The thesis constitutes a detailed historical reconstruction of the creation, contestation and subsequent amendment of the Imprisonment for Public Protection sentence, the principal ‘dangerous offender’ measure of the Criminal Justice Act 2003. Underpinned by an interpretive political analysis of penal politics, the thesis draws on a detailed analysis of relevant documents and 53 interviews with national level, policy-oriented actors. The thesis explores how actors’ conceptions of ‘risk’ and ‘the public’ interwove with the political beliefs and political traditions relied upon by the relevant actors. It is argued that while there was general recognition of a ‘real problem’ existing in relation to dangerous offenders, the central actors in the creation of the IPP sentence crucially lacked a detailed understanding of the state of the art of risk assessment and management (Kemshall, 2003) and failed to appreciate the systemic risks posed by the IPP sentence. The creation of the IPP sentence, as with its subsequent amendment, is argued to highlight the extreme vulnerability felt by many government actors. The efforts of interest groups and other pressure participants to have their concerns addressed regarding the systemic and human damage subsequently caused by the under-resourcing of the IPP sentence is explored, and the challenge of stridently arguing for substantial change while maintaining ‘insider’ status is discussed. As regards senior courts’ efforts to rein in the IPP sentence, it is argued that the increasingly conservative nature of the judgments demonstrate that the judiciary are not immune from the creep of a ‘precautionary logic’ into British penal politics. Regarding the amendment of the IPP sentence, the Ministry of Justice’s navigation between the twin dangers of a systemic crisis and a political crisis are explored. In conclusion, the IPP story is argued to demonstrate a troubling ‘thoughtlessness’ by many of the key policymakers, revealing what is termed the ‘banality of punitiveness.’ The potential for a reliance on political beliefs and traditions to slip into this thoughtless state, and possible ways of ensuring that such policy issues are engaged with in a more inclusive and expansive manner, are discussed.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Izabel Sanches Costa.pdf: 7821633 bytes, checksum: c864063665dd0fb83a3ec0c4334cff44 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation aims to genealogically analyze the approach of legal and psychiatric discourses in defense of the insane criminal restraint in regard to security measure issues and they internment in Manicômios Judiciários (a Judiciary Mental Health Hospital), currently known as the Hospitals of Custody and Psychiatric Treatment (HCPT). Since the appearance of the psychiatrist in court, the figure of the insane criminal emerged as a freak that needs to be studied, treated and normalized. Thus, the knowledge of criminal psychiatry led health policies to approach the security policies as a way to suppress these dangerous individuals, removing them from the social living, legitimized by the concept of social dangerousness. Indeed, they were taken to the State custody, for the maintenance of order and the social welfare through the execution of the security measure. This work tried to investigate the technical procedures of power that produces a disciplinary control over the body, in regard to gestures, attitudes and behavior of insane criminals. From a study of the different historical phases of Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, it was shown that the notion of dangerous individuals, and its proposal for the model of treatment / custody, changes in each current socio-political discourse / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar genealogicamente a aproximação dos discursos jurídico e psiquiátrico, em defesa da contenção do louco criminoso, no que tange à problemática da medida de segurança e à internação nos Manicômios Judiciários, atualmente conhecidos como Hospitais de Custódia e Tratamento Psiquiátrico (HCTP). A partir do aparecimento do psiquiatra nos tribunais, a figura do louco criminoso emergiu como um anormal que necessita ser estudado, tratado e normalizado. Desse modo, o saber da psiquiatria penal levou as políticas de saúde, legitimadas pelo conceito de periculosidade a aproximarem-se das políticas de segurança, como uma forma de reprimir esses indivíduos perigosos, retirando-os do convívio social. Com efeito, eles passam à custódia do Estado, em prol da manutenção da ordem e do bem-estar da sociedade através da imputação da medida de segurança. Neste trabalho, procurou-se investigar os procedimentos técnicos de poder que realizam um controle disciplinar do corpo, em relação aos gestos, atitudes, comportamento dos loucos criminosos. A partir de um estudo das diferentes fases históricas do Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, demonstrou-se que tanto a noção de indivíduo perigoso, bem como o modelo tratamento/custódia, modificam-se em cada discurso sócio-político vigente

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maria Izabel Sanches Costa.pdf: 7821633 bytes, checksum: c864063665dd0fb83a3ec0c4334cff44 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation aims to genealogically analyze the approach of legal and psychiatric discourses in defense of the insane criminal restraint in regard to security measure issues and they internment in Manicômios Judiciários (a Judiciary Mental Health Hospital), currently known as the Hospitals of Custody and Psychiatric Treatment (HCPT). Since the appearance of the psychiatrist in court, the figure of the insane criminal emerged as a freak that needs to be studied, treated and normalized. Thus, the knowledge of criminal psychiatry led health policies to approach the security policies as a way to suppress these dangerous individuals, removing them from the social living, legitimized by the concept of social dangerousness. Indeed, they were taken to the State custody, for the maintenance of order and the social welfare through the execution of the security measure. This work tried to investigate the technical procedures of power that produces a disciplinary control over the body, in regard to gestures, attitudes and behavior of insane criminals. From a study of the different historical phases of Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, it was shown that the notion of dangerous individuals, and its proposal for the model of treatment / custody, changes in each current socio-political discourse / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar genealogicamente a aproximação dos discursos jurídico e psiquiátrico, em defesa da contenção do louco criminoso, no que tange à problemática da medida de segurança e à internação nos Manicômios Judiciários, atualmente conhecidos como Hospitais de Custódia e Tratamento Psiquiátrico (HCTP). A partir do aparecimento do psiquiatra nos tribunais, a figura do louco criminoso emergiu como um anormal que necessita ser estudado, tratado e normalizado. Desse modo, o saber da psiquiatria penal levou as políticas de saúde, legitimadas pelo conceito de periculosidade a aproximarem-se das políticas de segurança, como uma forma de reprimir esses indivíduos perigosos, retirando-os do convívio social. Com efeito, eles passam à custódia do Estado, em prol da manutenção da ordem e do bem-estar da sociedade através da imputação da medida de segurança. Neste trabalho, procurou-se investigar os procedimentos técnicos de poder que realizam um controle disciplinar do corpo, em relação aos gestos, atitudes, comportamento dos loucos criminosos. A partir de um estudo das diferentes fases históricas do Manicômio Judiciário de Franco da Rocha, demonstrou-se que tanto a noção de indivíduo perigoso, bem como o modelo tratamento/custódia, modificam-se em cada discurso sócio-político vigente

Dans l'histoire de la pensée criminologique, l'école positiviste s'est distinguée par ses idées quelque peu révolutionnaires sur le crime, le criminel et également sur la manière de s'en défendre. Enrico Ferri, illustre représentant de cette école, est celui qui a le mieux synthétisé et diffusé ces idées dans le champ juridique international. C'est lui qui le plus contribué à donner à cette école son caractère de politique criminelle et de doctrine de droit pénal. mais malgré tout, il reste très peu étudié. Contrairement à d'autres criminologues, il n' pas eu la chance de voir ses idées répandues et mises en relief dans les sphères de la littérature criminologique, bien que sa pensée ait exercé une influence importante sur les transformations du droit pénal et que certaines de ses idées connaissent aujourd'hui un regain d'actualité. La pensée de Ferri se distingue particulièrement par la réaction sociale qu’il préconise à l’égard du criminel. Celle-ci découle de sa nouvelle approche scientifique du phénomène criminel et des transformations qu’il voulait opérer dans le droit pénal, pour l’adapter aux données de la criminologie. Ferri propose un système positiviste préventif et répressif de défense sociale. La prévention s’effectuera par des substitutifs pénaux. La répression sera assurée par des mesures réparatrices, des mesures neutralisatrices et des mesures éliminatrices, adaptées à la dangerosité de chaque délinquant. Cette pensée de Ferri connaît un certain renouveau dans l’actuel système pénal, à travers la résurgence des deux notions fondamentales de sa réaction sociale, en l’occurrence, la notion de dangerosité et la notion de mesures de sûreté. / In the history of criminological thought, the positivist school has been to some extent distinguished by its revolutionary ideas about crime, the criminal, and also about how to defend oneself against it. Enrico Ferri, the illustrious representative of this school, is the person who has best synthesized and disseminated these ideas in the international legal field. It is he who most contributed to giving this school its character of criminal policy and criminal law doctrine. Nevertheless, Ferri remains very little studied. Unlike other criminologists, he has not had the chance to see his ideas spread and brought to the fore in the spheres of criminological literature, notwithstanding that his thinking has had a significant influence on the transformations of criminal law and some of his ideas are now gaining new relevance. Ferri's thinking is distinguished in particular by the social reaction he advocates towards the criminal, which stems from his new scientific approach to the criminal phenomenon and the transformations he wanted to make in criminal law, to adapt it to the data of criminology. Ferri proposes a positivist preventive and repressive system of social defence. Prevention will be carried out by criminal substitutes. Repression will be ensured by restorative measures, neutralizing measures and elimination measures, adapted to the dangerousness of each offender. Ferri's thinking is undergoing a certain renewal in the current penal system, through the resurgence of the two fundamental notions of his social reaction, in this case, the notion of dangerousness and the notion of security measures.

Esta tese descreve a articulação entre as práticas discursivas jurídicas e psiquiátrico forenses através da análise dos laudos psiquiátrico legais arquivados no Instituto Psiquiátrico Forense Maurício Cardoso, localizado em Porto Alegre, no período de 1925 a 2003. Adotando uma abordagem arqueogenealógica de pesquisa, inspirada na obra de Michel Foucault, busca descrever o modo como ocorre, ao longo do período pesquisado, a relação entre diversos regimes de verdade jurídico-legais e médico-científicos que permitem a emergência da "periculosidade" e do "risco" como problematizações específicas. Inicialmente, verificou-se o predomínio da noção médico-jurídica de "periculosidade", abarcando o período de 1925 a 1973, no qual os determinantes hereditários e os traços de personalidade tendiam a ser associados aos comportamentos criminosos de caráter violento, remontando a uma natureza ou condição individual. A noção de risco começa a se esboçar entre 1974 e 2003, abarcando a noção e "periculosidade" e a amplificando, pois está centrada na descrição de comportamentos criminosos visando determinar os indivíduos potencialmente reincidentes, enfatizando mais a classificação psiquiátrica do indivíduo periciado do que a gravidade do crime cometido. / This thesis describes the articulation between the juridical and psychiatric discursive practices using the forensic psychiatrical assessments archived in the Forensic Psychiatrical Institute Mauricio Cardoso, located at Porto Alegre, from 1925 to 1973. Adopting an archeogenealogical approach of research, inspired on the Michel Foucault's work, this enquire search to describe how along the researched period the different juridical-legal and medicalscientific problematizations and politics of truth permit the emergency of problematizations around "dangerousness" and "risk". Initially, it was verified the predominance of the medicaljuridical notion or "dangerousness", from 1925 to 1973, in which the hereditary determinants and the personality traits tend to be associated to criminal behaviors of violent nature, remembering an individual condition. The notion of "risk" begins to be stretch between 1974 and 2003, comprehending the notion of "dangerousness" and amplifying it, for it is centered in the description of violent behaviors aiming to determine the potentially recidivist individuals, focusing more the psychiatrical classification of the individual than the gravity of the crime.

Esta tese descreve a articulação entre as práticas discursivas jurídicas e psiquiátrico forenses através da análise dos laudos psiquiátrico legais arquivados no Instituto Psiquiátrico Forense Maurício Cardoso, localizado em Porto Alegre, no período de 1925 a 2003. Adotando uma abordagem arqueogenealógica de pesquisa, inspirada na obra de Michel Foucault, busca descrever o modo como ocorre, ao longo do período pesquisado, a relação entre diversos regimes de verdade jurídico-legais e médico-científicos que permitem a emergência da "periculosidade" e do "risco" como problematizações específicas. Inicialmente, verificou-se o predomínio da noção médico-jurídica de "periculosidade", abarcando o período de 1925 a 1973, no qual os determinantes hereditários e os traços de personalidade tendiam a ser associados aos comportamentos criminosos de caráter violento, remontando a uma natureza ou condição individual. A noção de risco começa a se esboçar entre 1974 e 2003, abarcando a noção e "periculosidade" e a amplificando, pois está centrada na descrição de comportamentos criminosos visando determinar os indivíduos potencialmente reincidentes, enfatizando mais a classificação psiquiátrica do indivíduo periciado do que a gravidade do crime cometido. / This thesis describes the articulation between the juridical and psychiatric discursive practices using the forensic psychiatrical assessments archived in the Forensic Psychiatrical Institute Mauricio Cardoso, located at Porto Alegre, from 1925 to 1973. Adopting an archeogenealogical approach of research, inspired on the Michel Foucault's work, this enquire search to describe how along the researched period the different juridical-legal and medicalscientific problematizations and politics of truth permit the emergency of problematizations around "dangerousness" and "risk". Initially, it was verified the predominance of the medicaljuridical notion or "dangerousness", from 1925 to 1973, in which the hereditary determinants and the personality traits tend to be associated to criminal behaviors of violent nature, remembering an individual condition. The notion of "risk" begins to be stretch between 1974 and 2003, comprehending the notion of "dangerousness" and amplifying it, for it is centered in the description of violent behaviors aiming to determine the potentially recidivist individuals, focusing more the psychiatrical classification of the individual than the gravity of the crime.

Esta tese descreve a articulação entre as práticas discursivas jurídicas e psiquiátrico forenses através da análise dos laudos psiquiátrico legais arquivados no Instituto Psiquiátrico Forense Maurício Cardoso, localizado em Porto Alegre, no período de 1925 a 2003. Adotando uma abordagem arqueogenealógica de pesquisa, inspirada na obra de Michel Foucault, busca descrever o modo como ocorre, ao longo do período pesquisado, a relação entre diversos regimes de verdade jurídico-legais e médico-científicos que permitem a emergência da "periculosidade" e do "risco" como problematizações específicas. Inicialmente, verificou-se o predomínio da noção médico-jurídica de "periculosidade", abarcando o período de 1925 a 1973, no qual os determinantes hereditários e os traços de personalidade tendiam a ser associados aos comportamentos criminosos de caráter violento, remontando a uma natureza ou condição individual. A noção de risco começa a se esboçar entre 1974 e 2003, abarcando a noção e "periculosidade" e a amplificando, pois está centrada na descrição de comportamentos criminosos visando determinar os indivíduos potencialmente reincidentes, enfatizando mais a classificação psiquiátrica do indivíduo periciado do que a gravidade do crime cometido. / This thesis describes the articulation between the juridical and psychiatric discursive practices using the forensic psychiatrical assessments archived in the Forensic Psychiatrical Institute Mauricio Cardoso, located at Porto Alegre, from 1925 to 1973. Adopting an archeogenealogical approach of research, inspired on the Michel Foucault's work, this enquire search to describe how along the researched period the different juridical-legal and medicalscientific problematizations and politics of truth permit the emergency of problematizations around "dangerousness" and "risk". Initially, it was verified the predominance of the medicaljuridical notion or "dangerousness", from 1925 to 1973, in which the hereditary determinants and the personality traits tend to be associated to criminal behaviors of violent nature, remembering an individual condition. The notion of "risk" begins to be stretch between 1974 and 2003, comprehending the notion of "dangerousness" and amplifying it, for it is centered in the description of violent behaviors aiming to determine the potentially recidivist individuals, focusing more the psychiatrical classification of the individual than the gravity of the crime.

Ce qui arrive à l’homme du XXIe siècle en prison est en partie analogue à ce qui arrive àl’homme tout court. Nous avons perdu l’innocence (seuls les enfants ne l’ont pas encore perdue), ettentons de la récupérer en nous revendiquant victimes. Présumés coupables, isolés, observés, voilà ceque nous sommes devenus. L’homo carceralus est une sorte de type qui hante notre cultureoccidentale. Fruit du nihilisme et de la gnose. C’est pourquoi il est pertinent de chercher à penser sonépreuve, non de l’extérieur, mais comme ce qui peut nous arriver à chacun, et d’en repérer ce quil’empoisonne ou ce qui la libère. Car la gnose, qui est peut-être sophisme ou nihilisme, est menteuselorsqu’elle fait croire que l’on sort de l’épreuve par “en haut”, par la fuite hors des conditions de viehumaines, dans le scientisme naturaliste, le savoir statistique ou la technique. La résignation et la fuiteen avant ont le même visage, celui de la fatalité : ni l’une et ni l’autre n’aiment ce monde, ni ce temps.Or, ce n’est pas ailleurs que du sens peut advenir. Si la prison est un pharmakon, remède etpoison, c’est qu’elle reste une institution humaine. La grandeur de l’homme est d’être puissance descontraires, capacité de surmonter tout déterminisme, capacité de ne pas se résigner à la fatalité, aucoeur même de sa misère. Encore faut-il ne pas être abandonné seul dans l’épreuve, tant il est vrai quec’est l’autre, et particulièrement l’autre ébranlé, grâce à qui la traversée est possible, par “en bas”. Lesoin en prison s’enracine dans cette « solidarité des ébranlés ». Pour naviguer entre les différentsdispositifs pénitentiaires et sanitaires qui visent à contrôler et à prévoir le comportement des captifs, lemédecin doit faire preuve de mêtis, cette intelligence des interstices, au service de son patient. Et enmême temps, il doit garder de façon catégorique le secret médical, au nom de ce que l’homme restetoujours opaque à toutes les sciences et les techniques, plus grand que lui-même, en sa fragilité. Cesavoir « de nuit » n’est autre que le savoir socratique : « je sais que je ne sais pas ». / That which is happening to XXIst century man in prison is, in part, similar to what ishappening to all of us. Our innocence lost, (innocence is retained only by the child), we try to regain itby claiming to be the victim. We are presumed guilty, isolated, observed. Homo carceralus hauntsour Western culture; fruit of nihilism and gnosis. It is the reason we should reflect on his ordeal, notfrom the outside, but as something that could happen to each and every one of us, and in which todiscover where the poison lies and what the remedy could be. For gnosis, (either sophism ornihilism), is false when we are led to believe that we exit an ordeal by escaping our human conditionin the ‘upward’ direction of the natural sciences, statistical knowledge or technique. Resignation andheadlong pursuit share a characteristic, that of a predestined tendency towards disaster. Neither theone nor the other sits comfortably in this world or our times.But meaning does not have to come from elsewhere. If prison is pharmakon, both remedy andpoison, it is because it is a human institution. Man’s greatness is his conflicting authority : having thecapacity to overcome determinism, the ability not to resign himself to his fate, even at his lowestpoint. But it is imperative not to be left alone through this ordeal, for it is true that it is the other,particularly the ‘weakened other’, thanks to whom the crossing is possible from ‘below’. Care inprison is rooted in this ‘solidarity of the weak’. To navigate the different penitentiary and healthsystems, which seek to control and foresee the captives’ behaviour, the medical doctor must exertmêtis, become complicit with the patient in order to serve the patient. And at the same timecategorical medical confidentiality must be maintained, in the name of which the patient in his or herfragility, remains invisible to all sciences and techniques which are yet greater than he or she is. This‘secret’ knowledge is none other than Socratic knowledge: ‘I know that I do not know’.

La pathologisation du criminel n’est pas un fait nouveau, pas plus que ne l’est la tendance latente à considérer le délinquant comme un malade. Pourtant, la sanction pénale semble avoir dépassé progressivement l’association symbolique en distillant progressivement au cœur de son fonctionnement le principe d’une réponse médicale à l’acte infractionnel. Ce faisant elle s’inscrit progressivement dans un mouvement plus vaste, celui décrit par les sociologues du milieu du XXème siècle : le processus de médicalisation. L’étude de la médicalisation de la sanction pénale démontre d’une mutation inédite prenant appui sur une catégorie à définir, celle des soins pénalement ordonnés. Elle tend alors à mesurer les différentes mutations opérées par une série de législations marquée par l’accélération et l’expansion d’un processus longtemps associé à des problématiques addictives. Le soin a t-il vocation à se substituer à la sanction, à devenir sanction ? Telles sont désormais les nouvelles problématiques qui innervent la matière. Dans ce qui se profile comme une redéfinition de l’architecture de la sanction pénale, pour les responsables comme les irresponsables pénaux le système pénal n’admet plus de culpabilité sans sanction, ni de sanction sans traitement. La tangibilité du processus de médicalisation de la sanction pénale naît alors du déplacement progressif et à dessein des fondements traditionnels de la sanction pénale tandis que, dans un mouvement inverse, ses finalités se resserrent, depuis leur réception théorique jusque dans leur mise en œuvre, autour d’un objectif thérapeutique / Pathologising the criminal is nothing new, no more than is the latent trend to consider the offender as a patient. Yet criminal sanction appears to have gradually exceeded this symbolic association, progressively distilling the principle of a medical response to the unlawful act into the core of its operation. In doing so it gradually falls within a broader movement, that described by sociologists from the middle of the twentieth century: the medicalisation process.The study of the medicalisation of criminal punishments demonstrates an unprecedented mutation based on taking a class yet to be defined, that of care as a criminal punishment. It tends to measure different mutations carried by a series of laws marked by the acceleration and expansion of a process long associated with addictive problems. Has care become a substitute for punishment, or even a punishment in itself ? These are now the new problems that are stirring things up. In what is emerging as a redefinition of the architecture of punishment, for those responsible just like those who are criminally irresponsible, the penal system no longer recognises guilt without punishment, nor punishment without treatment. The tangibility of the process of medicalisation of criminal punishment was born of the progressive and intentional movement away from the traditional foundations of criminal punishment while, in a reverse movement, tightening its purposes, hence their theoretical reception right through to its implementation, around a therapeutic target

À l'heure actuelle, deux formes de sanctions pénales s'opposent et se complètent : une forme classique et rétributive, la peine, et une forme plus moderne et essentiellement préventive, la mesure de sûreté. Ces deux sanctions pénales, si elles ne possèdent ni les mêmes fondements, ni les mêmes objectifs, sont pourtant parfois difficiles à différencier. La question des rapports qu'elles entretiennent est récurrente mais au regard de l'augmentation constante du nombre de mesures de sûreté dans la loi pénale depuis ces dernières années, elle mérite désormais une réponse. Cette dernière sera apportée à l'aune de la notion d'autonomie qui permettra d'une part d'identifier clairement les mesures de sûreté et d'autre part de dégager un ensemble de règles plus ou moins spécifiques destinées à clarifier leur régime juridique. De cette manière, la légitimité de l'existence des mesures de sûreté pourra être confirmée. / At the moment, two forms of penalties oppose and complement each other: a classic shape and rétributive, the sentences, and a more modern and essentially preventive shape, the safety measures. These two criminal punishments, if they do not possess either the same foundations, or the same objectives, are nevertheless sometimes difficult to differentiate. The question of the relationships which they maintain is recurring but with regard to the constant increase of the number of safety measures in the penal law for these last years, it deserves from now on an answer. The latter will be brought in the form of the notion of autonomy which will on one hand allow to identify clearly safety measures and on the other hand to clear a set of more or less specific rules intended to clarify their legal regime. In this way, the legitimacy of the existence of safety measures can be confirmed.