This study was undertaken to establish whether the legal phenomenon known as a contract exist in indigenous legal systems and in particular, among the Swazi. As the underlying aims and consequences of indigenous contracts differ not only between indigenous peoples but is also affected by the degree of westernisation that has taken place, a micro study has been done in semi-rural areas in the Kingdom of Swaziland to establish if the existing value systems are altered or replaced when western legal institutions are introduced. Data was obtained by way of interviewing a panel of experts and compared with available literature. Through the process of gathering information, the legal principles were described and the functioning of social processes noted. Different indigenous contracts and general principles were identified. It must, however, be noted that a contract is more than a device for establishing the economic and legal implications of a transaction. Most contractual disputes are resolved outside the courts through negotiated settlements to restore harmony in the community. Although the Swazi law of contract is showing clear signs of adapting to new developments, there is proof that established legal principles and Swazi values are being retained. This study will not only be useful as a source of information for both Swazi courts and administration, but could also serve as a basis for codification intended by the Swazi Government. For that purpose, a memorandum has been compiled for consideration by the Swazi authorities. The compatibility of Swazi law and custom with a Bill of Rights was also evaluated and suggestions were made for possible law reform in the Kingdom of Swaziland. / Jurisprudence / LL.D.

This thesis analyzes the published commentary of editorial journalists regarding the division of Germany in twelve major newspapers of the Federal Republic of Germany in a period spanning from the final years of division to the immediate aftermath of the unification of the two German states. The study tracks editorial advocacy in response to East German leader Erich Honecker's Bonn visit in 1987 coupled with the intra-German policy efforts of the Social Democratic Party in opposition, which seemed to edge towards two-state neutralism; the wave of repression in the German Democratic Republic from late 1987 onward in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev's reform programme, and the June 1989 visit of Mikhail Gorbachev to Bonn. Journalistic commentators' propagation of a form of constitutional patriotism as a Federal Republican identity will be examined. Responses to the East German Revolution as it developed in late 1989 are analyzed in detail, followed by an account of journalistic efforts to define the political-cultural parameters of united Germany between March 1990 and June 1991. After four decades, the post-war division of Germany had acquired a degree of normalcy. Journalistic commentators argued against any acceptance of division that also accepted the existence of the party-state dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic, insisting that the German Question was 'open' until self-determination for East Germans was realized. Nevertheless, throughout the period journalistic commentators argued in unison against solutions to division which would alienate the Federal Republic from its western alliance or put its established socio-political order at risk. Contemporary journalism propagated an image of the Federal Republic that was thoroughly defined by its post-war internalization of 'Western' value norms. This was most evident during the East German Revolution and the immediate aftermath, ostensibly the moment of greatest uncertainty about Germany's future path, when commentators became champions of continuity within the western alliance.

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: It is generally recognised that diversity of laws may act as a barrier to the development of trade, both at international and regional level. In a globalised era, trade is necessary for economic development and ultimately for the alleviation of poverty. Although the WTO has done extensive work towards the removal of tariff barriers, there is also a need to focus on addressing non-tariff barriers which include legal barriers to trade. Institutionalised legal harmonisation at an international level has provided the necessary impetus for the development of harmonised laws in the area of international trade. The creation of regional economic communities within the purview of the WTO has also given rise to the necessity of legal harmonisation to facilitate intra-regional trade. A number of regional economic communities and organisations have noted legal harmonisation as one of their areas of regional cooperation. This study focuses on the need to harmonise the law of international sale within the SADC region in order to facilitate cross-border trade. The study points out that the harmonisation of sales laws in SADC is important for the facilitation of both inter-regional and intra-regional trade with the aim of fostering regional integration, economic development and alleviating poverty. Although the necessity of harmonising sales laws has been identified, no effort to this end exists currently in the SADC region. This study addresses the mechanisms by which such harmonisation could be achieved by analysing three models which have been selected for this purpose, namely the CISG, the OHADA and the proposed CESL. The main issues addressed include whether SADC Member States should adopt the CISG, join OHADA, emulate the CESL or should use any of the other instruments as a model for creating a harmonised sales law for SADC. In conclusion, it is observed that SADC has its own institutional and operational mechanisms that require a process and instrument tailor-made for the unique needs of the region. It is recommended that SADC should create its own common sales law based on the CISG but taking into account lessons learnt from both the OHADA system and the CESL. A number of legislative, institutional and operational transformative and reform mechanisms are recommended to enable the creation of such a community law and ensure its uniform application and interpretation. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dit word algemeen aanvaar dat regsdiversiteit die ontwikkeling van internasionale en regionale handel kan strem. In 'n geglobaliseerde ekonomie is internasionale handel noodsaaklik vir ekonomiese onwikkeling en die uiteindelike verligting van armoede. Alhoewel die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie reeds belangrike werk doen om handelsbeperkinge te verlig, is daar ook 'n behoefte om, afgesien van tariewe, ook ander nie-tarief beperkinge op internasionale handel aan te spreek. Regsdiversiteit is een van hierdie beperkinge. Geïnstitusionaliseerde regsharmonisering op 'n internasionale vlak het reeds elders die nodige stukrag verleen vir die harmonisering van die reg van toepassing op internasionale handel. Die totstandkoming van regionale ekonomiese gemeenskappe binne die raamwerk van die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie noodsaak egter verdere regsharmonisering ten einde inter-regionale handel te kan bevorder. 'n Aantal streeksgemeenskappe en –organisasies hanteer reeds regsharmonisering as een van hul areas van samewerking op streeksvlak. Hierdie studie fokus op die behoefte om die internasionale koopreg binne die SAOG streek te harmoniseer ten einde oorgrenshandel te fasiliteer. Die studie toon aan dat harmonisering van die koopreg in die SAOG belangrik is ten einde beide inter-regionale asook intra-regionale handel te fasiliteer met die oog op die bevordering van streeksintegrasie, ekonomiese ontwikkeling en die verligting van armoede. Alhoewel die noodsaaklikheid van 'n geharmoniseerde koopreg geïdentifiseer is, is daar nog geen poging aangewend om dit binne die SAOG streek te bewerkstellig nie. Die studie spreek die meganismes aan waardeur harmonisering bereik kan word deur drie modelle wat vir hierdie doeleindes gekies is te ondersoek, naamlik die Internasionale Koopkonvensie (CISG), OHADA en die voorgestelde gemeenskaplike koopreg-regime van die Europese Unie (CESL). Van die kwessies wat aangespreek word is of the SAOG lidlande die Internasionale Koopkonvensie moet aanneem, by OHADA moet aansluit, alternatiewelik die Europese koopreg of enige van die ander instrumente as model gebruik vir die skep van ‟n geharmoniseerde SAOG koopreg. Ten slotte word daarop gewys dat die SAOG sy eie institusionele en operasionele meganismes het wat vereis dat die proses en instrument pas gemaak moet word vir die streek se unieke behoeftes. Dit word aanbeveel dat die SAOG sy eie gemeenskaplike koopreg moet skep wat op die CISG geskoei is, maar wat ook die lesse geleer uit die OHADA en die EU in ag neem. Ten einde so 'n gemeenskapsreg te kan skep en die uniforme toepassing en interpretasie daarvan te verseker, word 'n aantal wetgewende, institusionele en operasionele hervormingsmeganismes aan die hand gedoen.

Since the beginning of this century China has been expanding its influence in the South-East Asia region and beyond. It has introduced a new term to describe its pre-superpower status - a “peaceful development”. The PRC has been creating a new country brand for its legitimacy as a rising power - it underlines that it doesn’t want to interfere in any country’s internal matters, and relationship with China is mutually beneficial to all, who choose to cooperate with it. The brand-creation process reached its peak during the recent Olympic Games held in Beijing in August 2008. China showed its rich history and tradition, connected with high level of governmental and individual entrepreneurship, which has brought it to the position of the fastest growing economy in the world. The same brand creation strategy, as in the case of international strategy, has been used towards the Taiwanese in order to fulfill the big dream of “One China”- to reach the strategic goal of unification. Taiwan Strait has been considered as one of the potential trouble spots in the rivalry between the current (USA) and coming (PRC) superpowers. For this reason, researchers, political advisers and decision-makers need to keep a close eye on the events in the Strait. Currently the Taiwan – China relations seem to experience a détente, but as Taiwan is a democratic country and there are other than KMT players on the domestic political arena, next president might change his perspective and lead the Formosa to the collision course with the PRC and the PLA. Therefore the matters regarding bilateral relations of the ROC and the PRC need to be handled with a particular care in order not to cause an unnecessary military confrontation, most likely even the nuclear one. The general interest of this paper is to assess the influence of the rising interdependence between Taiwan and China on the Taiwanese people, and try to predict the future of Taiwan and the development of its relationship with the PRC. That is why this study wants to empirically examine China’s means to achieve its most wanted goal - incorporation (integration) of Taiwan and obtaining territorial integrity of the “Greater China” area.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Psychological operations (PSYOP) forces should undertake significant doctrinal, training, and operational reforms to ensure the viability of support provided to U.S. led stabilization and reconstruction efforts. Such operations involve increased civilmilitary interactions and necessitate effective cross-cultural communications with not only the indigenous populace, but a host of transnational actors as well. Today's PSYOP training is reflective of a persisting "Cold War mentality" that fails to adequately prepare soldiers for effective post-conflict situations such as the reunification of the Korean peninsula, whether brought about either through a renewal of combat operations or the result of diplomatic means. Meanwhile, North Korea's formidable and adept propaganda machine has persisted in isolating its populace from external influences for more than a halfcentury. Post-Korean War generation North Koreans have been successfully indoctrinated since birth to despise the United States. Furthermore, anti-U.S. sentiment has been on the rise in South Korea for a number of years. Under the current training model, contemporary psychological operations forces are ill-prepared to conduct effective operations in an environment involving two-way, face-to-face communications such as those required while stabilizing and reconstructing a nation. The case of Korean reunification serves as an extreme scenario that nevertheless depicts the drastic need for improvements in the capabilities of modern PSYOP forces. / Captain, United States Army

Dans une société mondialisée, où les relations sont intégrées à une vitesse différente avec l'utilisation des technologies de l'information et des communications, l'accès à la justice gagne de nouveaux concepts, mais elle est encore confrontée à de vieux obstacles. La crise mondiale de l'accès à la justice dans le système judiciaire provoque des débats concernant l'égalité en vertu de la loi, la capacité des individus, la connaissance des droits, l'aide juridique, les coûts et les délais. Les deux derniers ont été les facteurs les plus importants du mécontentement des individus avec le système judiciaire. La présente étude a pour objet d'analyser l'incidence de l'utilisation de la technologie dans l’appareil judiciaire, avec l'accent sur la réalité brésilienne, la voie législative et des expériences antérieures dans le développement de logiciels de cyberjustice. La mise en œuvre de ces instruments innovants exige des investissements et de la planification, avec une attention particulière sur l'incidence qu'ils peuvent avoir sur les routines traditionnelles des tribunaux. De nouveaux défis sont sur la voie de ce processus de transformation et doivent être traités avec professionnalisme afin d'éviter l'échec de projets de qualité. En outre, si la technologie peut faire partie des différents aspects de notre quotidien et l'utilisation de modes alternatifs de résolution des conflits en ligne sont considérés comme un succès, pourquoi serait-il difficile de faire ce changement dans la prestation de la justice par le système judiciaire? Des solutions technologiques adoptées dans d'autres pays ne sont pas facilement transférables à un environnement culturel différent, mais il y a toujours la possibilité d'apprendre des expériences des autres et d’éviter de mauvaises voies qui pourraient compromettre la définition globale de l'accès à la justice. / In a globalized society, where relationships are built at a different speed with the use of information and communication technology, access to justice incorporates new concepts, but still faces old obstacles. The worldwide crisis in access to justice through the judicial system provokes debates regarding equality under the law, party capability, knowledge of rights, legal aid, costs, and delays. That being said, the latter two have long been the most important factors of dissatisfaction of individuals with the Judiciary. This study aims to analyse the impact of the use of technology, by the legal system, with focus on the Brazilian reality, sharing the legislative path and previous experiences in the development of cyberjustice software. The implementation of such innovative instruments demands investments and planning, with special attention to the impact they can have on cultural and traditional court routines. New challenges are in the way of this transformation process and have to be dealt with professionally to avoid the failure of good projects. In addition, if technology can be part of different aspects of our daily routines and the use of online alternative methods of dispute resolution are considered a success, why would it be difficult to make this shift in the delivery of justice through the Judiciary? Technological solutions adopted in other countries are not easily transferred to a different cultural environment, but there is always the possibility of learning from others’ experiences to avoid wrong paths that could compromise the global definition of access to justice.

Waren die Arbeitnehmer bei den Ereignissen 1989/90 in Deutschland involviert? Die meisten Untersuchungen über die Revolution und die darauffolgende Vereinigung Deutschlands verneinen dies; die vorliegende Untersuchung behauptet aber das Gegenteil. Durch die Kontextualisierung der Dynamiken in der ost- und westdeutschen Arbeitnehmerschaft schafft sie ein neues Bild von vermeintlich bekannten Ereignissen. Die Studie untersucht die unterschiedlichen Wege auf denen die ost- und westdeutsche Arbeitnehmerschaft zu entscheidenden Akteuren 1989-1990 wurden. Zunächst stellt sie die Beteiligung der ostdeutschen Arbeitnehmer an der Revolution heraus, durch das Aufdecken von vielfältigen Überschneidungen der Entwicklungen in den Betrieben und auf der Strasse. Dynamiken innerhalb der Arbeitnehmerschaft, so zeigt die Studie, waren ein Kernbestandteil der politischen Prozesse, welche das Ende der DDR markierte. Darauffolgenden konzentriert sich die Analyse auf die Politik von vier Westdeutschen Gewerkschaften (Metall, Chemie, Medien und Öffentlicher Dienst) und ihres Dachverband (DGB) und deckt die Einrichtung eines Krisenmanagement der ostdeutschen Wirtschaftreformen, zwischen der Westdeutschen Regierung, Arbeitgebern und Gewerkschaften auf. Bereits im Februar 1990 gegründet, führte dieses formelle und informelle Abkommen zur Erhaltung der existierenden Westdeutschen Institutionen, Normen und Akteure der sozialen Systeme und industriellen Beziehungen im vereinten Deutschland. Die Kehrseite dieser institutionellen Erweiterung war die schnelle Etablierung der Gewerkschaftsstrukturen in Ostdeutschland, der letzte Aspekt, welcher in der Arbeit analysiert wird. Die schnelle Verbreitung der DGB Gewerkschaften und der Arbeitgeberverbänden war eine organisierte „tour de force“. Die Kosten für die Gewerkschaften waren die Unterwerfung der ostdeutschen Gewerkschaftsaktivisten unter die „neuen“ Gewerkschaften und die Abkehr vom Kern der programmatischen Forderungen zu Hause. / Was labour involved in the events of 1989-1990 in Germany? Most studies of the East German revolution and the subsequent unification of Germany say no. This study argues in the opposite direction and by contextualizing the dynamics of East and West German labour offers a new picture of supposedly well-known events. The study explores the different ways in which East and West German labour became crucial actors in 1989-1990. It first enlightens the participation of East German workers to the revolution, by revealing the multifaceted overlapping of developments in the shop floors and the streets. Dynamics within labour, the work shows, were a core constituent of the political processes that marked GDR''s end. The analysis then focuses on the politics of four West German unions (metal, chemistry, media, and public service) and of their federation (DGB) and unearths the setting up of a tripartite crisis management of the East German economic reforms, between the West German government, employers and unions. Set up as early as February 1990, this formal and informal agreement led to the adjunction of the "social" dimension to the Monetary, Economic and Social Union of May 1990, i.e. the preservation of the existing West German institutions, norms and actors of the social systems and industrial relations in unified Germany. The two collective bargaining partners became in charge of keeping social tension to a minimum during the economic reforms, through the tools of collective bargaining. The flipside of this institutional extension was the rapid setting up of trade unions structures in eastern Germany, a last aspect analyzed in this work. The rapid extension of the DGB unions and employers associations was an organizational "tour de force." But it came with a cost for the trade unions: the subjection of East German union activists in the "new" unions, and the renunciation to core programmatic claims at home.

Dans cet exercice, on essayera de produire une véritable théorie locale ou spéciale du précédent judiciaire pour Colombie. Compte tenu de la profonde transformation du rôle de la jurisprudence contentieuse administrative au cours des dernières années, abandonnant son rôle indicatif et assumant une valeur normative de précédent judiciaire, il est nécessaire d'analyser le précédent contentieux administratif d'après la culture des opérateurs juridiques en Colombie, les fondations doctrinales et jurisprudentielles de l'existence du précédent en Colombie et les objectifs du Code de Procédure Administratif.Ce travail a pour but de tester l'hypothèse selon laquelle en Colombie, les juges du contentieux administratifs et les autorités administratives, afin d'identifier et d'appliquer rationnellement le précédent judiciaire contenu dans les arrêts d'unification Jurisprudentielle du Conseil d'Etat pour résoudre les cas qui viennent à leur connaissance, devraient appliquer des critères théoriques et pratiques d'une théorie locale du précédent, jusque-là Inexistante. Pour cela, on souhaite montrer que cette théorie devrait aborder (i) les contributions théoriques à la doctrine transnationale du précédent judiciaire et les flux légaux ayant donné lieu à la figure de précédent en Colombie, (li) la base théorique et constitutionnelle du respect pour le précédent en Colombie ainsi que (iii) les objectifs de la création des « arrêts d’unification jurisprudentielle » dans la loi 1437 de 2011. / This dissertation produces a local or special theory of judicial precedents for Colombia. Public case law in Colombia has departed from its prior persuasive role and has acquired a normative value as judicial precedent. Given the deep transformation of the role of public case law in recent years, it is necessary to analyze the judicial precedents in light of the Colombian legal culture, the doctrinal and jurisprudential foundations of the existence of the precedent in Colombia and the objectives• pursued by the Code of Administrative Procedure. This work aims to test the hypothesis that public authorities and public law judges in Colombia should apply theoretical and practical criteria of a local theory of the precedent, hitherto nonexistent. The latter is necessary for them to identify and rationally apply the judicial precedents contained in the unification rulings of the Council of State (Conseil d'Etat) to solve the cases that come to their knowledge. This theory should address (i) the theoretical contributions to the transnational doctrine of the judicial precedent and the legal flows that gave rise to precedents in Colombia, (ii) the theoretical and constitutional basis for respecting precedents in Colombia as well as (iii) the objectives of law 1437 of 2011 when creating unification rulings of the Council of State.

Bei dieser Untersuchung geht es darum, welche Rolle die Erwachsenenbildung sowohl für die Anpassung der Ostdeutschen an das neue Gesellschaftssystem als auch für innere Einheit beider deutschen Staaten nach der deutschen Wiedervereinigung in Deutschland gespielt hat, da Erwachsenenbildung in Phasen des gesellschaftlichen Umbruchs auf verschiedene Weise flexibel auf aktuelle gesellschaftliche Aufgaben reagieren kann und einen Beitrag zur Bewältigung der neuen politischen und ökonomischen Anforderungen leisten kann. In diesem Hintergrund werden in dieser Untersuchung die im Bereich der EB/WB stattgefundenen Tagungsdiskussionen (Konzertierte Aktion Weiterbildung) kritisch analysiert, um zu bewerten, welche Rolle sie im Prozess der deutschen Einheit gespielt hat, wobei diese auf der Bundes- sowie Landesebene angesiedelten Tagungsdiskussionen zwischen verschiedenen Bildungsakteuren wie Wissenschaftlicher, Politiker, Praktiker, usw. für die konkrete Umsetzung der Erwachsenenbildung von entscheidender Bedeutung sind. Die Untersuchungsbefunde zeigen, dass sich die Tagungsdiskussionen hauptsächlich auf die berufliche Weiterbildung beziehen und sie andere wichtigen Herausforderungen wie die Demokratieentwicklung, die gegenseitige Annährung zwischen beiden Seiten Deutschlands wenig thematisieren. Letztendlich sie zeigen, dass der Beitrag von Weiterbildung bezogen auf die Herausforderung zur „harmonischen Integration“ darin liegt, die Menschen demokratiefähig zu machen, indem sie die Chance bekommen, ihre sozialen und personalen Kompetenzen zu erweitern und arbeitsmarktfähig zu halten, indem sie ihre beruflich-fachliche Qualifikation verbessern können. Dabei liegt die Bedeutung der Tagungsdiskussion darin, dass sie den Austausch zwischen Bildungsexperten aus verschiedenen gesellschaftlichen Bereichen ermöglicht hat. / This thesis focuses on the roles of adult education that have been played not only for the adaptation of East Germans in the new society system after the unification of Germany, but also for the inner unification between East and West Germans, since especially adult education can react flexibly to the current social challenges in various respects at the time of social changes and make a contribution to accommodate the new political and economic demands. In this research I try to analyse mainly the debate of conferences taken place in the field of adult education, particularly between experts like professors, specialists, politicians etc… and to estimate what role the debate of conferences has played in the process of German unification, especially concerning the implementation of adult education in East Germany after the German unification. The results of the research show that the debate of conferences was much more focussing on the theme about vocational education than the important problems such as Democratizing, inner Unification of East and West Germans. In terms of the ‘inner Unification’ the results of the research show that adult education contributes to make people act democratically since they have chance to extend social personal competent to improve their vocational Qualification. In this Relation the conferences make it possible for experts from various social fields to exchange and cooperate each other.

加拿大自脫離英國政府的殖民統治以來，至今已經有一百三十多年的歷史。期間雖經歷了保守黨、自由黨之輪流執政，仍無法完全解決長期以來魁北克人民對於「獨特社會」地位、保護法語文化及傳統的要求。尤有甚者，一九七六年魁人黨（Parti Quebecois）在魁北克省執政成功，並分別於一九八○年及一九九五年針對獨立與否議題舉辦兩次魁省公民投票。雖然最後魁北克人企圖獨立的公投失敗，但其所帶來的衝擊、餘波，更強力震撼了加拿大的政治生態。 一九九三年柯瑞祥（Jean Chretien）領導的自由黨在大選中擊敗執政長達九年的穆隆尼（Brian Moulorney）保守黨政府，順利當選加拿大聯邦總理後，一直致力於改善失業率，通貨膨脹率及削減預算赤字等國內經濟問題。然一九九五年魁北克公投期間，柯瑞祥被許多聯邦派人士批評過於輕忽國家統一問題及魁北克分離派（separatist）的實力。最後聯邦主義者（federalist）雖以1.2％約五萬五千票的差距取得勝利，但獨立派人士卻揚言要繼續推動第三次公投以尋求最後的成功。 本論文主要探討柯瑞祥政府對魁北克獨立運動的因應策略，其中主要以經濟、政治、法律等三個層面予以分析。在經濟層面探討柯瑞祥政府的安撫策略（carrot strategy）及強硬策略（stick strategy）；政治上則探討魁人治魁的傳統策略，以及提前大選策略、外交策略、多元文化策略等；法律上則探討密契湖協議（Meech Lake Accord）與查洛城協議（Charletown Accord），以及九五年公投法律分析、Ｂ計畫 (Plan B)、澄清法案（Clarity Bill）等。由於一九九五年魁省公投對加拿大聯邦政府帶來的衝擊，使得柯瑞祥不得不更謹慎處理國家統一問題。其後，從一九九七年的大選和一九九八年的魁北克省長選舉得票結果可知，魁北克獨立勢力似乎已有見緩的趨勢。因此柯瑞祥政府在經濟、政治和法律面上對魁北克獨立運動策略之成效為何，以及魁北克獨立運動的未來可能發展，均值得探討，此乃本論文之主軸。 由於國內研究加拿大的學者不多，特別是針對魁北克獨立問題的研究更是鳳毛麟角，因此引發筆者的研究動機。面對近來因民族主義意識而興起之獨立運動風潮，魁北克的獨立議題實值得深入分析。 / It has been more than 130 years since Canada stopped being an English colony. Although conservative and liberal governments had come and go, none had managed to resolve completely and permanently the Quebec people's demands for a "distinct society" status and moves to protect the French language and culture. The quest for the former is especially worth mentioning. In 1976, Partis Qucbecois was voted into power in Quebec and held 2 state referendums to decide whether to be independent in 1980 and 1995. Despite failing to get a majority in the referendum, these events sent the shockwaves throughout the political world. In 1993, the Liberal party led by Jean Chretien beat the conservative government led by Brian Moulorney, which had been in power for 9 years. After Chretien became the federal prime minister of Canada, he concentrated on cutting down the unemployment rate and other internal economical problems such as the inflation rate and the deficit. In spite of this, he was criticized by many federalists as neglecting the country unification issue and the power of Quebec's separatists. Although, in 1995's referendum, federalists managed to win with a margin of 1.2% (around 55,000 votes) in the end, independents vow to seek a referendum again until they win. This thesis aims to analyze strategies taken by the Chretien government against the Quebec independent movement from three viewpoints: Economical, Political and Legal. From the economical viewpoint we'll take a look at Chretien's "Carrot and Stick Strategy". From the political viewpoint, the traditional "Quebecers rule Quebec" policy as well as the "earlier election" policy, foreign policies, multicultural policies, etc. are examined. From the legal viewpoint, the Meech Lake Accord, the Charletown Accord as well as 1995's referendum law analysis, Plan B, the Clarity Bill, etc. are examined. Due to shockwaves to the federal government brought about by 1995's Quebec Referendum, Chretien had to handle the country unification problem with even more care. After 1995, as can be seen from 1997 general elections and 1998 Quebec's provincial election, the Quebec Independence Movement started to lose steam. Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine the effects the economical, political and legal polices the Chretien government took had on the movement, as well as possible developments of the movement. That will be the main topic of this thesis. The author was motivated to do research on this topic as there aren't many researchers on Canada locally, especially researchers on the problems of Quebec's Independence Movement. Facing the independent movement recently due to heightening nationalist sentiments, Quebec's Independence Movement case study is worth an in-depth analysis.