This report aims to look at how Russia’s war in Ukraine has affected the work with IT security at Swedish municipalities, what actions have been taken, if any, and see if there has been an increase in attacks towards the municipalities’ networks. This was done by sending out a questionnaire to all of Sweden’s 290 municipalities via email with four questions regarding their IT security. 103 of Sweden’s municipalities responded to the email. Ten municipalities declined to participate in the report, which means that 32% (93) of Sweden’s municipalities participated in this survey. We chose to evaluate the Swedish municipalities and their preparedness in case of war for several reasons. They are a uniform group which we believed adhere to the same guidelines and regulations regarding cybersecurity, and the fact that they store and engage with critical and sensitive data about Sweden and its population, making them prime targets for attacks by foreign powers. The results were presented anonymously and based on the voluntary responses of the municipalities. Answers were then compiled and sorted into the five main categories from the NIST framework for cybersecurity. The report concludes that Swedish municipalities have taken significant actions to protect their networks in response to Russia’s war and aggressions towards Ukraine. For example, 18 municipalities reported that they had trained their staff in some way, which was the most common measure, and 11 municipalities had implemented two-factor authentication. However, more can be done in terms of responding to threats and enhancing recovery plans and systems. In summary, there seemed to be a lack of consensus on how municipalities should handle their own IT-security, as there was a high variation in the responses. The follow-up questions revealed a significant increase in attacks towards the municipalities’ networks, with many considering their networks potential targets for future attacks from foreign powers.

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In Sweden, after the Russian invasion of Ukraine 2022, the Social Democrats were inturmoil. Some factions had started openly advocating for Nato membership, while someremained staunchly opposed, favouring the status quo. This shift earned the partycriticism for having abandoned their last claim to any form of ideology. This studyproposes the use of politically aligned newspaper editorials as surrogates for studyingpolitical parties, gleaning insights into how stubborn or malleable the party isideologically, thus determining whether the Social Democrats lean more into idealism orrealism. Eight editorials are analysed and classified as Realist/Idealist andPro-/Anti-Nato. The tendency found is that there is a strong correlation between beingidealist and being against Nato-membership, and vice versa. This correlation is thenapplied to the Social Democrats, who voted for joining the alliance, to ultimately suggestthat the party today is more realist than idealist.

This thesis explores the prerequisites for peace in Ukraine from a typology of the conflict’s constituent elements. The material examined consist of accounts from open sources and official statements from the warring parties. The thesis concludes that the high intensity combat between two state parties and the ostensible lack of veto-players warrants a conflict with a shorter duration and relatively good prerequisites for solution. Underpinning territorial aspects and general scale of conflict together with lingering features of Russian strategic culture points to a longer and more intractable conflict. The western support for Ukraine contributes both to scale and intensity, but also induces a risk for horizontal escalation.

Användningen av cyberattacker mot organisationer, sjukvård och individer har ökat parallellt med digitaliseringen. Nationer har också blivit offer för dessa typer av attacker, som ofta kombineras med andra medel för krigföring såsom markanfall och missilattacker. En Cyber-Pearl Harbor (härefter förkortad CPH) är en term uppmärksammad av Leon Panetta som enligt honom består av kombinerade attacker som resulterar i mänsklig död, fysisk förstörelse och som lamslår en hel nation. Gazmend Huskaj använder sig av Panettas definition för utformande av ett ramverk (“DSLP-ramverket”) som är tänkt användas för att kunna klassificera en händelse som en CPH. Syftet med denna studie är att utforska om DSLP-ramverket kan valideras då termen har brukats de senaste 25 åren utan att en global definition tagit fäste, det är därför inte säkert att de kriterier som presenteras i ramverket överensstämmer med vad cybersäkerhetsexperter anser att en CPH är. Forskningsfrågan som utvecklades från denna studie blev följande: “Hur kan ramverket "DSLP-ramverk" från "Offensive Cyberspace Operations Targeting Ukraine: a Cyber Pearl-Harbor" (2023) valideras för klassificering av cyberattacker som Cyber Pearl-Harbor?”. En kvalitativ fallstudie genomfördes med en litteraturöversikt över termen CPH samt en semistrukturerad intervju där 3 experter utfrågades, vilket sedan analyserades via en tematisk analys. Som ett första steg för att besvara denna studies frågeställning applicerades ramverket på tre verkliga fall, detta för att avgöra huruvida dessa fall kan klassificeras som en CPH eller inte. Dessa tre verkliga fall var en attack mot en publik sjukvårdssektor i Costa Rica, ett TV-torn i Kiev, Ukraina samt dagligvarukedjan Coop i Sverige. Resultatet av valideringen av DSLP-ramverket var att endast fallet med TV-kornet i Kiev, Ukraina kunde klassificeras som en CPH. Den kognitiva effekten av eventet var dock inte förlamande nog att paralysera hela Ukraina, vilket gör klassificeringen diskutabel. Det andra steget bestod av en tematisk analys som gjordes på de tre experterna, vilket resulterade i skapandet av fyra huvudteman: Begreppets betydelse, Försvar mot Cyber-Pearl Harbor, Probabilitet och Kombinerade anfall. Följande slutsatser kom att dras i denna studie: Avsaknaden av en internationell/global standard gör det svårare att 1) göra upp om en gemensam definition av termen samt 2) klassificera en CPH i verklig kontext. Kombinationer av flera attacker och verktyg är en annan aspekt som understryks vid definiering av en CPH. Huruvida en CPH har skett eller inte varierar från expert till expert, och detsamma gäller probabiliteten för att en CPH kan ske i dagens kontext. Baserat på dessa slutsatser blir det svårt att validera DSLP-ramverket. Ytterligare forskning och data, intervjuer med experter och förtydligande behövs för att skapa en universell definition och därmed en gemensam grund att utgå ifrån. / The use of cyberattacks against organizations, health care and individuals have increased along with the constant digitalisation. Nations have also fallen victim to cyberattacks, often combined with other means of war like boots on the ground or missiles. A Cyber-Pearl Harbor (further shortened as CPH) is a term mentioned by Leon Panetta described in his words as “combined attacks that result in human death and physical destruction and that paralyzes an entire nation”. Gazmend Huskaj used Panettas definition in order to create a framework (“DSLP-framework”) for classifying an event as a CPH. This study strives to see if the DSLP-framework can be validated since the term has been widely used for the last 25 years, however a universal definition of the term seems to be missing, therefore it is not certain that the criterias presented in the framework is accurate to what cybersecurity experts consider a CPH to be. The research question developed from this study's problem became the following: “How can the framework “DSLP-Framework” from “Offensive Cyberspace Operations Targeting Ukraine: a Cyber Pearl-Harbor” (2023) be validated for classification of cyberattacks as Cyber Pearl-Harbor?”. A qualitative case study was conducted through a literature overview regarding the term CPH and a semistructured interview with three experts, which were later analyzed through a thematic analysis. As a first step to answering the research question, the framework was applied to three real life cases in order to determine whether or not they can be classified as a CPH. The following cases were an attack on a public health sector in Costa Rica, a TV-tower in Kyiv, Ukraine and the grocery company Coop in Sweden. The result from applying each case to the DSLP-framework was that only the case of the TV-tower in Kyiv could be classified as a CPH. However, the cognitive effects of the event were not crippling enough to paralyze the entirety of Ukraine, making the classification debatable. The second step was done through the use of thematic analysis on the interviews with the experts, in which four main themes were created: The meaning of the concept, Defense against Cyber-Pearl Harbor, Probability and Combined attacks. The following conclusions were drawn in this study: The absence of an international standard makes it harder to 1) conclude a common definition of the term and 2) classify a CPH in real context. The combinations of attacks and tools is another important aspect to highlight when defining a CPH. Whether a CPH has happened or not varies from expert to expert, and the same goes for the probability of a CPH occurring in today's context. Based on these conclusions, it is hard to validate the DSLP-framework. Further research and data, interviews with experts and clarification is needed in order to create a universal definition and therefore a common ground to start from.

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This paper aims to investigate the grounds of political legitimacy on which Vladimir Putin relied and still relies to sustain his popularity and remain in power today. Special emphasis is placed on the period after the opposition protests in 2011-2012 and demonstrations on Bolotnaya Square in Moscow. These protests had a dramatic effect on the Russian regime and showed that there is opposition to Putin's leadership, at least among a segment of Russian society. This study is based on Max Weber's three ideal types of legitimacy: civil-legal, traditional, and charismatic, which will be used to investigate, how Vladimir Putin has been able to stay in power for more than 20 years. This requires investigation of grounds for legitimacy that Vladimir Putin successfully exploited during his 2000-2008 period in the presidency that made him so popular among the majority of Russian citizens. It also means the investigation of the grounds for legitimacy that Putin began to exploit after the protests on the Bolotnaya Square 2011-2012, namely during the 2012-2020 period, to stay in power despite the dissatisfaction of some citizens with his rule. This study will use qualitative analysis to examine the corresponding empirical and analytical data related to the two periods investigated in this study. In addition, data from the currently disenfranchised Levada Center will be used to follow the development and changes in approval and disapproval of Putin's leadership. / Denna undersökning har målet att analysera grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Vladimir Putin utnyttjat och fortfarande utnyttjar för att underhålla sin popularitet och förbli vid makten fram till i dag, särskilt efter det oppositionella utbrottet 2011-2012. Det senare är centralt, eftersom protesterna på Bolotnajatorget i Moskva hade en chockartad effect på den ryska regimen och visade att det finns missnöje med Putins ledarskap, åtminstone bland en del av den ryska befolkningen. Denna undersökning utgår från Max Webers tre ideala typer av politiska legitimitet som kommer att användas för att begripa hur Vladimir Putin kunde förbli vid makten under mer än 20 år. Det krävs därför en analys av grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Putin framgångsrikt utnyttjade under 2000-2008 års presidentperiod och som gjorde honom så populär bland de flesta ryska medborgarna. Det blir också nödvändigt med en analys av grunderna för den politiska legitimitet som Putin började använda efter protesterna, nämligen under 2012-2020 års presidentperiod för att förbli vid makten trots missnöjet med hans ledarskap. Denna undersökning ämnar använda en kvalitativ textanalys för att gå genom motsvarande empiriskt och analytiskt material som anknyts till de två tidsperioderna som undersöks i denna studie. Dessutom kommer undersökningen att använda sig av de statistiska data från Levada Center för att vidare följa förändringar i godkännandet eller icke-godkännandet av Putins ledarskap. / Данное исследование ставит своей целью изучение основ политической легитимности Владимира Путина, способствовавших его популярности среди большинства российских граждан и позволивших ему оставаться у власти более 20 лет. Анализ основывается на теории Макса Вебера о трех идеальных видах легитимности: гражданско-правовом, традиционном и харизматичном. Исследование предусматривает изучение основ легитимности в период с 2000 по 2008 годы и в период с 2012 по 2020 годы. Уделяется внимание протестам 2011-2012 года на Болотной площади в Москве, показавшим недовольство части населения правлением Путина и ставшим переломным моментом в политике Путина. Для проведения данного исследования используется квалитативный анализ с целью изучения эмпирических и аналитических данных, относящихся к выбранным периодам. Основываясь на статистических данных Левада Центра, исследование анализирует позитивное и негативное отношение россиян к правлению Путина.

The purpose of this thesis has been to explore if the communicative approach towards Russia, from the European Union and the United States has changed since the Russian invasion of Ukraine. To achieve this a comparative mixed method approach has been used, based on three theories of international relations: liberalism, realism and social constructivism. The mixed method was compiled of an ideological analysis and a frequency analysis conducted on speeches and statements from leading figures from both the European Union and the United States.  The main conclusion of this thesis states that the communication from both actors has changed from a liberal standpoint to a more realistic standpoint since the start of the conflict. The main difference between the actors was seen before the conflict, where the United States used a mixed approach of liberalism and realism, and the European Union used a primarily liberal approach. The changing state of the world could be used as an explanation of the changed communicative approach.

According to Skolverket the aim of history as a subject is to teach the students about different narratives in history. The purpose of this overview is to analyze and compare what earlier research tells us about how World War II is portrayed in textbooks in Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. To achieve this purpose we are focusing on a number of narratives. The ability to critically review textbooks is important in the profession because usually the facts that are presented are in the interest of the nation. The material that has been used was found through the databases: Education Research Complete (ERC) and ERIC via EBSCO. The sources have been reviewed and analyzed to make sure that they are relevant for the subject. To narrow the material further we have only used peer-reviewed sources. Furthermore, additional sources have been presented through Google Scholar. The result in this overview tells us about how the countries in question use different narratives as a tool in nation building and the creation of a national identity. Depending on the country the narratives change to either connect or disconnect from other countries and their actions. A lot of the focus in the textbooks deals with things that happen within their own countries borders and the people that live within those borders. On the contrary, other countries and the people within those countries tend to be forgotten, especially in cases such as foundation, suffering and resistance. Concluding the overview,  the different materials used all argue that textbooks play an important role in nation building and the creation of a national identity. Focusing on a number of narratives, the difference in how nations portray the same narratives in different ways to build a national identity is clear. The results presented by the sources opened up for discussions about the relation between the teacher and the textbook as well as how the textbook is used.