<p>Tobacco kills 11,500 of its consumers every day, half of them living in developing countries. But there’s more to the picture, namely the producer perspective which show the consequences of tobacco growing for the small-scale farmer. In this paper I mean to investigate the labour conditions of tobacco growers in the world’s second largest tobacco producing country, Brazil. I also intend to examine the Fair Trade movement, with particular attention to FLO (Fairtrade Labelling Organisation). Finally I try to merge the difficulties of tobacco growing with the institution of Fair Trade, expressed by the FLO standards, as an alternative way out of the tobacco growing problems. The method for this investigation is to examine and compare secondary literature, reports and books, already written on the subject.</p><p>The first issue show a double-side situation, where Brazilian tobacco growers live under extremely crude labour conditions, but also a state where no other agricultural alternatives are available, since tobacco is a highly lucrative and beneficial crop to cultivate, especially for the small-scale farmer. Secondly this paper proposes, thorough the laws of institutional theory, that Fair Trade, especially the FLO standards, constitutes a highly stable and reliable institution, clearly benefiting international trade. Finally this paper concludes that Fairtrade labelled tobacco would not only reduce the problems of tobacco growing, but would also simplify the problematic transformation process, caused by tougher tobacco control policies, from tobacco growing to alternative crop cultivation. In addition, my paper states that Fair Trade as an institution could spread egalitarian principles to other parts of society, which in turn will create formal egalitarian institutions. However, as my interviews with FLO and tobacco companies show, all of this will not become a reality until there is a significant increase in the demand for Fairtrade labelled tobacco products.</p>

This paper discusses if Margin of Appreciation is compatible with the idea of universal human rights. Through the case of Negative freedom of association in Sweden, it studies the phenomenon that Giorgio Agamben has called the State of exception. The questions that are discussed and answered are 1) How does the rights theories of Jack Donnelly and Ronald Dworkin relate to Margin of appreciation, and 2) How has Margin of appreciation been applied in cases concerning the negative freedom of association in Sweden, in the European court for human rights. These questions and answers are then used in the discussion on how Margin of appreciation affects the concept of universal human rights. / Denna uppsats diskuterar frågan om Margin of Appreciation är förenligt med tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter. Genom studier av den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige, så undersöks doktrinen Margin of appreciation och hur den förhåller sig till tanken om universella rättigheter. Frågorna som diskuteras och besvaras är 1) hur förhåller sig Jack Donnellys respektive Ronald Dworkins rättighetsteorier till Margin of appreciation, samt 2) Hur har Margin of appreciation tolkats i europadomstolens i fall gällande den negativa föreningsfriheten i Sverige. Dessa frågor tas till hjälp i diskussionen kring hur Margin of appreciation påverkar tanken om universella mänskliga rättigheter.

The city of Bangalore in southern India is undergoing rapid urbanisation and administrative transition. Its growth puts pressure on the available water sources – being mainly the disputed inter-State River Cauvery and the hard-rock aquifers – with ensuing problems of access. These aspects affect how rights to and over water are fulfilled and perceived. Competition for drinking water is intensifying worldwide and over a billion people are estimated to lack safe access to it. Urbanisation and other demographic trends, along with globalisation and climate change, are adding to the changing patterns of water scarcity. The role of rights in attaining and improving access to water is undoubtedly great and often referred to in the general water management debate. The notion is analysed here as having three interlinked dimensions: the right to water as a human right; water in terms of property rights; and water rights. Law treats these rights, and thereby water, differently. For instance, groundwater has traditionally been thought of as invisible and unpredictable. Partly for this reason, it is still left largely unregulated in many parts of the world. In India, according to the proverb, ‘the landlord is a water lord’. This has effects on the claim for water as a human right. The dissertation shows that we cannot talk in terms of water and rights until we are aware of how complex rights apply simultaneously, and how they correspond to obligations.

The purpose of this study is to examine how women with genital pain experience health care in terms of information, availability, treatment and resources. Through interviews with women with vulvovaginal pain these experiences are further compared to the Swedish guidelines and criteria’s regarding equal health care. Applying critical theories of gender and power to the material enables to examine if discourses of female bodies and diseases affect women’s right to health and health care. The analysis shows that women with genital pain are in general dissatisfied with the quality of the health care given to them. Discourses about women's bodies, pain and diseases contribute to the normalization and elimination of female genital pain in the health care system and in the society as whole. The conclusions are that a more fundamental and accurate effort on gender equality is needed to determine how gender and normative male standards in medicine affect women's access to a satisfactory health care on equal terms.

This essay compares the figurative language of Bob Dylan’s albums The Times They Are A-Changin’ (1964) and Highway 61 Revisited (1965), with a focus on how Dylan remained engaged with societal injustices and human rights as he switched from acoustic to fronting a rock ‘n’ roll band. The essay argues that Dylan kept his critical stance on social issues, and that the poet’s usage of figurative language became more expressive and complex in the later album. In the earlier album Dylan’s critique, as seen in his use of figurative language, is presented in a more obvious manner in comparison to Highway 61 Revisited, where the figurative language is more vivid, and with a more embedded critical stance. / Uppsatsen jämför det figurativa språket i Bob Dylans skivor The Times They Are A-Changin’ (1964) och Highway 61 Revisited (1965), med ett fokus på hur Dylan fortsatte vara engagerad inom samhällsfrågor och mänskliga rättigheter när han gick över från akustisk solomusik till att leda ett rockband. Uppsatsen argumenterar för att Dylan behöll sin kritiska syn på samhällsfrågor, och att poetens användning av figurativt språk blev mer expressivt och komplext i det senare albumet. I det tidigare albumet är Dylans kritik, som den framstår i hans användning av figurativt språk, presenterad mer direkt i jämförelse med Highway 61 Revisited, där det figurativa språket är mer levande och innehåller en mer förtäckt kritik.

Under Swedish law, an alien convicted of an offence punishable by imprisonment may be sentenced to deportation if there is reason to assume that the alien will reoffend, or if the offence is so serious that the alien should not be permitted to stay. Upon release, the alien may be held in immigration detention for the purpose of enforcing the deportation order. While detention is generally subject to maximum time limits, criminal deportees face indefinite detention. This exceptional treatment raises questions about the proper purpose of immigration detention and respect for the right to liberty. This paper investigates and critically analyses the Swedish regulatory framework for the detention of criminal deportees from a human rights perspective. It reveals how the alien’s criminal record and assumptions about the risk for reoffending play adecisive role both in the decision to detain and the length of detention. The right to liberty, which protects the individual against illegal and arbitrary detention, does not prohibit the use of immigration detention for crime prevention purposes, provided it is subsidiary to the primary purpose of enforcing the deportation order. Administrative detention is, however, arguably an inappropriate tool for the prevention of crime. Moreover, the Swedish legislation lacks a coherent and satisfactory basis. A thorough enquiry into the use of immigration detention as a crime prevention measure is necessary, to analyse data on the detention of criminal deportees and examine how criminal law measures could be more appropriately used to counter serious threats to public order, without unnecessary encroachment on the right to liberty.

The purpose of this study is to examine how the European Union's foreign policy demonstrates the theories human rights, feminism and globalization. This will be examined in how the theories are demonstrated in the foreign policy and also how there is a difference between how it is portrayed in the policy and how it is shown in reality. The primarily source of this study is a document that describes the European Union's foreign policy through a global strategy. The global strategy will be analyzed through how it encourages the different theories in their policy. The study will then continue to examine how the difference between the policy and the reality becomes more concrete through the global strategy and different events on both an intern and an extern level. The results show that there is a large difference between the European Union's foreign policy and the reality.

Islamofobi är ett växande problem i Europa som negativt påverkar muslimers förutsättningar och möjligheter i samhället. Samtidigt är religionsfriheten en mänsklig rättighet och en av grundvalarna för ett demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle. Denna uppsats undersöker hur islamofobi påverkar religionsfrihetens implementering i Sverige. Resultatet visar att muslimers rätt att utöva sin religion hotas av islamofobiska praktiker, så som attacker mot moskéer, motstånd mot muslimska organisationer och förbud av slöjan. Studien utforskar även statens förpliktelser och ansvar för att motverka islamofobi och främja muslimers rättigheter och lika möjligheter – för att på så sätt kunna uppnå ett verkligt demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle där utsatta grupper beskyddas. / Islamophobia is an increasing problem in Europe which has a negative effect on Muslims’ conditions and opportunities within the society. At the same time, freedom of religion is a human right and one of the foundations in a democratic and pluralistic society. This thesis examines how islamophobia affects the implementation of freedom of religion in Sweden. The result shows that Muslims’ right to practice their religion is substantially threatened by islamophobic practices, such as attacks against mosques, resistance towards Muslim organizations and banning of the veil. The study also explores the state’s obligations and responsibility to counteract islamophobia and promote Muslims’ rights and equal opportunities – and thus be able to achieve a truly democratic and pluralistic society where vulnerable groups are protected.

This essay addresses how associational life could be of importance for democracy and human rights in Sweden through examining how associational life can contribute to and strengthen democracy and create social capital. The purpose of this is to deepen and contribute to the knowledge of how activity in non-political and non-religious associations can become of importance to democracy in Sweden. This is operationalized through a stud of how active members of student associations in Sweden perceive their activity in these associations in relation to how they perceive democracy, their roles in society and what it means to be a good citizen, as well as how this relates to theories about the relationship between associational life and democracy in general. The essay concludes that the Swedish student associations as part of associational life in Sweden plays an important role in Swedish democracy. / Den här uppsatsen kommer att utforska hur föreningslivet kan få betydelse för demokratin och de mänskliga rättigheterna i Sverige genom att titta på hur föreningslivet kan bidra till att stärka demokratin och skapa socialt kapital. Syftet är att fördjupa kunskapen och bidra till förståelsen av hur engagemang i icke-politiska och icke-religiösa föreningar kan påverka Sveriges demokrati. Detta operationaliseras genom att undersöka hur föreningsaktiva inom svenska studentföreningar ser på sitt eget engagemang i förhållande till demokrati, sin roll i samhället och vad det innebär att vara en god medborgare och hur detta förhåller sig till teorier om föreningslivets förhållande till demokrati i allmänhet. Uppsatsen når slutsatsen att de svenska studentföreningarna som en del av det svenska föreningslivet har en viktig roll att spela för demokratin i Sverige.

Islamofobi är ett växande problem i Europa som negativt påverkar muslimers förutsättningar och möjligheter i samhället. Samtidigt är religionsfriheten en mänsklig rättighet och en av grundvalarna för ett demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle. Denna uppsats undersöker hur islamofobi påverkar religionsfrihetens implementering i Sverige. Resultatet visar att muslimers rätt att utöva sin religion hotas av islamofobiska praktiker, så som attacker mot moskéer, motstånd mot muslimska organisationer och förbud av slöjan. Studien utforskar även statens förpliktelser och ansvar för att motverka islamofobi och främja muslimers rättigheter och lika möjligheter – för att på så sätt kunna uppnå ett verkligt demokratiskt och pluralistiskt samhälle där utsatta grupper beskyddas. / Islamophobia is an increasing problem in Europe which has a negative effect on Muslims’ conditions and opportunities within the society. At the same time, freedom of religion is a human right and one of the foundations in a democratic and pluralistic society. This thesis examines how islamophobia affects the implementation of freedom of religion in Sweden. The result shows that Muslims’ right to practice their religion is substantially threatened by islamophobic practices, such as attacks against mosques, resistance towards Muslim organizations and banning of the veil. The study also explores the state’s obligations and responsibility to counteract islamophobia and promote Muslims’ rights and equal opportunities – and thus be able to achieve a truly democratic and pluralistic society where vulnerable groups are protected.