Våren 2019 inkom det motioner till Svenska Riksdagen angående förslag gällande införandet av lagstiftning om obligatorisk vaccination. Utifrån detta kommer uppsatsen genom en fiktiv argumentationsanalys behandla ämnet ur ett rättighetsperspektiv, med fokus på tre rättigheter; rätten till hälsa, rätten till kroppslig integritet samt rätten till utbildning. Argumenten i de två olika kapitlen utgår från svensk lagstiftning samt internationella fördrag, såsom mänskliga rättigheter och Europeiska unionens stadgar. Uppsatsen besvarar även i argumentationen frågeställningar om varför obligatorisk vaccination bör vara en mänsklig skyldighet enligt rätten till hälsa samt vilka mänskliga rättigheter en lagstiftning om obligatorisk vaccination bryter mot. Syftet med uppsatsen är att nå fram till ett översiktligt svar gällande om individuell rätt, såsom kroppslig integritet och utbildning eller allmän folkhälsa bör prioriteras i frågan. Detta undersöks även med hjälp av Marion Youngs teori om den sociala förbindelsens ansvarsmodell, som syftar till att vi är moraliska aktörer som har en moralisk skyldighet till alla människor att minimera lidande. Slutsatserna i uppsatsens sista del visar att uppsatsens tes motbevisas genom argumentationen.

This essay examines the implementation of the Swedish government's Action Plan on Business and Human Rights by two Swedish companies. The study is conducted using a qualitative method in combination with a comparative approach. The data analyzed consists of the UN's Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, the Swedish government's Action Plan on Business and Human Rights from 2015, and the Swedish legal framework on business including human rights in there sustainability report. The study also looks at the government's follow-up of the Action Plan to determine if the measures taken had any effect. The study does not take into account any new developments in the issue presented by the current government. The study finds that the two companies have implemented some of the recommendations made in the Action Plan, but not all. The analysis shows that the companies' reporting on human rights is inadequate and not in line with the Action Plan's requirements. The study concludes that more needs to be done by companies to ensure the respect for human rights and the implementation of the Action Plan.

Climate colonialism is a form of neo-colonialism that turns climate actions into colonial behaviour, this is especially true when the focus is on indigenous peoples. The republic of Marshall Islands is under threat of disappearing because of climate change and even though they want to fight it the United States prefer that they be removed from their homelands. In the Oaxaca region of Mexico, the native population are manipulated or forced to move from their lands because of the growing wind power industry and in Sweden the state has given a questionable greenlight to a company to start building a mine in the middle of the sami-landscape. This thesis argues that all these situations are a form of climate colonialism and follows the theory of neo-colonialism to understand how climate colonialism functions.

In Lebanon exists fifteen different religious courts treating personal status laws i.e., laws regarding marriage and divorce, one of these is the ja’farite court. The purpose of this essay is to clarify the process of marriage and divorce within the ja’farite court and to further investigate in which ways the ja’farite court violate women’s human rights. To answer these questions the research method used is a text analysis through a qualitative method where the analysis and the conclusion present the results of the research. The result and the conclusion present that the ja’farite court violate several articles from the CEDAW; Lebanon as a state has ratified CEDAW and is obligated to commit to their undertakings. Therefore, Lebanon should first and foremost engage in the abolishment of the religious courts but also establish adequate oversight mechanism to guarantee women’s human rights.

This study is about whether the ban on hijab and niqab in France violates human rights. Also, if there are contradictions between the human rights conventions and the french ban on hijab andniqab. That is the purpose and question of the study. The topic was chosen for an interest on whether the French ban violates human rights, and if so, why is the ban still a law? To fulfill the purpose of the study, the study will be using human right conventions and a case from the European court of human rights. The study will also use a human rights based approach to further analyze whether the french ban violates human rights. The human rights based approach will also focus on the rights themselves and the implementation of the rights. The second theory used in the study is a theory on multiculturalism. The theory will focus on the term “blind fordifference”. In other words, are human rights blind for difference?The method used in this study is a qualitative content analysis. The method was chosen to analyze the content of the french ban of niqab and hijab but also to analyze the content of the human rights conventions. The result showed that there are some contradictions between the french ban and the human rights conventions. The French ban on hijab and niqab showed potential violations towards human rights articles in the human rights conventions.

In early 1999, newly appointed Indonesian President Habibie authorised a referendum on independence for East Timor. It was held under UN supervision and an overwhelming majority voted in favour. This was not well received by the conservative Indonesian military TNI, which saw this as the beginning of an Indonesian state collapse. Therefore, the TNI launched a month-long offensive in East Timor in the autumn of 1999, characterised by massive displacement, burning of infrastructure, sexual violence against women, and repeated cases of wanton murders. Consequently, some historians have described the period as a genocide. The term genocide aims to describe a concept where a perpetrator has a coordinated plan to destroy key elements of national groups, with the aim of ending the groups’ existence as a whole. Genocide is thus strongly characterised by the idea of human rights and, by extension, has a liberal underpinning. This study aims to determine whether the East Timor Crisis of 1999 can be described as a genocide; whether the description is correct if consideration is made to what constitutes a group and the intent of the perpetrator. It also aims to achieve this by using the originator of the term Raphaël Lemkin's eight societal domains in which he regards genocide to be committed and thus applies events from the East Timor Crisis within these domains to determine whether genocide has taken place. The study makes use of a qualitative, theory consuming case study methodology. It then concludes that genocide, with exceptions, occurred within every societal domain of the East Timorese society throughout the East Timor Crisis of 1999.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka om mänskliga rättigheter, närmare bestämt jämställdhet, inkludering och icke-diskriminering, implementeras av svenska myndigheter på lokal nivå. Uppsatsen är en fallstudie som undersöker hur Jönköpings Kommun arbetar med frågor om mänskliga rättigheter för att ge en bild av arbetet och samarbetet mellan regering och myndighet. Studien genomfördes med hjälp av semi strukturerade intervjuer med fyra representanter från statliga och kommunala myndigheter i Jönköping där vi träffat individer som arbetar med dessa delar. Resultatet visar att det grundläggande arbete myndigheterna bedriver inom området mänskliga rättigheter och den genomgripande effekten av detta arbete, vilket framgår av alla myndigheter i vår studie. I slutsatsen dras det att det finns rättighetsbaserat arbete hos de myndigheter, vilket antyder en motiverande aktivitet gentemot offentliga verksamheters arbetsplatser och mänskliga rättigheter. Arbetet har påvisat en struktur och strategi som påbörjar internationellt och rör sig mot det nationella och slutligen kommunala. / The purpose of this study is to investigate whether human rights, more specifically equality, inclusion, and non-discrimination, are implemented by Swedish authorities at the local level. The essay is a case study that examines how Jönköping municipality works with issues of human rights in the local government authorities in Sweden in practice to give a picture of the work and cooperation between the government and the authority. We have used qualitative methods and had interviews with four representatives from state and municipal authorities in Jönköping where we have met individuals who work with these parts. In our results, we have drawn attention to the basic work the authorities carry out in the area of human rights and the pervasive effect of this work, which is evident in all the authorities in our study. We have been able to conclude that there is rights-based work in the authorities we have worked with, which is in line with the principles, laws, and regulations that the Swedish state has worked on together with the authorities.

Zimbabwe har varit utsatt för ekonomiska sanktioner sedan 2002 och syftet med studien har varit att analysera perioden mellan år 2001 och 2005 för att se om sanktionerna bidragit till oavsedda konsekvenser i landet. Utöver detta var syftet att förklara sambandet mellan ekonomiska sanktioner och ökat statligt förtryck som i sin tur leder till ökade kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter. Den kvalitativa inomfallsmetoden - kongruensmetod - användes för att testa Dursun Peksens (2009) teori om fyra faktorer i ekonomiska sanktioner, som kan bidra till ökat förtrycks överensstämmelse med situationen i Zimbabwe. Tre av fyra faktorer stämde överens tämligen väl med situationen i Zimbabwe, medan den fjärde faktorn inte stämde överens lika väl. Studien kom fram till att de ekonomiska sanktionerna hade bidragit till ökat statligt förtryck, vilket i sin tur hade bidragit till ökade kränkningar av mänskliga rättigheter i Zimbabwe. Sambandet kan förklaras enligt följande. De ekonomiska sanktionerna bidrog till en ekonomisk kris som negativt påverkade de genomsnittliga medborgarnas levnadsvillkor på många områden. De försämrade livsvillkoren bidrog till ökad aktivitet i oppositionen och befolkningen vilket i sin tur bidrog till att staten ökade sitt förtryck. Vidare målade staten upp de ekonomiska sanktionerna som ett extern hot mot landet och staten legitimerade därmed sitt ökade förtryck med att de skyddade landets suveränitet mot ett externt hot.

Violence and other harmful practices start early in children’s lives and take place in environments designed to ensure safety. In Africa, 40 percent of all girls are married before their 18th birthday and two out of three children in Latin America and the Caribbean are regularly subjected to violent discipline at home. Eradicating this violence is an obligation of 196 states in the world, which gave rise to the question of whether there are gaps in the international law protection of children’s rights. This paper aims to critically examine the international law protection of the right of the child to freedom from violence and harmful practices. My thesis is that there is a lack of protection under international law, which results in children on different continents being protected differently. The examination takes its starting point from the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and the prohibitions against corporal punishment (article 19) and child marriage (article 24.3) established therein. Thereafter the question is whether there are provisions in the regional human rights instruments on those continents that today have an established protection for human rights that sufficiently correspond to their content. To illustrate how well the international law protection works in practice two practical examples from respective continent are given prominence to. Here it begins to emerge that there are a number of societal obstacles for articles 19 and 24(3) in CRC to have full impact in practice, such as cultural values and pluralistic legal systems that give primacy to religious laws. These are obstacles that extend beyond the deficiencies in the international law protection and thus threaten the realization even of the standards that satisfactorily protect children from violence and harmful practices. My thesis can be answered as follows; there are shortcomings in the international law protection of the right of the child to freedom from violence and harmful practices, which to a certain extent results in children on different continents being protected differently. For example, neither the european nor the inter-american standard regarding child marriage lives up to that of the CRC. The real shortcoming, however, lies in the failure of states to “honestly” fulfill their obligations under international law, which results in even children on the same continent but in different countries being protected differently. / <p>Betyg: AB</p>

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