Zweigendernde Diskurse bilden die Basis für den gesellschaftlichen Umgang mit Intergeschlechtlichkeit auf den Ebenen der Medizin, des Rechts, der Politik und in großen Teilen der Wissenschaft. Inter* Personen und ihre Organisationen kritisieren seit langem die hieraus entstehenden Diskriminierungen und Pathologisierungen. Auch Gremien der Europäischen Union, wie der Ethikrat, mahnen Deutschland wiederholt für den rechtlichen und medizinischen Umgang mit inter* Personen ab. Die deutsche Bundesregierung kündigt in ihrem Koalitionsvertrag von 2018 ein Verbot von nicht konsensualen Operationen an intergeschlechtlichen Minderjährigen an. Sie hat zum Januar 2019 aufgrund eines Beschlusses des Bundesverfassungsgerichts einen dritten optionalen Personenstand divers für intergeschlechtliche Personen eingeführt. Diese Arbeit untersucht die Diskrepanzen zwischen Denk- und Handlungsweisen, denen der hegemonialen Geschlechterdiskurs zugrundeliegt, auf der einen und Diskursen geschlechtlicher Vielfalt sowie den Einstellungen und Forderungen der Inter*Bewegungen auf der anderen Seite. Zudem werden die Wechselwirkungen der Diskursebenen Medizin, Recht, Politik und Wissenschaft herausgearbeitet. Hierzu werden Gesetze, Antidis-kriminierungsrichtlinien, medizinwissenschaftliche Theorien und Vorgehensweisen sowie Ansätze aus Psychologie, Bildungs- und Beratungsarbeit untersucht. (Post)identitäts- und bündnispolitische Strategien und Aspekte der Biopolitik werden im Kontext von Anpassung und Widerstand analysiert. Darüber hinaus wird die Verwobenheit struktureller Diskrimini-erungsformen einbezogen. Partizipative intersektionale Forschungsansätze werden im Zusammenhang mit Intergeschlechtlichkeit aufgezeigt. Die Arbeit hat das Ziel, herauszuarbeiten, welche Denk- und Handlungsoptionen Diskurse geschlechtlicher Vielfalt zukünftig bestärken können, und wie Forderungen von Inter*Be-wegungen sowie menschenrechtliche, antipathologisierende und antidiskriminierende Aspekte hierbei beachtet werden können. / Discourses about gender binary form the basis for the social interaction with intersex on the levels of medicine, law, politics and in large parts of science. Inter*persons and their organizations have long criticized the resulting discrimination and pathologies. In addition, committees of the European Union, as the Ethics Council, remind Germany repeatedly for the legal and medical dealing with inter*persons. The German government announced in its coalition agreement of 2018 a ban on non-consensual operations on intersex minors. In January 2019, it introduced a third optional civil status divers for intersex persons on the basis of a decision of the Federal Constitutional Court. The present thesis investigates the discrepancies between modes of thinking and acting that underlie the hegemonic gender discourse, discourses of gender diversity, and the attitudes and demands of the inter*movements. In addition, the interactions of the disciplines of medicine, law, politics and science are worked out. For this purpose, laws, anti-discrimination guidelines, medical science theories and approaches as well as approaches from psychology, education and consulting work are examined. (Post) identity and alliance policies and aspects of biopolitics are analyzed in the context of adaptation and resistance. Furthermore, it includes the interweaving of structural forms of discrimination. Participatory intersectional research approaches are presented in the context of intersex. The aim of the paper is to work out which options for thought and action can encourage discourses of gender diversity in future, and how demands of inter*movements as well as human rights, antipathologizing and anti-discriminatory aspects can be considered.

[pt] Movida pelas questões que o debate político contemporâneo em torno das Políticas de Identidade - ou políticas identitárias, como se convencionou a chamar - suscita sobre a relação entre raça e classe, a presente pesquisa se dispõe sobretudo a investigar o papel de raça na modernidade capitalista. Julgando ser de central importância a essa tarefa o movimento de historicizar raça em seu sentido moderno, engaja-se com uma reconstrução histórica que confere ênfase ao papel da escravidão transatlântica para a gênese capitalista, elucidando sobre seu aspecto colonial. Conjuntamente a esse esforço de historicização de raça e compreensão do capitalismo a partir dos eventos sucedidos no Atlântico, volta-se à reflexão sobre os efeitos do significante racial moderno através de perspectivas teóricas que questionam os limites e ambiguidades de raça na modernidade. A partir dessas considerações que buscam contribuir com o pensamento crítico acerca do lugar de raça no capitalismo, o objetivo do presente trabalho é se dirigir às diferentes maneiras como a relação entre raça e classe é entendida e mobilizada no debate político em torno das lutas identitárias, com suas posições que trafegam desde um desmerecimento da indissociabilidade existente entre as identidades produzidas pelo signo racial moderno e o modo de gestão do capitalismo, por um lado, até à redução de raça a uma questão de ordem meramente econômica, por outro. / [en] Driven by the questions that the contemporary political debate around Identity Politics - or identitarian politics, as it has been conventionally called - raises about the relationship between race and class, the present research proposes itself to investigate the role of race in capitalist modernity. Considering the movement to historicize race in its modern sense as one of central importance to this task, this work engages in a historical reconstruction that emphasizes the role of transatlantic slavery for the capitalist genesis, elucidating its colonial aspect. Alongside the effort to historicize race and to understand capitalism from the events that took place in the Atlantic it is proposed a reflection on the effects of the modern racial signifier through theoretical perspectives that question the limits and ambiguities of race in modernity. Through these considerations that seek to contribute to the critical thinking about the place of race in capitalism the aim of this research is to address the different ways in which the relationship between race and class is understood and mobilized in the political debate around identity struggles – with its positions that range from a neglect of the indissociability between the identities produced by the modern racial sign and the way capitalism functions, on the one side; to a reduction of race to a question of a purely economic order, on the other.

[pt] A presente Tese de Doutorado investiga algumas das relações entre arte, política e movimentos sociais que permeiam nosso presente, partindo de uma constelação insurgente composta por exposições, ações, trabalhos de arte e de ativismo ocorridos no Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo e Pernambuco, circunscritos no período entre 2004 e 2018. Em uma abordagem transversal de arte e política, cada um dos seis capítulos coloca um determinado elemento estético em cena: duas ações do coletivo Frente Três de Fevereiro (1) e uma do Política do Impossível (2); o coletivismo artístico em torno da ocupação Prestes Maia (3) e seu desdobramento na exposição Zona de Poesia Árida e no suporte instalativo Poética do Dissenso (4); duas performances de Elilson (5); dois trabalhos de Bárbara Wagner em colaboração com grupos de evangélicos neopentecostais (6). Partindo desta constelação, discutimos problemas como a poética da política, uma educação pelo silêncio, a crítica institucional e a institucionalidade crítica, uma política do luto e da memória, além de questões relativas a coletivos, minorias, alteridades, identidades e lugares de fala. Nos baseamos especialmente no pensamento de Jacques Rancière, amparado por autores como Bruno Latour, Walter Benjamin, Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault, Judith Butler e Suely Rolnik. Assumimos uma abordagem fragmentária, que tangencia o método cartográfico de Suely Rolnik; as constelações benjaminianas; as cenas rancierianas; os traços barthesianos; e o composicionismo de Bruno Latour. Esta estratégia absorve certos modos de inteligibilidade comuns aos procedimentos de curadoria ou de montagem, em que a reunião de uma série de imagens singulares pode agenciar múltiplas possibilidades de sentido. Na presente Tese, ela permite a emergência de um presente composto enquanto um campo irresoluto de vibração dissensual. / [en] This Doctoral Thesis investigates some of the relationships between art, politics and social movements that permeate our present, starting from an insurgent constellation composed of exhibitions, activist actions and art works that took place in Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and Pernambuco, in the period between 2004 and 2018. In a transversal approach to art and politics, each one of the six chapters enacts a certain aesthetic element: two actions held by Frente Três de Fevereiro collective (1) and one action held by Política do Impossível collective (2); the artistic collectivism around Prestes Maia occupation (3) and its unfolding in the exhibition Zona de Poesia Árida and in the installation work Poética do Dissenso (4); two performances conceived by Elilson (5); two pieces made by Bárbara Wagner, in collaboration with neopentecostal groups (6). Starting from this constellation, we discuss matters such as the poetics of politics, an education through silence, institutional critique and critical institutionality, a politics of mourning and memory, as well as issues related to collectives, minorities, alterities, identities and speaking places. This research draws especially on the thought of Jacques Rancière, supported by authors such as Bruno Latour, Walter Benjamin, Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault, Judith Butler and Suely Rolnik. Seeking to privilege a fragmentary approach, our method derives from Suely Rolnik s cartographic method; benjaminian s constellations; rancierian s scenes; barthesian s traces; and Bruno Latour s compositionism. This strategy absorbs certain modes of intelligibility common to curatorship, editing and assembly procedures, in which the gathering of a series of singular images can bring together multiple possibilities of meaning. Inside this Thesis, that method allows the emergence of a present compound as an unresolved field of dissenting vibration.

No description available.

This study examines auto/biographical, theoretical, critical, literary, and dramatic works by and about LeRoi Jones/Amiri Baraka, primarily focusing on the eruption of “Hate Whitey” sentiment and rhetoric that characterized a decadelong cultural nationalist phase of the henceforth selfdeclaredly Black poet-playwright’s career. As a black militant, LeRoi Jones left his white wife and other white associates in Greenwich Village, moved to Harlem, changed his name to Amiri Baraka, converted to Islam, and started the Black Arts Repertory Theatre/School. This thesis contends that Baraka’s Black Arts Movement era plays emphasize negation of the value of white women and gay men, who had formed his most intimate prior cohorts, and use extreme imagery to malign, belittle, and abjure representatives of both groups as evil, ridiculous, and disgusting archetypes in an attempt to affirm the political stance of the author and preempt doubt about his level of commitment to his chosen cause during that period. Through these plays written from the mid-1960s to mid-1970s, Baraka denies his own personal history and appears to protest too much the virtues of corrective Afrocentric relationships which his works fail to affirm as much as he condemns their alternatives. However, after the purgative effect of these revolutionary works, Baraka’s evolution arrived at a place where he could once again acknowledge and promote a diverse equality that included respect for the partners and peers he had abnegated. Conclusions of this research suggest connections between the personal implications of Baraka’s individual journey and prominent themes stressed in the broader field of identity politics.

No description available.

Ce mémoire s'intéresse aux rôles des groupes communautaires LGBT et à leur influence sur le processus de formulation de la Politique québécoise de lutte contre l'homophobie. Il analyse les dynamiques entre les groupes représentant les intérêts des minorités sexuelles et de genres et le Gouvernement du Québec, pendant la période 2000-2011. Notre recherche mobilise un cadre théorique basé sur la théorie de la mobilisation des ressources, ainsi qu'une approche qui combine les outils de l'approche corporatiste et de l'approche pluraliste. Sur la base d'une analyse documentaire et de 6 entrevues menées avec des leaders communautaires LGBT et un.e fonctionnaire du Ministère de la justice, l'analyse révèle comment la question de l'homophobie au Québec a contribué à la création d'une relation corporatiste entre l'État et certains des groupes les mieux dotés en ressources. Elle offre également un regard nouveau sur les relations entre les groupes communautaires et les stratégies d'influences employées en fonction de leurs ressources / This masters thesis is about the roles of LGBT community groups and their influence on the creation of the Politique québécoise de lutte contre l'homophobie (Quebec's national policy against homophobia.) It analyses the dynamics between the groups representing the interests of sexual and gender minorities and the Quebec government, from 2000 to 2011. Our research uses a theoretical framework based on resource mobilization theory as well as an approach that combines the tools of the corporatist and pluralist approaches. On the basis of a documentary analysis and 6 interviews held with LGBT community leaders as well as official from the Ministry of Justice, the analysis reveals how the issue of homophobia in Quebec contributed to the creation of a corporatist relationship between the State and some of the groups controlling the most resources. It also offers a new perspective on the relations between community groups and the strategies they employ, as a function of their resources, to influence the State.

This thesis examines the relationship between ethnicity and violent group mobilisation in Liberia’s civil war (1989-2003). It focuses on Gio, Mano and Mandingo mobilisation to investigate how and why internal dynamics about moral norms and expectations motivated leadership calls for violence and ethnic support. Much of the existing literature interprets popular involvement in violent group mobilisation on the Upper Guinea Coast as a youth rebellion against gerontocracy. I argue that such an approach is incomplete in the Liberian case, and does not account for questions of ethnic mobilisation and the participation of groups such as the Gio, Mano and Mandingo. At the onset of hostilities, civilians in Liberia were not primarily mobilised to fight based on their age, but rather as members of ethnic communities whose membership included different age groups. I explore constructivist approaches to ethnicity to analyse mobilisation for war as the collective 'self-defence' of ethnic groups qua moral communities. In the prelude to the outbreak of civil war, inter-ethnic inequalities of access to the state and economic resources became reconfigured. Ethnic groups—as moral communities—experienced external 'victimisation' and a sense of internal dissolution, or threatened dissolution. In particular, the understanding of internal reciprocal relations between patrons and clients within ethnic groups was undermined. Internal arguments about morality, personal responsibility, social accountability/justice, increased the pressure on excluded elites and thus incentivised them to pursue violent political strategies. Mobilisation took on an ethnic form mainly because individuals believed that they were fighting to protect the moral communities that generate esteem and ground understandings of good citizenship. Therefore, ethnic participation in the Liberian countryside differed from the model peasant rebellion that seeks to overthrow the feudal elites. Rather than a revolution of the social order, individuals regarded themselves as protecting an extant ethnic order that provided rights and distributed resources. Even though some individuals fought for political power and resources, and external actors facilitated group organisation through the provision of logistical support, the violence was also an expression of bottom-up moral community crisis and an attempt by politico-military elites to keep their reputation and enforce unity.

In this dissertation I explore the redistributive effects of second-dimensional identity politics in parliamentary democracies. Specifically, I focus on parties’ electoral incentives to manipulate the salience of the territorial-identity cleavage. My main argument is that a greater electoral salience of the second dimension distorts the nature of redistributive outcomes. Although the redistributive effects of second dimensions of political competition have been explored in majoritarian democracies, much less is known about their effects in democracies with proportional representation (PR). The dissertation brings “bad news” in that regard: when the territorial second dimension is salient, it is no longer true that parliamentary democracies with proportional electoral systems redistribute more –which is the prevalent view in the existing literature. In fact, the so called “left-bias” of PR systems vanishes when the territorial-identity cleavage is politically activated. This key insight therefore offers a fundamental qualification to the institutionalism literature, by making an effort to understand the way in which regional diversity interacts with institutions through multidimensional political competition. The dissertation is divided in two parts: one theoretical and one empirical. First, I develop a formal model that illustrates the way in which parties’ second-dimension electoral incentives affect both the electoral stage and the subsequent post-electoral coalition bargaining among parties in national parliaments. The reason is that both right-wing and regionalist parties have incentives to increase the salience of the second dimension at the electoral stage to attract voters, and subsequently the coalition bargaining among parties in parliaments offers new opportunities for legislative coalitions. In the second part of the dissertation, I test the empirical implications at the macro-level, the meso-level and the individual-level. The main empirical results can be summarised as follows. First, I present empirical evidence according to which the legislative salience of the second dimension induces a negative effect on redistribution and a positive effect on the regionalisation of public policy. Second, I provide evidence which shows that both right-wing and regionalist parties strategically increase the electoral salience of the second dimension when they are “losers” on the first dimension. Finally, I illustrate the way in which the salience of the second dimension affects the formation of individual preferences for redistribution. In sum, this dissertation provides new arguments and empirical evidence that demonstrates how second dimensional politics can have profound redistributive consequences in parliamentary democracies.

This thesis examines the rhetorical and visual manifestations of race as they figured in the months prior to and within the 2006 New Orleans mayoral election discourses, and examines how the Nagin campaign tapped into a strategy that capitalized upon pre-existing racial tensions exacerbated by Katrina in order to win re-election. Much of the research for this thesis emerged from the making of a documentary film that examines the intersection between race and politics within this same election, and draws upon primary source video interviews conducted between February - May, 2006, and secondary source media and communications materials to posit that race rendered all political response to Katrina impotent, and that the reductive discourse of a racialized campaign was founded upon traditional, outmoded, and predictable interpretations of racial differences facilitated by socioeconomic hierarchies that both provided a structure for and allowed the psychological framework for such a strategy to work.