Syftet med denna kvalitativa studie är att söka förstå och identifiera barnombudens specifika kunskaper och erfarenheter för att kunna föra en konstruktiv diskussion kring vad detta kan tillföra andra yrkesgrupper som möter barn och unga. Detta genom att undersöka hur barnombud arbetar för att stärka barns rättigheter samt barnombudens reflektioner kring och erfarenheter av detta arbete. Studien baseras på intervjuer med barnombud i civila organisationer som företräder barn i kontakt med sociala välfärdsinstitutioner. Utifrån begrepp som advocacy (företrädarskap) och empowerment samt Harts (1992) delaktighetsstege har intervjuerna tolkats och analyserats. Barnombuden berättar om myndigheter som har svårt att göra barn delaktiga i beslut som rör dem samt om barn och unga som inte får sina rättigheter tillgodosedda. Barnombudens arbete handlar till stor del om att göra barn delaktiga. Detta sker genom att lyssna och skapa tillitsfulla relationer vilket barnombuden menar är en förutsättning för att kunna företräda. Detta relationsarbete kan ses som en del av en empowermentprocess som bidrar till ett ökat självförtroende hos barnen. Barnombuden upplever att det bidrar till att barn inser att deras upplevelser och åsikter betyder något. Barnombuden stärker barns delaktighet i myndighetsprocesser bland annat genom att vara en bro mellan barn och myndigheter där en viktig del är att göra myndighetsinformationen begriplig för barn och unga. Genom barnombudens arbete får barnen även en ökad kunskap och förståelse för sina rättigheter. En av slutsatserna är att även till synes små insatser, som att lyssna och tro på barn och ungas berättelser kan göra stora skillnader för barn och unga. En annan är att det finns en stor efterfrågan på barnombudens arbete som inte motsvarar de befintliga resurserna. Att barnkonvention blir svensk lag kommer sannolikt ha betydelse för barnombudens framtida arbete. Flera av barnombuden menar dock att det behövs mer än att barnkonventionen blir lag för att barns rättigheter ska kunna tillgodoses. / This qualitative study aims to understand and identify the children's right workers - advocates - specific knowledge and experiences in order to be able to contribute a creative discussion about what this can bring to other professional groups working with children and young people. This is done by examining how children advocates work to strengthen children's rights as well as their reflections on and experiences of this work. The study is based on interviews with advocates in non-profit organizations representing children in contact with social welfare institutions. The interviews have been analyzed by applying concepts and theories such as advocacy, empowerment and Roger Hart's Ladder of Participation. The advocates tell about authorities having difficulties making children involved in decisions concerning them, and about children and young people who are denied their rights. A vital part of the work of the advocates is about making children involved in decisions that affect their own lives. This is achieved by listening and creating relationships based on trust, which according to the advocates is a prerequisite for advocacy. The work with relationships can be seen as a part of a process of empowerment that gives children increased self-confidence. It also helps the children realize that their experiences and opinions matter. The advocates strengthen children's participation in authority decisions by being a link between children and the authorities. An important part is to make the information from the authorities understandable. Through the advocacy, the children also increase their knowledge and understanding of their rights. One conclusion is that even seemingly small efforts, such as listening and believing in their stories, can make big differences for the children. Another conclusion is that there is a large gap between existing resources and the need for the advocates’ work. The fact that the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child becomes law in Sweden, will probably be of importance for the future work of the advocates. Several of the advocates claim that more must be done to ensure that children's rights are met.

This study examines the link between the individual and social network, what social forces and social mechanisms involved in the interaction between individuals and groups and how we can explain and consider this relationship with the aim of understanding this connection. Through qualitative interviews, based on interviews of six active members in the organization Young KRIS (Young Criminal’s Return in the Society) examines the active social processes that the young members undergo, and motivates those who have been outside the expected conformed and regular society, to be included in the regular community and how this can be explained. The study shows that the organization through high availability, openness, knowledge of the needs of young people, good treatment, range of meaningful activities, has created a great venue for the young to develop and thus regain their place in the society. / Denna studie undersöker kopplingen mellan individ och sociala nätverk, det vill säga vilka sociala krafter och sociala mekanismer är verksamma i mötet mellan individen och gruppen, och hur man kan förklara och se på denna relation med målet att förstå denna koppling. Genom den kvalitativa metoden, baserad på intervjuer av sex medlemmar inom organisationen Unga KRIS, undersöker vi de verksamma sociala processer unga medlemmar genomgår och som motiverar dem som har befunnit sig utanför det förväntade, konforma och reguljära samhället, att komma att inkluderas i det reguljära samhället och hur detta kan förklaras. Studien visar att organisationen genom hög tillgänglighet, öppenhet, kunskap om ungdomarnas behov, gott bemötande och utbud av meningsfulla aktiviteter, har skapat en trygg arena för att unga medlemmarna ska kunna utvecklas och därmed återfinna sin plats i samhället.

When the world becomes drowned in multiple global problems and citizens do not see any real progressive solutions from their governments, they take the initiative in their own hands and start changing the world on their own. The Transition Town movement was born this way. It is a social movement which aims at building resilient local communities in response to climate change, peak oil and an unfair ecologically destructive economic system which is probably soon to break down. As a potentially strong actor of future social change, it is worth studying emerging local movements in Europe, and hopefully identifying new potentials for success of these grass-root innovations.The study, thus, aims to investigate the relation between the participants of the Transition Movement Sweden and the supranational/intergovernmental entity EU, which plays one of the key roles in economic, environmental and social aspects of Swedish citizens. By conducting interviews with participants of the movement in several Swedish cities, the nature of this relationship is being explored. Using the theory of Multi-Institutional Politics Approach the case study explains the connection between the movement and the EU.

The civil society is considered an important component of a democratic system and is supported by political advocates. During the 2015 migrant crisis the voluntary sector, as part of the civil society, played an important role shouldering a lot of responsibility for the arrival of refugees. This led to criticisms aimed towards the public sector and it’s absence in regard to the same situation. The purpose of this essay is to investigate and explain the political paradox created in connection with the migrant crisis of 2015. Using the ”perspective of responsibility” as a starting-point this essay will look at the public sector’s- and respectively the civil society’s actions during the crisis as a benchmark. This essay will use the method known as case study, through a qualitative text analysis as a base. The different sectors and their respective relationships to the perspective of responsibility will be discussed through three separate ways in which Robert Putnams theory on social capital & citizenship, and Henrik Berggren & Lars Trägårdhs theory on the Swedish state individualism will be discussed. Using these two separate theories together with the perspective of responsibility as a foundation, the study will illustrate the problematic aspects of civil society partly bearing the responsibilities of the public sector’s areas of responsibility during the fall of 2015. This essay found that some of the negative criticism pointed at the public sector was misguided during the fall 2015.

Antalet internetrelaterade sexualbrott mot barn ökar i Sverige. Polisens arbetsbelastning blir högre och deras insatser täcker inte behoven. Dumpen är en civil aktör som arbetar för att motverka sexualbrott mot barn genom att bland annat konfrontera och filma individer som tagit kontakt med barn i sexuellt syfte. Efter konfrontationen publiceras materialet på nätet och är tillgängligt för allmänheten. Studien syftar till att undersöka på vilket sätt Dumpens arbete påverkar polisens utrednings- och brottsförebyggande arbete inom detta ämne. Resultatet visar att Dumpen försvårar polisens utredningsarbete avseende digital bevisning samt att de bidrar till stigmatisering och främjar således inte det brottsförebyggande arbetet. / The number of Internet related sexual crimes against children is increasing in Sweden. The Police workload is getting higher and their efforts do not cover their needs. Dumpen is a civil actor who works to prevent sexual crimes against children by, among other things, confronting and filming individuals who have made contact with children for sexual purposes. After the confrontation, the material is published online and is available to the public. This study aims to investigate how Dumpen's work affects the Police investigation and crime prevention. The results show that Dumpen complicates the Police investigative work regarding digital evidence and that it contributes to stigmatization and thus does not promote crime prevention work.

The City of Stockholm has declared that it will be leading in the implementation of Agenda 2030. The study is based on interviews with political parties, representatives from the administration and civil society actors in the City of Stockholm. It explores how concepts within and the relation between Agenda 2030 and human rights are perceived. The results of the study are based on four themes: to leave no one behind, politics, language and practice, and partnership. A tension between human rights and Agenda 2030 is found, but also commonalities. The study shows that in local administration, Agenda 2030 and the Sustainable Development Goals are often regarded as more practical than human rights. Yet, respondents believe that human rights can strengthen Agenda 2030. Across all respondent groups, the study finds that there are expectations of Agenda 2030 breaking silos, uniting actors and offering a framework that is stable over policy shifts

In this essay I investigate the role of civil society in relation to migrants in the municipality of Kalix, in a rural area in northern Sweden. The purpose is to discover which subject positions that leaders from the civil society describe as possible and which positions they see as possible for migrants. I also want to see which discourses the leaders from the civil associations are a part of and contribute to. The material comes from interviews completed with people involved in civil society and from meetings, organized by the municipality and with participants from civil associations, discussing the subject. The method used is discourse analysis, influenced by Laclau and Mouffes theory about discourses. Foucault´s theory of governmentality is used to examine how civil society and migrants are affected by state control. This control manifests in control mechanisms such as the Swedish government’s establishment program, legislation about migrants rights and economic grants. The analysis is supported by earlier research and theories about multiculturalism and rights. The leaders mainly moved within four discourses: ´multicultural´, ´repressive liberalism´, ´rural preservation´ and ´quality of life and humanity´. The multicultural discourse had a positive view of cultural and religious differences. This discourse made the subject positions of organizer of cultural activities possible for the leaders. Migrants were described as having the position of representatives of specific cultural groups and as group members in need of extra support. The repressive liberalism discourse viewed difference as something negative. The goal was for migrants to be assimilated into the local culture. The leaders adopted the role of tutors. Migrants were described as occupying the subject positions of employment oriented, able to assimilate, and as representatives of all immigrant people. In the discourse about ‘rural preservation’ activities were motivated by goals for a bright future for Kalix. The leaders’ subject positions were understood as coordinators, mentors and debaters. Migrants were understood as competent in particular professions and as desirable long term residents of Kalix. Governmental Control mechanics were considered to be something that limited migrants’ possibilities. The quality of life and humanity discourse has the goal that everyone shall have the possibility to live a good life. The leaders adopted the role as creators of safety and confidence and migrants were considered to be both victims of unfair regulation that limited their legitimacy, and as developers of civil associations. There were antagonisms between the discourses about rights/justice, integration and culture. Because of these conflicts the activities are striving towards different goals and consider different phenomena to be obstacles. Cooperation and the possibilities of getting along are therefore made difficult. Both these antagonisms and the governmental control mechanisms affect which activities can be performed and thereby which subjects positions that are made possible.