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Showing 41 to 48 of 48 (0.036 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"vänsterpartiet."" "subject:"vänsterpartiets.""
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Hur politik beräknas : En motivanalys över Liberalernas och Vänsterpartiets förändrade inställning till regeringsalternativen.Dernegård, Einar January 2022 (has links)
This study aims to clarify why the Liberal People’s Party and the Left Party at multiple occasions have changed in their respective approach to the government alternatives in connection with the formation of government in Sweden during the period of 2019-2021. The study’s focus emphasizes on determining the two parties' different motives which can explain why the parties have acted in a particular manner. Relevant data that provide motivations for the parties’ actions have been collected and analysed. The parties' motivations have then been applied to four different theoretical models provided by Wolfgang C. Müller, Kaare Strøm and Gunnar Sjöblom. The different models each suggest different motives, office-seeking, policy-seeking, vote-seeking, and intraparty cohesion. The questions formulated to answer the aim of this study is as follows, how can the Liberal People’s Party as well as the Left Party’s change in their respective approach to the government alternatives be explained by the office-seeking, policy-seeking, vote-seeking, and intraparty cohesion models? The main result of the study shows that there is not a single motive behind the parties' changed approach to the government alternatives, rather than the different motives combined that explain the change in the party’s behaviour.
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Synen på jämställdhet i svensk politik : En kvalitativ studie av fyra riksdagspartiers jämställdhetspolitikJohansson, Hannah January 2023 (has links)
This essay intended to examine gender equality policies of four parliamentary parties in Sweden. The parties selected for this thesis were the Left Party, the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Sweden Democrats. This thesis aim was to study the parties’ election manifestos, party programs and debates in order to compare the parties’ gender equality policies with each other through a qualitative idea analysis. The investigation is centered around three equality issues which are honour-related violence and oppression, economic inequality and men's violence against women. The results presented that the parties have different views on both what equality is and what measures need to be taken to achieve equality. The Left Party and the Social Democrats focused on demolishing patriarchal power structures and working preventively. The Liberals rather emphasized individual over the group and punishing crimes. The Sweden Democrats, in turn, argued that there were no widespread patriarchal power structures in society and that a large factor in violence against women came from excess immigration and increased punishments rather than preventing crime. The survey shows that the politics of all parties are not characterized by gender equality. Rather, the parties' gender equality policy is characterized by the party's other policies.
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Mellan kommunism och socialdemokrati : - en studie av vänstersocialismens ideologiska utveckling i Norge, Danmark, Sverige och Finland efter Berlinmurens fall.Lindblom, Martin January 2012 (has links)
The purpose of this essay is to analyze the ideological development of the former communist parties and the contemporary left-wing socialist parties of the Nordic countries. It is aimed at the two decades that have passed since the collaps of the Berlin wall and the parties at hand are; the Norwegian Sosialistisk Venstre, the Danish Socialistisk Folkeparti, the Swedish Vänsterpartiet and the Finnish Vasemmistoliitto. Since the 1960´s these parties have undergone major ideological changes with reference to a widening of their political agenda to an inclusion of democratic ideals as well as the new ideologies of feminism and ecologism. Thus reforming them into modern left-wing socialist parties at different times. The main hypothesis is formulated from the idea that there must be a connection between the startingpoint of reformation and the degree of modernism/traditionalism they show today. Furthermore, the study intends to determine how much they have changed and if there are any common features in the development. The method used consists of a quantitative approach with a minor qualitative streak and the material includes the four parties principalprograms from 1990 until today. In the quantative part I chose to count an amount of value-related words with connection to the four categories of socialism, feminism, ecologism and the democratic ideal. With the ideological refinement of Ball and Dagger as a frame of reference i chose a big amount of words, in which case the qualitative approach constituted as a failsafe in order to determine every words accuracy. The research shows that my original hypothesis is only partly correct. The degree of modernization seems to be depending on whereas the party was founded before or after the collapse of the Berlin wall. The fact that the three Scandinavian parties all show a positive modernization in comparison to their Finnish counterpart supports that. The study also reveals that the Finnish party, without consideration of modernism/traditionalism, changes the most during the period and the Danish party changes the least. The main feature of the Scandinavian parties is the decline of socialistic ideas in comparison to their Finnish equivalent.
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Kvinnor och barn först? : En diskursanalys av riksdagspartiernas förhållande till Sveriges förlossningskrisBoxström Le Guillarme, Kristin January 2019 (has links)
There is an ongoing crisis within the natal care in Sweden. Hospitals closing down, not enough beds in the maternity wards and nowhere near enough staff to handle the situation. For the past couple of years, Swedish women have had to travel far to get help during their labours, they’ve been flown to Finland because there are simply no more beds available. During this time some people had enough and for the past year 2018 demonstrations were organised and one maternity ward occupied by the towns inhabitants to revolt against its closure. The problem within the Swedish natal care was no longer in the shadows but had been brought to light with these new efforts from women all over the country. Though fairly recently discovered by the mainstream this is not a new crisis, it’s been going on for a long time yet seemingly nothing is done to change its ongoing trajectory. From the year 2000 until know nine hospitals have closed down their maternity wards with only one opening in Stockholm. We have eight political parties making up our government in Sweden, what are their thoughts on this matter? What are they doing to actively combat the reality that women are forced to give birth on the side of the road in a country that have always boasted an excellent welfare? By viewing this problem through a radical feministic theory and using a discourse analysis this essay delves into the eight major political parties in Sweden to find out what the situation looks like from the ruling side.
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Green capitalist or critical environmentalist? : A comparative study of the environmental policies of the Left Party (Vänsterpartiet) and the Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokraterna)Mohseni Tabrizi, Michel January 2022 (has links)
This paper analyses the environmental policy documents of Vänsterpartiet (Left Party) and Socialdemokraterna (Social Democratic Party) based on the theories of ecological modernization (EMT) and critical environmental sociology (CES), constructed as ideal types. The aim is to explain ideational differences and similarities based on the ideal types of each theory and how well the parties can be linked to the ideal types of EMT and CES, their similarities and differences. The results show that there is a clear ideational distinction between the Left Party and the Social Democratic Party and that their views on solutions to climate change and subsequent environmental issues, based on ecological modernization theory and critical environmental sociology, differ despite other ideational similarities. The Left Party adheres more to the ideal type of CES and the Social Democratic Party adheres more to the ideal type of EMT.
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Politisk ledarskapsstil och partiers preferenser : En kvalitativ studie över hur politisk ledarskapsstil kan förklara förändringar i partiers strategiska övervägandenEinar, Dernegård January 2024 (has links)
The following study aims at, from an external organizational perspective, examining whether, and if so, how differences in strategic party behaviour can be explained through differences in political leadership style. To provide an answer to the research question the study adopts a qualitative approach using a theoretical thematic analysis. The study proceeds from the phenomenon of personification of politics and methodological individualism to explain the importance of examine political leadership in studying political party behaviour. In order to illuminate presumptive differences in political leadership style, the study adopts Burns (1978) theoretical distinction of transactional and transformational leadership. To also illuminate presumptive differences in strategic party preferences, the study moreover adopts Müller & Strøm’s (1999) conceptual framework of party goal theory. The theoretical framework is empirically applied to the party leadership of the Swedish Left-party during the government formation in January 2019 and the following government crisis in the summer of 2021. This enables the study to examine two different party leaders since the party changed their leader in the mid of the term of office. The study demonstrates differences in the party’s strategic behaviour in relation to the government formation and the following government crisis, which stems from changes in the party’s ambition of office-seeking. Furthermore, the study also demonstrates differences in the leadership styles that are exercised by the different party leaders from the theoretical application of transactional and transformational leadership. The study suggests that these findings are interrelated, meaning that the exercise of a certain leadership style will also imply differences in party behaviour.
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Med historien som motståndare : SKP/VPK/V och det kommunistiska arvet 1956-2006 / History as Adversary : The Swedish Communist and Post-Communist Party and the Legacy of Communism 1956-2006Bergner, Petter January 2013 (has links)
This dissertation concerns Sveriges Kommunistiska Parti (SKP) [the Swedish Communist Party] – in 1967 renamed Vänsterpartiet kommunisterna (VPK) [the Left Party – the Communists] and in 1990 renamed Vänsterpartiet (V) [the Left Party] – and the Party's process of coming to terms with history and its communist legacy. The aim of the study is to describe and analyse the SKP/VPK/V's process of coming to terms with history for the period 1956-2006, and to set out and problematise the driving forces and constraining mechanisms of this process. The theoretical framework of the study consists of Gunnar Sjöblom’s theory about party strategies of political parties in multi-party systems and Michael Freeden’s conceptual approach to ideology analysis. During the period of study the SKP/VPK/V has, like no other political party in Sweden, been ascribed historical guilt regarding its own party history but also regarding the effects of world communism. The Party has thus found itself in a situation where it has had history as an adversary. The process of coming to terms with history has mainly revolved around three issues: independence (1956-1977), international ties (1977-1989) and a broadening beyond the communist tradition (1986-2006). The internal debate within the Party has linked these issues to calls for change aimed at ridding the party of what is considered undesirable elements of the Communist legacy. By analysing the arguments pursued in favour of these calls, it is possible to pick out a number of the driving forces behind the Party's process of coming to terms with history, namely an ambition to obtain vote maximisation, programme realisation and maximisation of parliamentary influence. The urge to distance the Party from certain aspects of its communist past has thus been related to fundamental goals that political parties in multi-party systems seek to obtain. The results of the dissertation show that it is possible to pick out five main constraining mechanisms in the Party's process of coming to terms with history. 1) The safeguarding of Party cohesion. 2) The safeguarding of the distinctive character of the Party. 3) The need to resist external pressure. 4) The desire to avoid unfair apportioning of blame. 5) The safeguarding of the right to define the substance of one's own ideology. The existence of these constraining mechanisms help to explain why the process of coming to terms with history lingered on for several decades, and also why it seems to have been a process of such complexity for the Swedish Communist and Post-Communist Party.
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Har riksdagspartierna blivit populister? : En jämförande studie av Almedalstalen 2015 jämfört med Almedalstalen 2016Huikuri, Pasi January 2016 (has links)
This paper examines how the eight parties in the Swedish parliament pit different social groups against each other, in the 2015 Almedalstal compared to the 2016 Almedalstal, when using the Dutch political scientist Cas Mudde’s definition of populism. The speeches are analysed using a qualitative content analysis. The results show that several parties are more populist in the 2016 speech than the 2015 speech and that the parties have shifted focus from solutions to blaming as well as elevating their own core electorate and their primary areas of confidence with the electorate. The analysis shows that some parties have tendencies to use some populist discourse. The paper identifies that the Swedish Democrats continues to use a populist discourse while the Left party has become more populist in their discourse in the 2016 speech. The Christian Democrats and the two major political parties, the Moderate party and the Social Democrats, tend to accentuate more of a populist discourse in the 2016 speeches but not to the extent to say that they use a populist discourse as defined by Mudde.
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