The purpose of this study was to determine if any relationship existed between the change in developmental scale scores (DSS) on the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test (FCAT) for reading and mathematics, in selected Florida school districts among charter and non-charter public high schools, for grades 9 and 10. This study also investigated if any relationship existed in student achievement based on student demographics (gender, economically disadvantaged, primary home language (ELL) and ethnicity), and examined if there was a difference in professional demographics of faculty (advanced degrees, teachers’ average years of teaching experience, and percent of courses taught by out of field teachers gender), among charter and non-charter public high schools in the state of Florida. School data were analyzed from 234 charter and non-charter public high schools, within 15 districts across the state of Florida, for the years 2007-2009. The findings of this research suggest charter high schools in the state of Florida are not keeping the pace with their traditional public high school counterparts. Over a three year period, charter high schools had significantly lower developmental scale scores on the FCAT, in both reading and mathematics, than non-charter public high schools. The findings also suggest that student demographics, with respect to male gender, economically disadvantaged, and ELL, combined with charter school status, negatively impact student achievement as measured by DSS. The disparity noted with regard to faculty demographics between charter and non-charter public high schools, only touches on some considerable differences between the two school iv types; more information is needed on the variations so parents and students can make informed choices. For future research, replication of this study with an expanded sample size of charter schools and a longer period of time for data collection was recommended. Separate studies are recommended on the differences between charter and non-charter public schools with regard to instructional time, curriculum or grade levels offered, the differences between parent and student perceptions, and the differences between funding and principal background as it relates to student achievement.

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This study makes the assumption that community participation in the governance of mineral resources is a requirement of sustainable development and that through a fundamental rights-based approach, it can be made effective. The concern is that an affected community should not only be involved in the decision-making process, but its view must also influence the outcome in respect of whether or not a mineral project should take place and how it should address development issues at local level. It is assumed that this legal approach will improve mineral governance by bringing more transparency and accountability. In many African resource-rich countries, community participation has until now been practiced with more of a soft approach, with the consequence that it has been unable to eradicate the opacity existing in the management of revenues generated by mineral exploitation and also deal efficiently with the recurrence of fundamental rights violations in the mineral sector. Obviously, the success of the fundamental rights based-approach is not absolutely guaranteed because there are preconditions that must be fulfilled. The synergy between community participation and some relevant concepts like democracy, decentarlisation, accountability, (good) governance and sustainable development must be well balanced for the participation process to bring positive outcomes. Also, because the fundamental rights based-approach is conceived here within the framework of the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights, its normative and institutional components, despite the potential to make participation effective and successful, require that some critical challenges be addressed in practice. The study ends with the conclusion that the fundamental rights based-approach is appropriate to make community participation effective in the mineral-led development process taking place at local level, provided that its implementation is kept reasonable. / Constitutional, International & Indigenous Law / D.Law

This study makes the assumption that community participation in the governance of mineral resources is a requirement of sustainable development and that through a fundamental rights-based approach, it can be made effective. The concern is that an affected community should not only be involved in the decision-making process, but its view must also influence the outcome in respect of whether or not a mineral project should take place and how it should address development issues at local level. It is assumed that this legal approach will improve mineral governance by bringing more transparency and accountability. In many African resource-rich countries, community participation has until now been practiced with more of a soft approach, with the consequence that it has been unable to eradicate the opacity existing in the management of revenues generated by mineral exploitation and also deal efficiently with the recurrence of fundamental rights violations in the mineral sector. Obviously, the success of the fundamental rights based-approach is not absolutely guaranteed because there are preconditions that must be fulfilled. The synergy between community participation and some relevant concepts like democracy, decentarlisation, accountability, (good) governance and sustainable development must be well balanced for the participation process to bring positive outcomes. Also, because the fundamental rights based-approach is conceived here within the framework of the African Charter of Human and People’s Rights, its normative and institutional components, despite the potential to make participation effective and successful, require that some critical challenges be addressed in practice. The study ends with the conclusion that the fundamental rights based-approach is appropriate to make community participation effective in the mineral-led development process taking place at local level, provided that its implementation is kept reasonable. / Constitutional, International and Indigenous Law / LL. D.

No description available.

Le statut juridique de la Déclaration universelle des droits de l'Homme, qui a fait l'objet de controverses lors de son adoption, a évolué depuis. Sur le plan international, la Déclaration universelle fait désormais partie du corpus juridique du droit interne de l'ONU et a été reconnue comme un instrument obligatoire par la doctrine et les organes judiciaires et quasi-judiciaires. Sur le plan national, elle a été incorporée dans de nombreux ordres internes en suivant des dynamiques propres à quatre espaces transrégionaux (Common Law, Amérique Latine, Europe et Afrique). Cette double évolution a modifié le statut intrinsèque de la DUDH, qui fait désormais partie des sources non-conventionnelles du droit obligatoire, bien que certains ordres juridiques refusent d'admettre sa force contraignante. Son applicabilité repose ainsi sur la formulation des droits qu'elle énonce. / The legal status of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was subject to controversy at the time it was adopted, has evolved since then. At the international level, the Universal Declaration has become part of the United Nations legal corpus and has been recognized as a binding instrument by publicists and judicial and quasi-judicial bodies. At the national level, it has been incorporated into many domestic legal systems following dynamics related to four trans-regional areas (Common Law, Latin America, Europe and Africa). This double evolution has changed the intrinsic status of the UDHR, which is now part of the non-conventional sources of mandatory law, though some legal systems deny its binding force. Its applicability is therefore based on the formulation of the rights it contains.

L’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne, paraphé à Bruxelles le 19 décembre 2001 et entré en vigueur le 1er septembre 2005, fonde un partenariat en matière des droits de l’homme. Déclenché par la Déclaration de Barcelone du 27 et 28 novembre 1995, il fournit aujourd’hui le modèle le plus complet pour une meilleure mise en œuvre réelle et effective des droits de l’homme dans le cadre des accords d’associations. Inspiré, d’une politique euro-méditerranéenne qui a pour objectif la promotion et la protection des droits de l’homme, tel qu’énoncée dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, inspire les politiques internes et internationales des parties et constitue un élément essentiel pour la mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-UE. Y’a-t-il une réelle mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l’homme ? Et quels sont les moyens mis en place? / The Algerian-European association, signed on 19 December 2001 in Brussels and enforced on 1 September 2005, represents a partnership in terms of human rights. Sett off by the Barcelona Declaration of 27 & 28 November 1995, it nowadays serves as the best model for a genuine implementation of human rights in the field of assocation agreements. Inspired by Euro-Mediterranean policy whose objective is the promotion as well as protection of human rights, as stated in the universal declaration of human rights, it affects the parties, domestic and international policies and represents and essential element in the implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement. Is there a genuine implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement in the perspective of the respect of human rights? And what are the means used for that propose?

This thesis is an examination of whether the “egalitarian model” for political finance that has been established by the Supreme Court of Canada, other Canadian courts and legal scholars and commentators is actually egalitarian and has been applied consistently (in Chapter 2), and whether Canada’s political finance system measures up to the Court’s model (in Chapters 3 and 4), and how it could be changed to comply with a more egalitarian model that would also be ethical in terms of preventing even the appearance of a conflict of interest (in Chapters 6 and 7). Chapter 1 sets out a general theoretical framework for evaluating the Supreme Court’s egalitarian model, and I develop and set out a more egalitarian model in Chapter 5. In the Chapter 8 conclusion, I summarize the findings and propose structural and positive Charter rights court cases as a way forward, given that the platforms federal politicians and political parties from the past few elections, and the reports of parliamentary committees, have not called for the most of the changes I propose are needed to make the system more egalitarian. The thesis addresses political finance broadly defined as money, property, use of property, gifts, services, favours and other benefits and advantages provided to nomination contestants, election candidates and political party leadership contestants, electoral district associations, political parties, politicians and their staff during election campaign periods and also during the time period between elections, including support provided by “third-party” interest groups, lobbyists and other individuals, and by media outlets. In Chapter 3, I examine the rules that apply to each of these political actors in the areas of registration, donations and loans, spending, public subsidies and disclosure (including auditing), including a separate section on the role of media and social media. Given that political systems include providers (whether as contractors or donors) of money, property and the use of property (including gifts and other benefits and advantages), and services (including favours) to politicians, and given that providers could be lobbyists, I also examine in Chapter 4 the rules concerning gifts, favours and other benefits and relations between voters, lobbyists and politicians, and concerning the conflicts of interest that can be caused by these activities. Other than disclosure and auditing, I do not cover enforcement measures or systems in any of the areas. However, I do note at various points in the thesis that, as several studies and history have shown clearly, effective enforcement measures, policies and practices are key to ensure compliance with such rules. The main contentions that I make are: that the key principles of the Supreme Court of Canada’s egalitarian model have not been consistently upheld by the Court and other Canadian courts, that Canada’ federal political finance system does not fulfill the Court’s egalitarian model, and that several changes are needed to make the model and the system more egalitarian, only a few of which have been addressed by Canadian courts and scholars to date. These contentions counter the claim made in the Court’s rulings, and by many scholars and commentators, that Canada’s political finance system has developed and is based on an egalitarian model. In Chapters 5 through 7, I develop a more egalitarian model and set out specific proposed changes to make Canada’s systems more egalitarian, both in theory and in practice, within the framework of a democratic good government political system (meaning a system with separation of powers, elections, human rights protections, rule of law etc.) and a mixed market economy with both public sector institutions and private sector businesses, unions and other organizations (cooperatives, non-profit, religious organizations etc.). Both the model and many of the specific proposed measures should also be applicable in other jurisdictions with different political systems and economic systems. The framework of 19 standards for a more egalitarian model that I develop in Chapter 5 is based mainly on John Rawls’ theory of justice, but modified and expanded to incorporate critiques of Rawls’ theory, other legal principles and democratic good government theories, international standards, government ethics case law, behavioural psychology studies, and evidence of the public’s expectations. The 201 proposals I make in Chapters 6 and 7 for specific changes to the rules of Canada’s current federal political finance system (again, broadly defined), are based on the model, measures from various jurisdictions in Canada and elsewhere, and international standards. I am not claiming that these changes would definitely result in “better” or more “public interest” policy-making decisions, however that would be determined. I am only contending that the framework I develop is more egalitarian than the Supreme Court’s model, and that the rule changes I suggest would make the political finance, gifts, favours, conflict of interest and lobbying systems align with the more egalitarian model I propose. I primarily use the doctrinal research methodology by examining scholarly research and, given I also examine aspects of the laws of Canadian provinces and municipalities, and other countries, I also deploy some aspects of the comparative methodology (most fully when comparing Canada’s federal rules to Quebec’s rules, and somewhat when comparing Canada’s rules to the U.S. and U.K. rules). The research results from these sources inform the conclusions I set out in my thesis. The thesis advances knowledge in the following areas: 1. It is the first complete evaluation of the federal Canadian political finance, gifts-favours-benefits, conflict of interest and lobbying rules and systems in their current state as of May 2023, based on the findings of extensive new research into key parts of these systems; 2. It sets out the first comprehensive analysis of how the Supreme Court of Canada’s egalitarian model has been applied by the Court and other courts inconsistently, in ways that do not comply with the model; 3. It sets out the first analysis of how Canada’s political finance statutory rules, again defined broadly to include rules that apply to donations, loans, gifts, services, favours and other benefits, lobbying and conflicts of interest, do not comply with the Supreme Court’s egalitarian model, based in part on new statistical research set out in 28 charts, and; 4. It sets out a new theoretical framework based on 19 standards, and a comprehensive set of 201 innovative proposals for changes to make Canada’s political finance rules (again defined broadly) more egalitarian, and more ethical in terms of preventing conflicts of interest. Five comprehensive studies of key parts of the political finance, ethics and lobbying systems are also proposed to gather key information needed to inform the design of some of the 201 proposed changes. Eight structural and positive Charter rights cases are also proposed to challenge current rules that do not comply with the egalitarian model.

In recent decades tourism has asserted its importance as the biggest employer and foreign exchange earner in both the developing and developed countries. Consequently, there has been increasing attention to tourism development as a strategy to stimulate economic growth, local economic development and poverty alleviation, especially in the developing countries. This study was undertaken with the objective of determining the direct benefits of the growth in tourism to the local communities in the vicinity of protected areas in South Africa's Mpumalanga Province. The tourism sector is strategically located within the economic mainstream as it links easily with other sectors of the economy such as agriculture, hospitality, transport and entertainment. It has added advantages, including the fact that the tourist product is consumed at the destination. This offers local communities opportunities in job creation, skills development, economic empowerment and social development. The study found that meaningful involvement of local communities in the tourism industry through ownership of tourism-related enterprises was almost non-existent. There were no meaningful linkages between the industry and the local communities other than the communities' supply of unskilled labour. There were also no programmes aimed at harnessing the phenomenal growth in South Africa's tourism for the economic empowerment of local communities. The economic empowerment of local communities need not be achieved through the ownership of tourism-related enterprises only, but may also include shareholding, outsourcing, affirmative procurement and social responsibility programmes by the industry.The continued marginalisation of the local communities by the tourism industry was attributed to unsatisfactory progress with the industry's transformation. The launch of the Tourism Black Economic Empowerment Charter and Scorecard in 2005 provided impetus for the transformation of South Africa's tourism industry. However, more work still needs to be done in the identified areas of ownership and control of tourism-related businesses, distribution of tourism benefits and the development of tourism-related skills and entrepreneurial culture in local communities. The role of the private sector in stimulating community involvement in tourism is particularly important. The private sector is singled out because of government policy that tourism development would be regulated by government and be private-sector driven. Furthermore, the private sector has the capacity and the resources to mobilise, not only to improve the attractiveness and marketing of a destination and the overall management of the tourism industry, but also to build thriving local communities. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)