A presente tese se propõe a analisar os limites entre a participação criminal e a conduta impune, com o objetivo de enfrentar a problemática das chamadas ações neutras, a partir do fundamento do injusto da participação criminal. Para tanto, são expostas as diversas teorias que explicam o injusto do partícipe, entre as quais é feita opção pela mais adequada à sistemática brasileira do concurso de pessoas, a qual servirá de base para a apresentação do próprio ponto de vista para resolver a questão da punibilidade das condutas a priori neutras. A teoria da imputação objetiva foi considerada como um instituto essencial na análise da participação criminal, o que permitiu a abordagem sobre o desvalor da conduta do partícipe como objeto de imputação. O desvalor da conduta do partícipe, por sua vez, foi entendido como uma violação do dever de solidariedade, o que implicou no tratamento da solidariedade humana objetiva como elemento imprescindível para a existência social coesa, a partir do pensamento de Durkheim e Giddens. Por fim, aceitando o pressuposto de que nem todos são responsáveis pelo comportamento alheio, a omissão penalmente relevante foi estudada como critério capaz de limitar a responsabilidade penal no caso em que há concurso de pessoas para a prática de crime, na discussão do seu limite mínimo. / The present work aims to analyze the boundaries between the criminal participation and non-punishable conducts, with the intention of addressing the question of the so-called neutral or daily actions, from the standpoint of the unjust of the criminal participation. To this effect, the work begins by exposing the numerous theories that explain the unjust of the criminal participation. The study is then limited to the one that best fits the Brazilian law regarding concerted actions, which will then be used as grounds to the authors point of view to address the issue of the punishment of the actions that a priori are daily or neutral. The theory of objective imputation was considered essential to the analysis of the criminal participation, thus allowing the study of the social disapproval of the conduct of the accessory as the object of criminal imputation. The social disapproval of the conduct of the accessory, on the other hand, was seen as a breach in the obligation of solidarity, which resulted in objective human solidarity being considered a fundamental element to a cohesive social existence, as stated by Durkheim and Giddens. Finally, according to the assumption that not everyone is responsible for other peoples behavior, relevant criminal omission was studied as a criteria to restrict criminal liability in concerted actions, when debating its minimal limit.

A maioria das demandas envolvendo pedidos de danos morais no judiciário trabalhista brasileiro é originada a partir de abusos patronais cometidos no exercício do poder diretivo, em especial de sua dimensão fiscalizatória. Embora inexista, no Brasil, disciplina normativa específica quanto aos limites à maior parte das manifestações do poder de fiscalização, seu exercício é restringido pela dignidade da pessoa humana, que deve ser compreendida de acordo com a noção de trabalho decente propugnada pela OIT. A dignidade humana constitui cláusula geral de proteção aos direitos da personalidade, dentre eles, os direitos à intimidade e à vida privada, os mais ofendidos por meio da fiscalização patronal abusiva nas fases précontratual, contratual e pós-contratual. Práticas como a revista pessoal nos trabalhadores e em seus pertences, a limitação à utilização de banheiros, a instalação de câmeras e microfones no local de trabalho e o monitoramento dos computadores utilizados na empresa revelam, por vezes, violações a esses direitos. A revista não encontra fundamento no poder de fiscalização e no direito de propriedade do empregador, salvo quando tiver por objetivo a garantia da saúde ou segurança no ambiente laboral. A instalação de equipamentos audiovisuais, quando visar a proteção patrimonial do empregador ou for essencial ao procedimento de gestão, somente pode se dar nos espaços em que o trabalho for efetivamente desenvolvido e por tempo determinado, fundada em situação específica, sendo imprescindível a ciência dos monitorados quanto à instalação e à localização dos equipamentos. A escuta telefônica e o monitoramento de computadores e e-mails somente será possível quando o empregador determinar a utilização dos meios exclusivamente para os fins da prestação laboral, com ciência inequívoca dos trabalhadores, além de disponibilizar ou autorizar a utilização de meios alternativos para a comunicação pessoal. Não devem ser admitidas quaisquer limitações à utilização de banheiros, bem como o estabelecimento de escala de gravidez no âmbito empresarial. Sendo o tomador de serviços legitimado a exercer o poder fiscalizatório sobre a atividade produtiva empreendida no estabelecimento e havendo a indiscutível imperatividade da proteção aos direitos da personalidade obreiros, é necessária a fixação normativa de limites ao poder patronal, em prol do estabelecimento da segurança jurídica. O direito de resistência é contraface do poder diretivo, no sentido de que o uso irregular deste faz nascer aquele e, consequentemente, os limites do poder diretivo condicionam os do ius resistentiae. Os trabalhadores devem exercê-lo com fulcro nos direitos à vida privada, à intimidade, à honra e à dignidade humana. A doutrina deve valer-se da técnica da ponderação para estabelecer os limites ao poder fiscalizatório patronal, com fulcro no princípio da proporcionalidade. A divergência jurisprudencial deve ser minimizada pela atividade criativa dos juízes quanto aos limites ao poder fiscalizatório, consoante o princípio da proporcionalidade, e por meio da utilização de mecanismos específicos voltados à redução da insegurança jurídica no Judiciário Trabalhista, tais como recursos de revista, embargos de divergência, incidentes de uniformização de jurisprudência, súmulas, precedentes normativos e orientações jurisprudenciais. Nada impede, ainda, que limites ao poder fiscalizatório patronal sejam estabelecidos por meio de negociação coletiva. / Most lawsuits involving claims for moral damages in Brazilian labor courts are originated from abuses committed in employer\'s power of direction, especially on its supervisory dimension. Although there is no specific normative discipline, in Brazil, about the limits of most of the supervisory power demonstrations, its exercise is restricted by humans dignity, which must be understood according to the concept of decent work proposed by the ILO. Humans dignity is a general protection principle to the personality rights, including the rights to intimacy and private life, the most offended by abusive employers supervision in precontractual, contractual and post-contractual phases. Practices such as inspecting workers and their belongings, limiting the use of toilets, installing cameras and microphones in the workplace and monitoring the computers used at the company reveal sometimes violations of these rights. The inspection has no basis in the supervisory power nor in the employers right to property, except when it is intended to guarantee the health or safety in the work environment. The installation of audiovisual equipment to protect employers heritage or when its essential to the management procedure can only occur in areas where the work is effectively developed and for a specified time, based on the specific situation. The monitored workers knowledge about the installation and location of equipment is essential. Wiretapping and monitoring computers and emails will be possible only when the employer determine the use of the means exclusively for the labor purposes with workers\' unequivocal knowledge, and provide or authorize the use of alternative means for personal communication. Any limitations on the use of bathrooms as well as the establishment of \"pregnancy scale\" should not be allowed in the workplace. Once the employer is legitimated to exercise the supervisory power on the productive activity undertaken on his property and since there is the indisputable imperative protection of the workers personality rights, rules prescribing limits to the employers power are needed for the establishment of legal certainty. The right to resistance is the counterface of the power of direction, insofar as the irregular use of this power raises the right to resistance and, consequently, the limits of the power of direction condition the limits of the ius resistentiae. Workers must exercise it based on the rights to privacy, intimacy, honor and humans dignity. Doctrine should use the weighting technique to establish the limits to employers supervisory power, based on the principle of proportionality. The jurisprudential divergence should be minimized by the creative activity of the judges based on the principle of proportionality, and through the use of specific mechanisms developed to reduce legal uncertainty in Labour Courts, including recursos de revista, embargos de divergência, jurisprudence uniformity incidents, súmulas, regulatory precedents and jurisprudential guidelines. Limits to the employers supervisory power can also be established through collective bargaining.

A literatura empírica de ciclos políticos orçamentários pouco aborda a influência da limitação de mandato na existência do oportunismo fiscal por parte do ocupante do poder executivo nas finanças dos vários entes da federação. Nesse sentido, à luz da Nova Economia Política, o objetivo desta pesquisa foi investigar o impacto dos diferentes incentivos enfrentados no Brasil por prefeitos em primeiro mandato - aqueles que são elegíveis para a reeleição - e em segundo mandato - aqueles que não podem candidatar-se à reeleição - na gestão fiscal dos municípios. Para além da avaliação de todo o mandato eletivo, também foi analisado o impacto da diferenciação dos dois tipos de incumbentes na inscrição de valores em restos a pagar nos anos eleitorais. Os resultados obtidos via painel clássico sugerem uma efetiva diferenciação entre prefeitos em primeiro e segundo mandato em anos não eleitorais, com prefeitos em primeiro mandato inscrevendo maiores valores em restos a pagar processados e total em relação aos prefeitos de segundo mandato. Ademais, seguindo a legislação de responsabilidade fiscal brasileira, prefeitos em segundo mandato reduziram a inscrição de valores nessas rubricas em ano eleitoral, embora prefeitos em primeiro mandato tenham aumentado a inscrição de valores em restos a pagar não processados. / The empirical literature on political budget cycles has not studied all the influences of term limitations in the existence of fiscal opportunism by politicians in the various levels of government. In this sense, regarding the Political Economy, the objective of this research was to investigate the impact of different incentives faced by first-term mayors in Brazil - those who are eligible for re-election - and second-term mayors - those who cannot apply for re-election - in the fiscal management at the local level. Beyond the assessment of the entire mandate, it was also evaluated the impact of differentiation of the two types of incumbents in the management of the unpaid spending obligations in election years. Results obtained via classic panel suggest an effective differentiation between first and second-term mayors in non-election years, as first-term mayors exhibit higher unpaind recognized spending obligations and total unpaid spending obligations values in comparison to second-term mayors. Moreover, following the Brazilian fiscal responsability law, second-term mayors reduced values in these items in election year, although first-term mayors had higher values on average for unpaid and unrecognized spending obligations.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2019-03-13T16:37:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Jezreel Antonio Mello_.pdf: 883244 bytes, checksum: 0f99a54fe4e85f9d0bf75f62a017c95e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-13T16:37:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jezreel Antonio Mello_.pdf: 883244 bytes, checksum: 0f99a54fe4e85f9d0bf75f62a017c95e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-30 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação se propõe a analisar se, na teoria da soberania de Jean Bodin, é possível identificar a existência de limitações à ação daquele que exerce a soberania em uma República. A partir da resposta a essa questão, procura-se investigar se há ou não coerência no conceito de soberania apresentado por Bodin, fundamentando-se na análise de perspectivas divergentes a esse respeito. Nesse sentido, três posicionamentos podem ser destacados entre os comentadores de Bodin. O primeiro inclui os defensores da tese que aponta uma contradição no pensamento de Bodin, uma vez que este defende uma soberania absoluta, porém não ilimitada. Numa segunda perspectiva se encontram os defensores da tese conciliadora, que sustenta a coerência da concepção de soberania bodiniana. Há também uma terceira via, composta por aqueles comentadores que defendem uma posição mista, no sentido de uma coerência parcial do conceito de soberania de Bodin. Para empreender essa pesquisa, proceder-se-á, inicialmente, a uma análise dos limites da soberania na teoria da soberania de Bodin, partindo-se de alguns conceitos-chave para a compreensão do conceito de soberania do autor, até a exposição e análise dos limites estabelecidos por Bodin ao exercício do poder soberano. Por fim, será feita uma exposição crítica desses limites, abordando os posicionamentos opostos dos comentadores que defendem a coerência ou a contradição no pensamento de Bodin, e expondo alguns elementos que poderiam indicar uma leitura conciliatória das ideias apresentadas. / The present dissertation aims to analyze if, in Jean Bodin’s theory of sovereignty, it is possible to identify the existence of limitations to the acts of that who holds the sovereignty in a Republic. As of the answer to this question, we will try to establish whether or not the concept of sovereignty presented by Bodin is coherent, based on the analysis of divergent perspectives in this regard. In this sense, three perspectives can be highlighted among Bodin's commentators. The first includes proponents of the thesis that points to a contradiction in Bodin's thinking, since he advocates for an absolute but not unlimited concept of sovereignty. In a second perspective are the proponents of the conciliatory thesis, which asserts the coherence of Bodin’s concept of sovereignty. There is also a third way, comprised by those commentators who defend a mixed position, which affirms the partial coherence of Bodin's concept of sovereignty. To undertake this research, we will initially analyze the limits of sovereignty in Bodin's theory of sovereignty, starting with some key concepts for the understanding of the author’s concept of sovereignty, then proceeding to the exposition and review of the limits established by Bodin to the exercise of sovereign power. Finally, a critical exposition of these limits will be made, addressing the opposing positions of the commentators who defend the coherence and the contradiction in Bodin's thought, and exposing some elements that could lead to a conciliatory reading of the presented ideas.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Octaviano Padovese de Arruda.pdf: 1102167 bytes, checksum: 10b47ca5cdc614192835471e87d9d9a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-19 / This paper assumes that the conflict between positive law and natural law and all the historical construction that both rationalities have is not enough to describe the advent of phenomenon of transconstitutionalism. Several other legal constructions such as Critical Legal Studies, Law and Economics and the emphasis on a theory of language also have their own limits, within the theory itself prevents them to describe satisfactory the emergence of tranconstitutionals problems. The paper presents three different theories in order to provide a support for a construction of general theory of transconstitutionalism or at least being a guide for legal practices, for constitutionalist, for international lawyers and political scientists to reshaping the conflicts between different legal systems or rationalities justifies the reference in a legal decision of a particular system does not the other. The three models will be explored as follows: the theory of communicative action of Jürgen Habermas; Jacques Derrida s descontruction; and Niklas Luhmann s self reference system. As for Habermas, assuming there is the possibility of rationality support the right of where transconstitutional Habermas indicates how the rights to Medium to reduce the tension between factcity and validity. Jacques Derrida's theory of the concept of Gewalt transported to the transconstitucionalismo transconstitucionalismo and would be capable of achieving justice. As for Niklas Luhmann, face problems of various levels of the Constitution that emerge in society and how the world can transconstitucionalismo autofundamentar constitutionally from the multiplicity of levels inviolable. Finally, coming out of the structural transconstitucionalismo, we will consider a possible way of learning and adaptation between the courts transconstitucionais / A presente dissertação parte da premissa que o conflito entre direito positivo e direito natural e toda a construção histórica que ambas as racionalidades obtiveram não é suficiente para descrever o advento do fenômeno do transconstitucionalismo. Diversas outras elaborações jurídicas como a Critical Legal Studies, a Law and Economics ou a ênfase em uma teoria da linguagem possuem também limites dentro da própria teoria as impede de descrever, de modo satisfatório, a emergência dos problemas transconstitucionais. O trabalho parte de três distintas teorias com o intuito de oferecer um suporte para uma construção de uma teoria geral do transconstitucionalismo ou, pelo menos, orientar os teóricos do direito, os constitucionalistas, os internacionalistas e os cientistas políticos a readequarem a racionalidade com que os conflitos constitucionais entre ordens jurídicas distintas ou como legitimar racionalmente a referência em uma decisão jurídica de uma corte em determinada ordem jurídica faz a outra ordem jurídica. O três modelos explorados serão os seguintes: a teoria da ação comunicativa de Jürgen Habermas; o desconstrutivismos de Jacques Derrida; e, a autorreferência da Teoria dos Sistemas de Niklas Luhmann. Quanto a Habermas, partimos da hipótese se haveria a possibilidade de fundamentar racionalmente o direito nos casos transconstitucionais da forma como Habermas indica o direito como Medium para diminui a tensão entre a validade e a facticidade. Da teoria de Jacques Derrida transportamos o conceito de Gewalt para o transconstitucionalismo e se o transconstitucionalismo seria passível de realizar a justiça. Quanto a Niklas Luhmann, enfrentaremos os problemas dos diversos níveis de Constituição que emergem na sociedade mundial e de como o transconstitucionalismo pode se autofundamentar constitucionalmente a partir da multiplicidade de níveis invioláveis. Por fim, saindo do plano estrutural do transconstitucionalismo, analisaremos uma possível maneira de adequação e aprendizagem entre as cortes transconstitucionais

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Francisco Sergio Oto Souza Bonelli.pdf: 1644705 bytes, checksum: 32efd9697e76d4b665f3e077adb8080a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-11 / This dissertation is dedicated to the lobby analysis, focused on its practice (lobbying) and its regulation in Brazil. Therefore, at first, its origins are studied, followed by a comprehensive analysis of the lobby term and concepts taken from the areas of Political Science and Legal, highlighting the presence of interest and pressure groups and the fact that the term carries a burden of pejorative (used as a synonym of corruption). Second, the regulation of lobbying is studied based on the United States experience as the country was the first to promote its regulation mainly on the analysis of the Federal Regulation Lobbying Act (1946) and the Lobbying Disclosure Act (1995), and its amendments, as well as it is traced an overview of this regulation (areas, more frequent lobby types and costs of the activity). Then lobby is studied in Brazil, taken in its identification on the national scene, its areas and types of lobby more commonly practiced (trade unions, NGOs, companies). Understood as a right (to lobbying: a rights sum - association, freedom of speech and petition, among others - that allows the free exercise of [paid or unpaid] activity of representing interests of a particular group in order to influence decision-making) and its exercise (lobbying) as the ultimate expression of its concreteness, is broken down its content (object of the regulation). In order to give a legal basis to the right and lobbying activity, the Federal Constitution is scrutinized and some others international conventions are studied. Just like any other activity, the lobbying must obey certain shaping parameters (limits), grounded on guiding Principles of Public Administration, and be subjected to sanctions and penalties in order to combat illicit lobby and lessen the burden of pejorative that the term carries. Finally, found that the attempt to regulate lobbying is old, some legal proposals that resulted frustrated are analyzed, as well as the PL Nº 1.202/07, proposal under discussion in the National Congress, whose content is open to criticism and recommendations in the light of what is meant by the right to lobbying and believed to what may be included in the regulation of a Brazilian "Lobby Law" / A presente dissertação é dedicada à análise do Lobby, tendo por escopo a prática da atividade (Lobbying) e sua regulamentação no Brasil. Para tanto, de início, são vasculhadas suas origens, seguida de uma ampla análise do termo Lobby e seus conceitos retirados das áreas das Ciências Políticas e Jurídica, momento em que se destacam os grupos de interesse e de pressão e se observa o termo carregar grande carga de pejorativos (empregado como sinônimo de corrupção). A seguir, é estudada a regulamentação do Lobbying nos Estados Unidos país em que a atividade foi regulamentada por primeira vez por meio da análise do Federal Regulation of Lobbying Act (1946) e do Lobbying Disclosure Act (1995), e suas emendas, bem como traçado um panorama geral dessa normatização (áreas de atuação, tipos de Lobby mais frequentes e gastos com a atividade). Parte-se para o estudo do Lobby no Brasil, sendo empreendida a sua identificação no cenário nacional, as áreas de atuação e os tipos de Lobby mais comumente praticados (sindicatos, ONGs, empresas). Entendido como um direito (ao Lobbying: somatória de direitos associação, liberdade de opinião e petição, entre outros que permitem o livre exercício da atividade [remunerada ou não] de representação de interesses de um determinado grupo com vistas a influenciar as tomadas de decisão) e sendo o seu exercício (Lobbying) expressão máxima da sua concretude, é discriminado o seu conteúdo (objeto da regulamentação). No intuito de dar fundamentação a esse direito e à atividade do Lobbying, é perscrutada a Constituição Federal e estudadas algumas convenções internacionais atinentes. Assim como qualquer outra atividade, o Lobbying deve obedecer determinados parâmetros de conformação (limites), calcados em Princípios norteadores da Administração Pública, e se sujeitar a sanções e punições no intuito de se combater o Lobby ilícito e diminuir a carga de pejorativos que o termo carrega. Finalmente, verificado que a tentativa de se regulamentar o Lobby é antiga, são analisadas propostas que restaram frustradas, bem como o PL nº 1.202/07, em tramitação no Congresso Nacional, cujo teor é passível de críticas e recomendações à luz do que se entende por direito ao Lobbying e do que deve constar da regulamentação de uma Lei de Lobby brasileira

Une structure dénombrable du premier ordre est dite homogène si tout isomorphisme entre deux sous-Structures finiment engendrées s’étend en un automorphisme de la structure globale.C’est équivalent à une propriété d’amalgamation des sous-Structures finiment engendrées, et les structures homogènes dénombrables sont aussi appelées limites de Fraïssé, en lien avec les travaux de Roland Fraïssé sur l’ordre des rationnels. Cette thèse concerne les groupes d’automorphismesdes structures homogènes, avec la question centrale suivante: est-Ce que le groupe automorphismes d’une structure homogène est universel pour la classe des groupes d’automorphismes de ces sous-Structures ? Nous répondons positivement à cette question pour les structures homogènesdans un langage relationnel et avec la propriété d’amalgamation libre, à l’aide d’une construction par tour assez similaire à une construction de Katetov et Uspenskij dans le cas de l’espace d’Urysohn. Avec des techniques similaires, nous obtenons toute sous-Structure dénombrable comme points fixes d’un automorphisme d’ordre fini pré-Déterminé. Cela nous permet par ailleurs d’étudier la complexité de la relation d’isomorphisme entre sous-Structures dénombrables, et de montrer qu’elle se réduit boreliennement à la relation de conjugaison dans le groupe d’automorphismes. Nous continuons avec les éléments d’ordre fini, en supposant de plus que les sous-Structures finies satisfont une version forte de la propriété d’extension de Hrushovski-Lascar-Herwig, et des arguments topologiques nous permettent alors de montrer que dans le groupe d’automorphismes tout élément est produit de quatre conjugués de certains éléments d’ordre fini. Nous montrons aussi des résultats similaires pour le groupe d’isométries de l’espace d’Urysohn,ou sa version bornée, la sphère d’Urysohn, en utilisant le fait que ces derniers sont très bien approximés par des espaces métriques rationnels. Enfin, revenant à la question de l’universalité du groupe automorphismes de la limite de Fraïssé, nous considérons la question plus fine de savoirsi toute sous-Structure dénombrable s’injecte de manière rigide, c’est-À-Dire de sorte chacun de ces automorphismes s’étende en un unique automorphisme de la limite de Fraïssé. D’abord, nous introduisons une construction de telle injections rigides dans le cas des graphes homogènes. Ensuite, nous modifions cette construction dans diverses classes de graphes orientés et de structures relationnelles homogènes, pour enfin la faire fonctionner dans un contexte très general de structures dans un langage relationnel fini et avec la propriété d’amalgamation libre. / A countable first-Order structure is called homogneous when each isomorphism between twofinitely generated substructures extends to an automorphism of the whole structure. This is equivalentto an amalgamation property of finitely generated substructures, and countable homogeneousstructures are also called Fraïssé limits, in connection to the work of Roland Fraïssé on theorder of rational numbers. The present thesis concerns automorphism groups of homogeneousstructures, with the following central question: is it the case that the automorphism group of a homogeneousstructure is universal for the class of automorphism groups of its substructures? Weanswer positively this question for homogeneous structures in a relational langage and with thefree amalgamation property, by using a construction rather similar to a construction of Katetov andUspenskij in the case of the Urysohn space.With similar techniques, we obtain any countable substructureas the set of fixed points of an automorphism of a given finite order. Besides, this allowsus to study the complexity of the isomorphism relation between countable substructures, and toshow that it Borel reduces to the conjugacy relation in the automorphism group. We continue withelements of finite order, assuming further that finite substructures satisfy a strong version of theHrushovski-Lascar-Herwig extension property, and topological arguments then allow us to showthat in the automorphism group any element is the product of four conjugates of certain elementsof finite order. We also show similar results for the isometry group of the Urysohn space, or itsbounded version, the Urysohn sphere, by using the fact that they are well approximated by rationalmetric spaces. Finally, concerning the question of the universality of the automorphism groupof a Fraïssé limit, we consider the finer question to know whether any countable substructure embedsin a rigid way, that is, in such a way that each of its automorphisms extends in a uniqueautomorphism of the Fraïssé limit. First, we introduce a construction of such rigid embeddings inthe case of homogeneous graphs. Then, we modify this construction in various classes of orientedgraphs and of homogeneous relational structures, ultimately to make it work in a very generalcontext of structures in a finite relational langage and with the free amalgamation property.

S’intéresser aux îles dans la délimitation maritime impose de se démarquer de quelques développements doctrinaux qui explicitent l’évolution du droit de la mer par une posture concrète qui s’inscrit dans le cadre d’un droit évolutif. Les îles interviennent fort dans le partage des espaces maritimes. C’est au niveau de la fixation des limites des zones maritimes (mer territoriale, zone contiguë, plateau continental, zone économique exclusive) et au niveau de la détermination de la frontière maritime entre États côtiers qu’on discerne leur influence. Les îles constituent un facteur d’extension de la ligne de base lorsqu’elles se situent à proximité immédiate et à une distance de la côte continentale. Les îles sont un facteur de projection vers le large de la limite extérieure des zones maritimes lorsque l’île est assez éloignée de la côte. La situation est plus compliquée lorsque l’île se trouve au-delà de la ligne hypothétique d’équidistance où les zones maritimes de l’île créent un empiètement sur les zones maritimes de l’autre État côtier. Dans ce cadre, la thèse pose la problématique, d’une part de l’influence des îles dans l’appropriation nationale des zones maritimes susceptibles de faire l’objet d’une délimitation maritime entre deux ou plusieurs États côtiers (Partie I). D’autre part, dans le tracé de la frontière maritime entre deux ou plusieurs États en présence d’une île dans la zone à délimiter, la délimitation maritime, qui revient essentiellement à l’application de la règle : équidistance-circonstances pertinentes, identifie le plus souvent les îles comme des circonstances pertinentes et détermine son effet inéquitable sur la ligne provisoire d’équidistance. Cependant, l’effet accordé aux îles dans l’ajustement de la ligne d’équidistance n’est pas uniforme, il peut être un plein effet, partiel ou un nul effet. Le cas de l’enclavement de l’île est un procédé spécifique à une catégorie d’îles notamment celles situées « au mauvais côté de la ligne d’équidistance ». Ce travail analyse en effet, la détermination de l’effet concret des îles dans le processus de délimitation maritime (Partie II). / Focusing on islands in maritime delimitation leads us to be distinguished from certain doctrinal development which explicit the evolution of the law of the sea by a concrete study which belongs to the framework of analysis of an evolving law. Islands strongly intervene in separating maritime spaces. Their influence is to be regarded in the establishment of maritime limits (of the territorial sea, the contiguous zone, the continental shelf and the exclusive economic zone) and in the maritime delimitation as well. The present thesis studies the role of islands in maritime delimitation in general, meaning the two operations of fixing the limits and separating the overlapping areas where legal titles compete. Islands as a geographical factor are able to extend the baseline further depending on the position of the island in relation to the continental coast of the coastal state to which it belongs. They play an important role in generating claims to maritime jurisdiction and have potential impacts on the determination of the outer limits of maritime zones when they are situated in a considerable distance from the coast and in the “wrong side” of the hypothetical equidistance line. In this framework of analysis, the study, on one hand, deals with the problematic of the effect of islands in the national appropriation of maritime zones which can eventually generate an overlapping of the legal titles between two or more states over the same maritime space and call for a maritime delimitation (Part I). On the other hand, in the delimitation of the maritime boundary between coastal states which maritime zones overlap the process of maritime delimitation consists of identifying the islands as relevant circumstances and the determination of their potential distortion over the maritime provisional equidistance boundary. The adjustment of the equidistance line, in the application of the equidistance-relevant circumstances rule gives variable effects to islands over the maritime boundary so as to obtain an equitable result. Islands may have full effect, partial or no effect. Islands may is some situations be enclaved. The thesis examines the practical effect of islands in the maritime delimitation process (Part II).

This doctoral dissertation examines whether incumbency affects democracy, and if it does, how re-election impacts on the political system. This thesis links and extends two theoretical traditions that hardly ever have been combined: political support theory and incumbency theory. Political support theory is used as a proxy to examine democracy from a multidimensional perspective. In this theoretical tradition, there has been a considerable concentration of studies on developed nations, and which take a comparative approach. Also, there is persistently inadequate attention given to measuring the form of a government, with a strong predominance of parliamentarian systems. Likewise, most of the research is focused at the individual level, in where the use of statistical techniques is prevailing, and the mixed methods are, nearly, non-existent. On the other hand, there are no studies that explain incumbency effects on democracy directly. Despite there being plenty of inferences which can be taken from incumbency analysis and its extrapolations about democracy and elections, there is a scarcity of studies that associate both political phenomena. In most cases, scholars analyse incumbency as an advantage in popular elections in developed countries, mainly the U.S. The main argument of this thesis proposes that incumbency has effects on democracy and that those impacts will have adverse consequences on the democratic system. Taking Chile as a case-study, a developing country with a presidential system and with similarities to Western party systems, this research seeks to respond three hypotheses. 1) The categories of support identified by Booth and Seligson in 2009 could, to an extent, be modified by including questions that gauge the role of the presidential institution in the Chilean political system. 2) It is expected that incumbency will be shown to have distinct impacts on democratic political legitimacy. 3) The effect of deputies' re-election on political legitimacy dimensions will depend on the composition of legislative pairs at the electoral district level in Chile: two newcomers, one newcomer and one incumbent, or two incumbents. This investigation uses a mixed method strategy. From a qualitative perspective, I characterise all law bills proposed to the NC to limit the re-elections of public authorities in Chile, between 11th March 1990 and 31st December 2016. In line with this doctoral dissertation's aims, a context analysis is used to analyse the content of draft laws related to incumbency. From a quantitative approach, I examine the legislative incumbency effects on political legitimacy dimensions in Chile, from 2008 to 2014. In line with this doctoral dissertation's aim, a series of statistical techniques are used to analyse the effects of incumbency on political support. The findings suggest that: 1) The effects of incumbency are distributed differently according to the component of political legitimacy. 2) The rotation of political elites (seniority and the circulation of elected deputies) is the most substantial incumbency dimension to explain political support in comparison with the competition dimension. 3) The three indicators based on the margin of victory are only related negatively to support for government management. 4) The HDI has effects on political support, but they were inconsistent. 5) The legislative pair composition produces a moderator effect on incumbency indicators. 6) Politics and ideology play a pivotal role in understanding and explaining political support theory. This research concludes that is necessary to keep expanding studies that relate incumbency and democracy by taking other countries with different electoral systems, that arguments hold by politicians should be adjusted considering evidence, and it is imperative to reduce the perception-facts gap in citizens.

O poder constituinte, tal como entendido pela teoria constitucionalista clássica, é definido como poder bruto, original, ilimitado e incondicionado, a partir do qual nasce o Estado e, por consequência, a ordem jurídica. Esse poder, definido como supraestatal, não encontra limites no direito e, nas concepções democráticas, é titularizado pelo povo soberano. Essa concepção teórica passa por uma releitura no trabalho, a fim de se definir o poder constituinte como poder comunicativo criador da norma constitucional, de aparição episódica, por meio do qual é possível filtrar os argumentos morais, ético-políticos e estratégicos expostos pelos cidadãos na esfera pública democrática, representativos de um modo de vida compartilhado que se impõe politicamente. De acordo com a releitura apresentada, os postulados da ilimitação material e da incondicionalidade do poder constituinte não se sustentam em face do paradigma da racionalidade comunicativa e dialogal. Na qualidade de momento de fundação e fundamentação da ordem constitucional, o poder constituinte precisa respeitar direitos pressupostos, garantidores da autonomia individual, e institucionalizar os procedimentos discursivos que viabilizam a reprodução do direito legítimo. Entendido como processo extraordinário, no qual os interesses e os valores permanecem latentes na sociedade, o exercício do poder constituinte representa um momento único para análise do discurso de fundamentação normativa, objeto central da tese. Associando-se fundamentação normativa com legitimidade política, nos termos da teoria democrática exposta por Jürgen Habermas, conclui-se que o cerne da legitimidade das ordens estatais organizadas democraticamente é a institucionalização de uma ordem jurídica fundamentada discursivamente por intermédio de um procedimento de deliberação pública, no qual todos os potenciais atingidos pela norma possam exprimir o seu assentimento. O poder constituinte, ao estruturar o estado, garante que o processo de formação da vontade e da opinião pública se estabilize e o consenso seja alcançado. / Constituent power, based on classical constitutional theory, is defined as raw, original, limitless and unconditional power, from which the state and, consequently, legal order are born. Such power, defined as supranational, knows no boundaries in the law and according to democratic notions it is held by the sovereign people. This thesis reexamines that theoretical conception in order to define constituent power as a communicative power which creates constitutional norm; it appears occasionally and it allows for a selection of moral, ethical-political and strategic arguments introduced by citizens in the public democratic sphere which represent a shared way of life that imposes itself politically. According to this reexamination, postulates of constituent powers material illimitation and unconditionality cannot resist to the paradigm of communicative and dialogical rationality. As the founding moment and grounds of constitutional order, constituent power must respect presupposed rights which guarantee individual autonomy and institutionalize discursive procedures which enable the reproduction of legitimate law. Understood as an extraordinary process in which interests and values remain latent in society, exercise of constituent power represents a unique moment to analyze the normative grounds discourse, the core issue of this thesis. Combining normative grounds and political legitimacy, in the terms of the democratic theory introduced by Jürgen Habermas, the conclusion is that the essence of legitimacy of democratically-organized state orders is the institutionalization of a legal order based discursively through a process of public deliberation, where all individuals potentially affected by the norm may express their consent. By structuring the state, constituting power ensures that the public will and opinion formation process will become stable and consensus will be reached.