<p>The aim with this study was to increase the knowledge about as well as shed light on hidden refugees’ living conditions by compiling research about hidden refugees’ living conditions and complete this research by doing a field survey with people with different knowledge and experience of hidden refugees’ living conditions. The result was analyzed on the basis of Nussbaum’s list of ten human abilities and the convention of human rights. The study showed that hidden refugees' living conditions are experienced as very critical, and characterized by lack of human rights as well as means to utilize and develop their abilities. The conclusion of the study is that hidden refugees’ living conditions could not be considered humane and that there is a need for ethics when treating hidden refugees.</p>

<p>Religionsfrihet är ett omdiskuterat och värdeladdat begrepp. Syftet med den här uppsatsen har varit att analysera och diskutera utifrån riksdagstryck, tidningsinsändare samt en enkätundersökning vilket innehåll som läggs i begreppet religionsfrihet. Genom en belysning av riksdagstryck och tidningsinsändare ges en indikation på begreppets innehåll. En fenomenografisk analys har genomförts för att åskådliggöra hur lärarkandidater uppfattar begreppet religionsfrihet. Uppsatsen har visat att begreppet religionsfrihet är förknippat med olika innehåll.</p>

<p>Den här uppsatsen behandlar människors syn på dödsstraff. Jag har velat ta reda på om fler människor är för dödsstraff idag jämfört med hur många det brukar vara, vilket hävdats i media, eller om den höga opinionen beror på det sätt som frågorna ställts. Jag har också velat ta reda på vad som ligger bakom folks ställningstagande för eller mot dödsstraffet. Jag har använt mig av en enkät och ett antal intervjuer för att senare kvalitativt analysera både enkäten och intervjuerna. Dessutom har jag tagit mig friheten att jämföra mina kvalitativa enkätsvar med två andra - kvantitativa - undersökningar; jag har inte varit intresserad av att se mina resultat i form av procent i förhållande till de andra, det som varit av intresse för mig har varit att se om sättet att svara skiljer sig om frågan ställs annorlunda. Enkät- och intervjufrågorna har gällt inställningen till dödsstraff och närliggande frågor; svaren har jag analyserat och grupperat för att få en översiktlig bild över svaren. Intervjuerna har, förutom att ge en bild av respektive intervjupersons personliga uppfattningar i frågan, fått fungera som illustration till enkätsvaren av hur man kan tänka runt dödsstraffet; jag har sedan studerat svaren för att försöka finna en etisk utgångspunkt, eller flera, bakom sättet att ta ställning till dödsstraffsfrågan.</p><p>Det jag kommit fram till är att svaren skiljer sig beroende på hur man frågar och att svaren som lämnas ofta är motsägelsefulla och ännu oftare inkonsekventa. Slutsatserna är att svaren, när det gäller att ta ställning för eller mot dödsstraff, blir annorlunda beroende på hur en fråga ställs; svaren varierar alltså med frågorna. När man svarar använder man sig, i första hand av känslor och i andra hand av intellektuellt resonerande kring frågeställningen. Det verkar som många saknar ett genomtänkt etiskt resonerande och istället svarar känslomässigt, direkt när frågan ställs; eller att de tillfrågade använder sig av olika etiska modeller när de besvarar olika frågor. En följd av detta är att man inte kan lita på resultat från opinions- och attitydundersökningar - åtminstone inte när det gäller människors inställning till dödsstraff.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>This study will shed light on the meaning of article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code and its</p><p>inconformity with fundamental principles of the European Union and fundamental human</p><p>rights. The trial of Nobel Prize winner, Mr Orhan Pamuk and the killing of Mr Hrant Dink in</p><p>January 2007 have both put focus on the notorious article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code.</p><p>The purpose of the study is to answer the main question; In what way does article 301 of the</p><p>Turkish Penal Code infringe the freedom of expression outlined in article 10 of the European</p><p>Convention on Human Rights and what should the European Union do about it?</p><p>The conclusion is that article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code infringes the right to freedom of</p><p>expression stated in article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It does</p><p>undermine the essence of the right by invoking a wide range of self-censorship, by its</p><p>ambiguous language and by the way it is applied. The restrictions are interpreted broadly and</p><p>leave nothing but an arbitrary article left to apply for the courts. The European Union holds</p><p>the power to influence Turkey and can therefore enforce an abolition of article 301 of the</p><p>Turkish Penal Code. Time will tell if Turkey will fully safeguard freedom of expression as it</p><p>is stated in article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights and in the praxis of the</p><p>European Court of Human rights and the European Court of Justice.</p>

Abstract This study will shed light on the meaning of article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code and its inconformity with fundamental principles of the European Union and fundamental human rights. The trial of Nobel Prize winner, Mr Orhan Pamuk and the killing of Mr Hrant Dink in January 2007 have both put focus on the notorious article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code. The purpose of the study is to answer the main question; In what way does article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code infringe the freedom of expression outlined in article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights and what should the European Union do about it? The conclusion is that article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code infringes the right to freedom of expression stated in article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. It does undermine the essence of the right by invoking a wide range of self-censorship, by its ambiguous language and by the way it is applied. The restrictions are interpreted broadly and leave nothing but an arbitrary article left to apply for the courts. The European Union holds the power to influence Turkey and can therefore enforce an abolition of article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code. Time will tell if Turkey will fully safeguard freedom of expression as it is stated in article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights and in the praxis of the European Court of Human rights and the European Court of Justice.

Tobacco kills 11,500 of its consumers every day, half of them living in developing countries. But there’s more to the picture, namely the producer perspective which show the consequences of tobacco growing for the small-scale farmer. In this paper I mean to investigate the labour conditions of tobacco growers in the world’s second largest tobacco producing country, Brazil. I also intend to examine the Fair Trade movement, with particular attention to FLO (Fairtrade Labelling Organisation). Finally I try to merge the difficulties of tobacco growing with the institution of Fair Trade, expressed by the FLO standards, as an alternative way out of the tobacco growing problems. The method for this investigation is to examine and compare secondary literature, reports and books, already written on the subject. The first issue show a double-side situation, where Brazilian tobacco growers live under extremely crude labour conditions, but also a state where no other agricultural alternatives are available, since tobacco is a highly lucrative and beneficial crop to cultivate, especially for the small-scale farmer. Secondly this paper proposes, thorough the laws of institutional theory, that Fair Trade, especially the FLO standards, constitutes a highly stable and reliable institution, clearly benefiting international trade. Finally this paper concludes that Fairtrade labelled tobacco would not only reduce the problems of tobacco growing, but would also simplify the problematic transformation process, caused by tougher tobacco control policies, from tobacco growing to alternative crop cultivation. In addition, my paper states that Fair Trade as an institution could spread egalitarian principles to other parts of society, which in turn will create formal egalitarian institutions. However, as my interviews with FLO and tobacco companies show, all of this will not become a reality until there is a significant increase in the demand for Fairtrade labelled tobacco products.

The aim with this study was to increase the knowledge about as well as shed light on hidden refugees’ living conditions by compiling research about hidden refugees’ living conditions and complete this research by doing a field survey with people with different knowledge and experience of hidden refugees’ living conditions. The result was analyzed on the basis of Nussbaum’s list of ten human abilities and the convention of human rights. The study showed that hidden refugees' living conditions are experienced as very critical, and characterized by lack of human rights as well as means to utilize and develop their abilities. The conclusion of the study is that hidden refugees’ living conditions could not be considered humane and that there is a need for ethics when treating hidden refugees.

This thesis examines interfaith work from a general perspective and through the Swedish interfaith project “Tillsammans för Sverige”. They are based in a famous youth center in Stockholm. The examination has two aims. The first is to identify the main characteristics of interfaith work and how they correspond with daily practice. The second aim looks at the relevance of human rights in interfaith work and how the connection between the two can be clarified.  The results are based upon the author’s experiences through a fieldwork study and an enquiry made among the people involved in the project. Key words: interfaith work, Tillsammans för Sverige, global ethics, human rights

The Egyptian Revolution 2011 created a space and opportunity to forward important demands concerning different social and political issues, amongst these matters related to women's status and situations in the society. Feminist and women's rights proponents in Egypt conceptualize the aims of a feminist or women's rights agenda as (women's) human rights and citizen's rights, independence, freedom and choice, though such universal concepts are understood in accordance with particular cultural or individual contexts. Feminist struggles must be seen in the cultural and social environment in which they take place in order to be properly understood. Feminist struggles in Egypt takes place in an overarching religious context. Religion constitutes a source of legitimacy in the Egyptian society and feminist activists appropriate religious language to pose their political demands and to make them comprehensible at a local level. Feminist demands are generally brought forward strategically, in order to achieve acceptance and enhance cultural legitimacy. A patriarchal culture is perceived as the main obstacle to advance women's status and situations. For that reason, addressing and changing that patriarchal culture is seen as the main objective for feminist struggles. Individual agency is highlighted in this respect. The interest and responsibility of securing and forwarding women's rights is mainly perceived to lay in the hands of feminist activists and women's rights groups themselves. The Egyptian Revolution was an outcome of individual and collective agency. In the revolution, women may have enacted more of a public agency than an individual agency to realize their interests. During the revolution women transcended gender roles and exposed some images of women as stereotypes. The Egyptian Revolution broke a barrier of fear in the society and invoked in men and women a sense of dignity and rights. The post-revolutionary public and political discourse constituted a backlash for women's rights, but it may also have produced a renewed interest for feminist struggles and women's rights. After the revolution, the participation in the society may have increased and men and women might not be as easily intimidated as before.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka den eventuella konflikten mellan sekulariserad och religiös etik och moral.  Studien tar sin utgångspunkt i religiös absolutism kontra sekulariserad relativism. Jag vill även ta reda på om det finns etiska grundtankar som flertalet kan vara överens om.