

This research discusses the actions related to the social inclusion of disabled people who had access through the introduction of quotas by the Affirmative Action Program in its first entry in early 2009 at the Universidade Federal de Santa Maria / RS-UFSM. A semistructured interview was the instrument of data collection that provided the contact with 12 students, research subjects. The literature review and document constituted a foundation for analysis and consultation. The main goal with the production of this work was to seek, from the speech of students entering the System Present Citizen B, a process analysis of educational inclusion from this entry, pointing to the indicative and the potential for continuation and completion of course students. As it developed the research work I sought an approach that would establish a relationship with human well-being and quality of life. You can say that such a procedure is valid and ongoing need for access to Public Institutions of Higher Education in Brazil, however, when there is an internal policy that would specifically ensure compliance of the issues that arise from that access, disabled people, or appointed by the Program of "persons with special needs, this alone does not provide the continuity of studies, quality of life and welfare of the people who finally have indeed special educational needs / A presente pesquisa discorre sobre as ações relacionadas ao processo de inclusão das pessoas com deficiência que tiveram seu acesso pela implantação de Cotas junto ao Programa de Ações Afirmativas no seu primeiro ingresso no início de 2009, na Universidade Federal de Santa Maria/UFSM-RS. A entrevista semiestruturada foi o instrumento de coleta de dados que proporcionou o contato com os 12 alunos, sujeitos de pesquisa. A revisão bibliográfica e documental constituiu-se num alicerce para a análise e consulta. O objetivo principal com a produção deste trabalho foi buscar, a partir do relato dos alunos ingressantes pelo Sistema Cidadão Presente B, uma análise do processo de inclusão educacional a partir desse ingresso, apontando os indicativos e as possibilidades de prosseguimento e de conclusão de curso desses alunos. À medida que se desenvolvia o trabalho de pesquisa busquei uma aproximação que estabelecesse uma relação com bem-estar humano e de qualidade de vida. É possível adiantar que um processo dessa natureza e em andamento é válido pela necessidade de acesso às Instituições de Educação Superior Públicas no Brasil, porém, quando não há uma política interna que especificamente possa garantir o atendimento das questões que surgem a partir desse acesso, de pessoas com deficiência, ou nomeadas pelo Programa de "pessoas com necessidades especiais", este não proporciona por si só a continuidade dos estudos, a qualidade de vida e o bem-estar social das pessoas, que por fim, apresentam de fato as necessidades educacionais especiais.

The representation of women in parliament is a subject that has been up for debate since the beginning of the 20th century and the beginning of women’s suffrage. Gender quotas is a way to increase the representation of women in modern parliaments, even in the Swedish riksdag. This qualitative, comparative study shows that out of the eight Swedish parties of parliament, six is implementing gender quotas but in different ways and for different reasons. These reasons get brought into light in official party documents where the parties discuss their stance on gender equality politics and gender quotas. The parties’ opinion on gender quota is defined by three different kind of arguments: the argument of equal representation, the argument of resources and the argument of interest. The left-wing parties tend to use all three of the arguments, while the right-wing parties tend to be more sceptical of the use of gender quotas and therefore use two or less arguments. The parties’ stance on gender quotas are furthermore analysed from the perspective of the theory of feminist institutionalism. Parties who use all three of the arguments, or all the argument except the argument of resources, tend to have a feminist approach to their politics. These parties use gender quota as a way of reforming the parliament’s structure. Other parties who focus on justice and resource as arguments of gender quotas is often more conservative or focused on preserving the structure on which the riksdag is built upon.

Breaking the glass ceiling of boards of directors has been a hot topic globally for over a decade without any significant results. With an increase in demand for sustainable companies, the current composition of most of the boards of directors is contradictory, where homogeneous boards of directors are more a rule than an exception. Contradicting the fact that diverse teams are proven to make better, long-termed, and more sustainable decisions. Small and medium-sized enterprises are often neglected in the debate to increase diversity in boards of directors, even though they hold most of all boards of directors’ positions. Investigating the small and medium-sized enterprises this paper aims to explore how to break the glass ceiling of the boards of directors in Denmark. Similar to Norway where quotas with boardrooms have been introduced in 2008, this study also wants to reexamine the general attitude towards hard legislation or find alternatives in form of other legislation in Denmark. Therefore, it is essential to understand the dynamics and habits of the boards of directors. This study has through semi-structured interviews investigated the culture of boards of directors to find the barriers of the boardrooms and how to break them down. A recruitment company has tried to offer a new way of recruiting for boards of directors through open positions. Here has the researchers conducted qualitative research to investigate their impact on gender and age in boards of directors, to see if the open positions can exhilarate the implementation of diversity in the board rooms. The results of the study show that there is a need to educate small and medium-sized enterprises on the benefits of diverse boards of directors. The boards of directors are primarily recruited through networks of its members, making it difficult to increase diversity. The reason for recruiting through networks is primarily due to a lack of understanding of both the function of boards of directors and a wish to keep the information of the company close to themselves. The overall attitude towards legislation is mixed with a small overweight against quotas. Mainly from an individual point of view is quotas are seen as an undesirable means for increasing diversity in boards of directors. The recruitment company has been proven cable of recruiting younger candidates. However, not significantly change the percentages of female representations where only a slight increase of women in some positions is seen.

This study delves into Sweden and Italy's distinctive approaches to third-country solutions for refugees from a social work perspective. It scrutinizes Sweden's involvement in resettlement via state-directed procedures and Italy's engagement in complementary pathways, primarily through community-driven sponsorship initiatives. Employing a qualitative comparative methodology, the study unearths variations and commonalities within these strategies, underscoring their respective strengths and challenges within the realm of social work. While Sweden's resettlement program has been associated with notable achievements in refugee integration, recent reductions in the refugee quota have prompted concerns. Italy's community sponsorship initiatives exhibit promise, yet their long-term viability hinges on increased governmental backing. Overall, these third-country solutions provide secure and lawful avenues for refugees, necessitating robust collaboration between governmental bodies and civil society within the context of social work. This study enhances our comprehension of these pivotal approaches amid the ongoing global refugee crisis.