The purpose of this study is to examine the implementation of the Convention on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women, CEDAW, in Uppsala local council and county council. The aim is to examine how the respondents, in their daily work, understand and implement the convention as well as how they consider the prerequisites for a successful implementation. The study was conducted using qualitative interviews with three civil servants and four politicians. The theoretical approach was implementation theory whose concepts willingness, comprehension and capability were used as tools for the analysis. The results portray CEDAW as a well-known treaty amongst the respondents but at the same time absent in local politics and everyday work. The convention is perceived as an abstract and ideological document which reveals the respondents’ insufficient knowledge about CEDAW as a human rights treaty and the state´s obligation to eliminate discrimination against women. The results also indicate that unclear instructions and responsibility distribution as well as lack of resources, such as time and knowledge, obstruct successful implementation of CEDAW. In conclusion, gender equality is neither a prioritised issue in Uppsala local council and county council and nor seen as a human right.

<p><strong>Varför har FN inte kunnat erkänna våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott?</strong></p><p>Denna studie har ägnats åt att upplysa användning av våldtäkt och andra former utav sexuella övergrepp under krig och dess konsekvenser för utsatta kvinnor. Studien har tillämpat en kvalitativ och litterär metod. Den största delen av materialet har tagits ur diverse artiklar, dokument och tidsskrifer. Uppsatsen upplyser kvinnors rättigheter inom den internationella arenan och studien ifrågasätter varför Förenta Nationerna (FN) har dröjt (ca.50 år) med att identifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott inom internationall lagstiftning.</p><p>Första delen av uppsatsen kommer att presentera de underliggande teorierna som preciserar konceptet sexuellt övergrepp och mer djupgående, också förklara anledningar bakom anvädning av våldtäkt, därav begränsa dess anvädning inom krigsförhållanden.</p><p>Andra delen av uppsatsen sätter fokus på termen våldtäkt och dess utveckling inom den juridiska ramen. Den behandlar folkrätt, och framhäver även orsaker till FN’s svaghet och svårighet att kunna erkänna, inte bara våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott, utan också andra frågor som är problematiska för FN att kunna hantera. Eftersom begreppet ’våldtäkt’ är relativt brett, faller det både under kvinnors rättigheter och i sin tur under mänskliga rättigheter. Av denna anledning kommer uppsatsen att ta upp de möjliga anledningar om varför det har dröjt för FN, men också dess svårighter, att kunna erkänna anvädning av våldtäkt som ett vapen inom krig.</p><p>Tredje delen av uppsatsen tar upp några av de möjliga problem som är ohanterliga för FN, bland annat kulturella skillnader och individuella åsikter mellan medlems staterna, vilket medför brist på konsensus. Uppsatsen ifrågasätter även om kvinnors rättigheter är del av mänskilga rättigheter. Utöver det kommer även uppsatsen resonera kring FN’s dilemma att kunna särskilja sin roll som ett mellanstatligt och transnationellt organ. Och sist men inte minst kommer suveräniteten, som varje stat har rätten till att erhålla, att diskuteras. Denna punkt kommer att klargöra den oenighet som förekommer mellan medlems staterna, vilket ännu än gång har resulterat i det dröjsmål som uppstått i att kunna indentifiera våldtäkt som ett krigsbrott.</p> / <p><strong>Why haven’t the UN been able to recognise rape as a weapon of war?</strong></p><p>The thesis enlightens the usage of rape in war and the consequences this has brought on women who have been subjected to rape. The bulk of the information is taken from various articles, documents and journals and the method used is of a qualitative nature. The thesis sheds light upon women’s rights in the international arena and questions why it took so long (almost 50 years) for the United Nations (UN) in addressing rape as a war crime within international law.</p><p>The first part of the thesis will present various theories that elucidate the word sexual violence and more accurately ‘rape’ in the context of war. The second part generates the judicial part that will depict the difficulty for the international community to address rape as a war crime within international law.</p><p>Furthermore the thesis takes the approach in presenting obstacles faced by the UN, within the framework of human rights, to handle delicate issues such as rape and sexual violence. Since rape is, to a large extent, complicated and a broad concept, and since it falls under the category of women’s rights and under human rights, the thesis will explain reasons behind the dawdling and the hurdles faced by the UN in accepting rape under the category of war crime.</p><p>The third part of the thesis will present possible predicaments that are unmanageable for the UN. Some possible issues that the thesis has touched upon, is cultural diversity and differing opinions among the member states which has resulted in lack of consensus. Furthermore, the study will present the notion of women’s rights, and question if they are part of human rights. The thesis will also discuss the dual role of the UN and its struggle for the past decade to uphold its role both as an intergovernmental as well as a transnational body. Lastly the thesis will enlighten sovereignty that each state must enjoy. Sovereignty has resulted in lack of agreement among the member states which again has caused delay in recognising rape as a war crime.</p>

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights state that everyone has the right to good health. According to the conventions, the states have obligations to prevent and combat disease, and if necessary, ensure that the conditions for treatment of the disease are appropriate (UDHR 1948, UNCESCR 1966). The broad wording in the conventions on the right to good health includes the right to care of substance use disorders. In the 1960ies the World Health Organization recommended, that people with such disorders should be seen as sick and that the legislation governing such care should be in accordance with special administrative legislations and not criminal legislation. The recommendation indicates WHO:s clear position that persons with substance use disorders primarily should be treated as persons suffering from disease and in need of care, and not primarily as disruptive individuals or criminals who should be disciplined or punished. This applies also to situations when treatment and care cannot be provided on a voluntary basis, but compulsorily. In Swedish context, the most commonly mentioned law in these cases is the social special legislation Law (1988: 870) on care of misusers, special provisions (LVM). Ever since the implementation of LVM in 1982, its legal position as well as application in institutional care has been subject of critical discussions within social work as well as in social science research. Such debate in the Nordic countries has until now mostly been marked by two important limitations. First, most comparisons are restricted to very few countries, e.g. four of the Nordic countries; secondly the notion of involuntary care is often limited to social legislation on compulsory care without taking criminal justice legislation or mental health legislation into account. The present dissertation studies legislations on compulsory commitment to care of persons with substance use problems (CCC), and compares these legislations from a larger number of countries, on global or European levels. This approach makes it possible to explore the great variation in CCC legislation between countries, i.e. type of law (criminal justice, mental health care and social or special legislation),  time limits (maximum duration) as well as levels of ambition, ethical grounds, criteria for admission, and adaption to human and civil rights.  In addition, the comparisons between many countries are used to investigate factors related to different national choices in legislations from country characteristics, e.g. historical and cultural background as well as economic and social conditions, including level and type of welfare distribution. Available datasets from different times permits trend analyses to investigate whether CCC or specific types of such are increasing or decreasing internationally.          Empirical materials: Article I is based on three reports from the WHO on existence of CCC legislation, before the millennium shift, in 90 countries and territories in all populated continents. Articles II and IV are based on own data collection from a survey in 38 European countries. Article III uses a combination of those data and additional information from country reports in scientific and institutional publications in three times of observation during more than 25 years, and including a total of 104 countries. Additional data for Articles I and II are information on various countries' characteristics obtained from different international databases.          Findings based on data from WHO reports at the eve of the millennium show that CCC legislation was very common in the world, since 82 per cent of the 90 countries and territories had such law. Special administrative (“civil”) legislation (mental health or social) was somewhat more prevalent (56 %), but CCC in criminal justice legislation was also frequent and present in half of the countries. The study shows that economically stronger countries in the western world and many of the former communist countries in Eastern Europe, the so-called "first and second worlds" in cold war rhetoric, more often had adapted to the recommendations made by WHO in the 1960ies, with CCC more often regulated in civil legislation. In the so-called "third world" countries, CCC in criminal justice legislation dominated. The new data collection from 38 European countries ten years later confirmed that legislation on CCC is very common, since 74 per cent of the explored countries have some type of legislation. The most common type was now CCC in criminal legislation (45%), although special administrative legislation (mental health or social) was almost equally common (37%). Special administrative legislation on CCC (both acute and rehabilitative), was more common in countries with historic experience of a strong influential temperance movement, and in countries with distribution of health and welfare more directed through the state, while countries with less direct government involvement in distribution of health and welfare and lacking former influence of a strong temperance movement more often had CCC in criminal justice legislation. During all the 25 years period from early 80ies up to 2009, it was more common for countries to have some type of law on CCC than not, although some reduction of CCC legislation is shown, especially during the last decade. But within countries having CCC, more cases are compulsorily committed and for longer time duration. This is related to a global shift from civil CCC to CCC in criminal justice legislation, directly in the opposite direction from what WHO recommended in the 60ies. Changes in CCC legislation are often preceded with national political debate on ethical considerations, and criticisms questioning the efficiency and content of the care provided. Such national debates are frequent with all types of CCC legislation, but ethical considerations seem to be far more common related to special administrative (civil) legislation. National legislations on CCC within Europe should conform to the human and civil rights stipulated in ECHR (1950). There seems, to be some limitations in the procedural rules that should protect persons with misuse or dependence problems from unlawful detentions, regardless type of law. The three types of law differ significantly in terms of criteria for CCC, i.e. the situations in which care may be ensured regardless of consent.        Conclusions: It is more common that societies have legislation on CCC, than not. This applies internationally – in all parts of the world as well as over time, for a period of 25 years, at least. Sweden’s legislative position is not internationally unique; on the contrary, it is quite common. Law on CCC tend to be introduced in times of drug epidemics or when drug-related problems are increasing in a society. Changes in CCC legislation are often preceded by national debates on ethics, content and benefits of such care. These findings here discussed may reflect different concurrent processes. A shift from welfare logic to a moral logic may be understood as more moralization, perhaps due to relative awaking of traditionalism related to religious movements in various parts of the world (Christian, Hindu, Muslim or other). But it may also be understood from more libertarianism that stresses both individual responsibility for one’s welfare and the state´s responsibility to discipline behaviours that inflict negatively on the lives of others. Possibly do these two tendencies work in conjunction to one another. At the same time, however, there is a stronger emphasis on care content within criminal justice CCC, especially in the Anglo-Saxon drug court system. Some shift within Civil CCC is also noticed, i.e. from social to mental health legislation. Thus drug abuse and dependence is increasingly more recognized and managed in the same way as other diseases, i.e. an increased normalization. Since social CCC has been more in focus of research and debates, this may also result in CCC turning into a more hidden praxis, which from ethical perspectives is problematic. The thesis shows that there are examples of focus on humanity and care in all three of the law types, but there are also examples of passive care, sometimes even inhumane and repressive, in all types. Thus, type of law cannot be said to in general correspond to a specific content of care. Although CCC can be delivered in accordance with human and civil rights, there is still a dissatisfying situation concerning the procedural rights that should ensure the misuser his/her rights to freedom from unlawful detention. The possibility to appeal to a higher instance is missing in about 20 percent of European CCC laws, although not differentiating one type of legislation from the others. A clear difference between the three law types concerns criteria that form the basis for who will be provided care according to the laws. This is of major importance for which persons of the needy who will receive care: addicted offenders, out-acting persons or the most vulnerable. The criteria for selecting these relate to the implicit ambitions of CCC – correction, protection, or for support to those in greatest need for care. The question is what ambition a society should have concerning care without consent in case of substance abuse and addiction problems. The trend that CCC according to special administrative legislation is declining and criminal legislation increases in the world should therefore be noticed.     Keywords: Alcohol, drugs, substance misuse, coercive care, compulsory commitment to care, involuntary care, mandatory care, legislation, human and civil rights, comparative analysis, prediction models, and trend analysis / <p>Vid tidpunkten för disputationen var följande delarbeten opublicerade: delarbete 4 inskickat.</p><p>At the time of the doctoral defence the following papers were unpublished: paper 4 submitted.</p>

Fair trials’ rights under Swedish law of public administration (FL) are regulated by Article 7 of the Statute. Similarly, fair trials’ right under the European Convention of Human Rights (EU Convention) is regulated by Article 6.1. The essay conducts a comparative study of the two legislations and seeks to determine whether Article 7 of the Swedish law of public administration is consistent and compliance with Article 6.1 of the EU Convention. The essay identifies and examines ten cases that have been handled in different courts in Sweden on a comparative basis with samples of other cases handled by Justitieombudsmannen. The objective is to compare and determine whether fair trial process as provided for under Swedish legislation are consistent, or in compliance, with the EU Convention. In the determination of the fairness or otherwise of the procedural process, including the time-line it takes to dispose of a given case and whether the Swedish Court’s procedure is consistent with speedy trials’ requirements stipulated in the EU Convention, the essay examines the modalities adopted in interpretation of the different laws, rules and regulations by the different courts in Sweden. Where errors are identified, the essay will examine what corrective measures, if any, may be taken to redress these possible mistakes that may have resulted in violations of the rights of an applicant as a result of incompetence, failure or mistake of an employee in the public administration.  The analysis is focused on cases that have been poorly handled in the sense that the process was slow or ineffective and did not meet the threshold of fair trial and good governance. The essay examines situation where, in event of a violation of the applicable law by a public administrator, there are no sanctions provided, or corrective measures in the statute that may be available to an aggrieved party. The essay considers whether, as a result of a violation, there needs to be a provision in the law for compensating that aggrieved party. In conclusion, the essay suggests possible remedies, including compensation or a re-hearing of the application before a different panel of judges. These proposals may be considered if deemed useful or relevant in amending the Swedish law to provide corrective measures to an aggrieved party. / Sveriges domstolar och myndigheter har genom åren fått kritik från domstolsverket och Justitieombudsmannen, (JO), angående långa handläggningstider. Under åren 1999-2008 har Sverige varit part i 25 domar hos Europadomstolen, där enskilda inte fått sin rätt till rättvis rättegång inom skälig tid enligt EKMR, artikel 6.1. uppfylld. Förvaltningslagen, (FL), som gäller för handläggning av ärenden inom förvaltningsmyndigheter och domstol, har under åren ändrats väldigt mycket. Just frågan om förvaltningsförfarandet, snabb, billig och effektiv handläggning, har på olika sätt blivit behandlats i propositioner och motioner. Syftet med lagen är att garantera enskildas rättsäkerhet, som är grunderna för en “god” förvaltning. Hur denna tidsaspekt och tidsfrist inom snabb, enkel och billig handläggning har tolkats, kommer vi med hjälp av olika lagar, förordningar, praxis m.m., behandla i denna uppsats.

Att människohandel för sexuell exploatering utgör ett brott mot mänskliga rättigheter står klart. Människohandel kränker flertalet av individens rättigheter och staters skyldigheter gentemot dessa individer finns således stadgade i flertalet internationella konventioner. Palermoprotokollet stadgar den första internationellt gemensamma definitionen av människohandel och stadgar vidare ett krav på att definitionen utgör ett brott i konventionsstaternas nationella lagstiftning. Om prostitution anses kränka individers rättigheter och föranleder krav på rättslig reglering är däremot omtvistat, detta trots de likheter som finns. Med utgångspunkt i mänskliga rättigheter syftar uppsatsen, med hjälp av genus- och rättssociologisk teori och metod, att undersöka om prostitution torde omfattas av dessa samt om, och i så fall, vilka positiva skyldigheter stater enligt folkrätten har gentemot personer som befinner sig i prostitution. Detta för att utreda huruvida det är möjligt att kräva att stater kriminaliserar sexköp, antingen för att uppfylla de konventioner som kräver ett förebyggande arbete mot människohandel för sexuell exploatering men även för att leva upp till de åtaganden stater åtagit sig för att motverka den könsojämställdhet, könsdiskriminering och våld som prostitution bevisligen kan innebära. Det finns en tydlig korrelation mellan prostitution och människohandel för sexuell exploatering. Forskning visar att omfattningen av människohandel är högre i stater med legaliserad prostitution samtidigt som både prostitutionen och människohandeln minskat i Sverige sedan sexköpslagen trädde i kraft. Prostitution kan anses uppfylla många delar av det som utgör människohandelsbrottet enligt Palermoprotokollets definition och torde således generellt sett kunna vara en form av människohandel. Således, med hänvisning till krav på förebyggande åtgärder mot människohandel, så torde det kunna krävas att stater kriminaliserar sexköp, inte minst då det bevisligen kan vara ett effektivt sätt att motverka den efterfrågan vilken upprätthåller både prostitution och människohandel för sexuell exploatering. / Whether trafficking for sexual exploitation constitutes a violation of human right is indisputable. Human trafficking violates several individual rights and states' obligations towards victims of trafficking are thus stated in various international conventions. The Palermo Protocol constitutes the first international joint definition of human trafficking and the statute further requires that the definition constitutes a criminal offence in the convention states' national legislation. Whether prostitution is considered a violation of human rights and therefore induce a legal obligations of states is however disputed. Based on human rights, with a gender -and sociological theory of law this study aims to examine whether prostitution also should benefit from these rights and if so, determine the obligations of states under international law towards people in prostitution. Further to investigate whether it is possible to require states to criminalize the purchase of sexual services, either to comply with international conventions that urges prevention of human trafficking for sexual exploitation but also to live up to commitments to discourage the gender inequality, discrimination and violence often included in prostitution. There is a correlation between prostitution and human trafficking for sexual exploitation. Research shows that the scope of human trafficking is higher in states with legalized prostitution, while both prostitution and trafficking for sexual exploitation decreased in Sweden since the Sex Purchase Act came into force 1999. Prostitution is often considered to satisfy several elements of what constitutes trafficking under the Palermo Protocol's definition and could therefore generally be considered a form of human trafficking. Thus, by referring to the many requirements of preventive measures against trafficking it could therefore be argued that states should criminalize purchase of sexual services, as it is proven an effective way to counter the demand that maintains both prostitution and human trafficking for sexual exploitation.

This thesis uses a philosophical discussion to explore the tensions that result in the meeting between universal claims and particular contexts regarding human rights and how these tensions can be mediated by exploring the right to religious freedom. In order to do this, two approaches will be studied, one liberal and one postcolonial, represented by Martha Nussbaum and Saba Mahmood respectively. In comparing the approaches of Nussbaum and Mahmood, their arguments and positions become clearer, but also the nuances of the debate between universalism and contextualism. The right to religious freedom, with its many tensions between theory and practice, has been useful in exploring what values are at stake when we talk about human rights in general and how we can think about the apparent tension between universalism and contextual sensitivity. The thesis thus shows that there are more similarities between these two approaches than it may first seem and that they are not incompatible. This is argued to provide insight into possible ways of mediating human rights between theory and practice. / Denna uppsats utgår från en filosofisk diskussion kring spänningen mellan universella anspråk och specifika sammanhang när det kommer till mänskliga rättigheter och hur dessa spänningar kan medlas utifrån en undersökning av religionsfriheten. För att åstadkomma studeras två inriktningar, den ena liberal och den andra postkolonial. Dessa inriktningar representeras av Martha Nussbaum respektive Saba Mahmood. I och med en jämförande analys mellan dessa två inriktningar är förhoppningen att deras likheter och skillnader blir tydligare, samt att nyanserna inom debatten mellan universalism och kontextualism blir tydligare. Det finns många spänningar mellan teori och praktik när det kommer till rätten till religionsfrihet och just denna rättighet är på så sätt användbar för att utforska spänningen mellan universalism och kontextualism när det kommer till mänskliga rättigheter. Denna uppsats visar därmed att det finns flera likheter mellan dessa inriktningar och att de därför inte kan anses vara oförenliga med varandra. Detta för med sig en insikt i möjligheter till att medla mänskliga rättigheter mellan teori och praktik.

Syftet med denna strukturerade litteraturstudie är att undersöka hur skönlitteratur som verktyg kan användas i värdegrundsarbetet, med inriktning på integritet som en mänsklig rättighet.  I studien har både manuella sökningar och databassökningar genomförts för att hitta relevant forskning. Detta är en latent kvalitativ innehållsanalys där syftet är preciserat i en frågeställning: Vad säger litteraturvetenskaplig forskning om barnlitteraturens användningsområden gällande värdegrundsfrågor i samhällskunskapsdidaktik, i årskurs F-3? Vårt resultat visar att skönlitteraturen öppnar upp för möjligheter att arbeta med integritet som en mänsklig rättighet i samhällskunskapsundervisningen för årskurs F-3. Resultatet visar att skönlitteraturens möjligheter, förankrat i kunskapsarbetet, kan leda till en reflekterad och genomtänkt värdegrundsundervisning.

Författarna av Zoopolis – A Political Theory of Animal Rights, Sue Donaldson och Will Kymlicka, anser att djurrättsrörelsen idag har stagnerat till följd av den bristfälliga utformningen av traditionell djurrättsteori. Även om vissa framgångar har uppnåtts så är avsaknaden av offentlig opinion och verkliga politiska förändringar ett avgörande problem för djurrättsrörelsen. De anser att djurrättsteorin har misslyckats med att identifiera de mest allvarliga etiska utmaningarna när det gäller våra relationer till icke-mänskliga djur. Donaldsons och Kymlickas avsikt med Zoopolis är att vidareutveckla och utvidga traditionell djurrättsteori genom att utforma ett nytt ramverk som ska kunna svara på de utmaningar som vi står inför när det gäller icke-mänskliga djurs välfärd. Genom att utgå från modern politisk teori så delar författarna in icke-mänskliga djur, härefter refererade till som ”djur” för enkelhetens skull, i tre övergripande kategorier. Dessa är baserade på djurens relationella förhållande till människor, grundat på geografiska och historiska faktorer som har påverkat hur olika grupper av människor och djur samverkar. De visar hur de olika grupperna ger upphov till olika moraliska förpliktelser och ger sedan förslag på vilken politisk status vi bör ge respektive grupp och vad denna status kan komma att betyda för oss människor och vårt politiska system. De tre kategorierna är: domesticerade djur, liminala djur (sådana djur som delar livsmiljö med människan men som lever oberoende av dessa, till exempel duvor och råttor) och vilda djur. Den sista gruppen, vilda djur, är sådana djur som flyr mänsklig kontakt och som lever utanför människans bosättningar. Dessa kan själva tillfredsställa sina behov av föda, skydd, och social struktur, de skyr människans bosättningar och upprätthåller en oberoende existens. Denna uppsats kommer att fokusera på denna kategori samt Donaldsons och Kymlickas förslag om hur vi bör förhålla oss till denna grupp. Deras förslag är att vi bör anta en generell princip om icke-ingripande för att måna om vilda djurs välfärd och att vi bäst gör detta genom att utvidga suveränitetsbegreppet och erkänna vilda djur suveränitet. Jag kommer att undersöka Donaldsons och Kymlickas suveränitetsmodell i ljuset av kritik som har formulerats av Andrée-Anne Cormier och Mauro Rossis i deras artikel ”The Problem of Predation in Zoopolis”. De anser också att vi bör följa en generell princip för icke-ingripande när det gäller vilda djur, men att denna inte kan legitimeras med hjälp av en suveränitetsmodell. De anser att Donaldsons och Kymlickas teori faller offer för vad de kallar predationsproblemet. De menar att fenomenet predation, alltså företeelsen att rovdjur måste döda andra djur för att överleva, visar att vilda djur inte har tillräcklig kompetens för att inneha suveränitet. På grund av avsaknaden av denna kompetens så kan inte en suveränitetsmodell användas som belägg för en generell princip om icke-ingripande i vilda djurs livsmiljö. Jag vill undersöka om predationsproblemet utgör ett allvarligt problem för Donaldson och Kymlickas teori om en suveränitetsmodell för vilda djur och huruvida dessa skulle kunna svara på kritiken. Detta leder oss fram till frågeställningen: Är Cormiers och Rossis kritik, att vilda djur inte kan utgöra suveräna samhällen på grund av avsaknad av kompetens, mot Donaldsons och Kymlickas teori om vilda djurs suveränitet, övertygande? Min tes är att kritiken är övertygande. Donaldson och Kymlicka verkar inte kunna svara på kritiken på ett tillfredställande sätt och samtidigt vara konsekventa mot sin teori. Det verkar som att de bedömer människan och djur olika, trots att deras teori gör anspråk på att inte göra detta.

Uganda is known for its progressive refugee rights and policy framework towards South Sudanese refugees. The refugees are hosted in long term refugee settlements within host communities in northern Uganda. By using a rights and critical development perspective, this thesis aims to compare and critically review the legal protection of refugees and host communities’ the targeted area. The study identifies several challenges in realizing the aims of the strategic framework and discusses the legal protection of refugees and citizens. The discussion is based on theories from Hannah Arendt, Seyla Benhabib and Balakrishnan Rajagopal. The theories provide rights perspectives on citizenship and global human rights norms, as well as critical perspectives on development and how the human rights discourse can be exploited to the interests of the hegemonic world order. The study is based on a critical review of legislation, the policy framework, reports, and literature. The review has been supplemented with a limited field study in a refugee settlement in northern Uganda. Along with the field study, interviews were conducted with representatives from an aid organization that operates in the area. The results of this study show that refugees’ rights are generous and in line with global human rights norms. However, the review of the legal protection shows that all rights are not respected and the thesis highlight areas where duty bearers fail to maintain the protection. Interviews and field studies also show that integration between refugees and citizens is essential for the local legal protection. The thesis concludes that lack of local perspectives from rights holders in the refugee policy may prevent integration processes in northern Uganda. / Uganda är känt för sitt generösa flyktingmottagande och omfattande rättighetsskydd för flyktingar. Den här studien syftar till att med ett rättighets- och utvecklingskritiskt perspektiv jämföra och kritiskt granska flyktingars och ugandiska medborgares rättighetsskydd i norra Uganda. För att göra det ställs frågan om hur rättighetsskyddet ser ut för flyktingar respektive medborgare, hur flyktingmottagandet påverkar medborgares rättighetsskydd samt identifierar utmaningar med flyktingmottagandet. Studien är avgränsad till att undersöka rättighetsskyddet i norra Uganda eftersom det är dessa områden som tar emot flest flyktingar i landet. Detta görs utifrån Hannah Arendt, Seyla Benhabib och Balakrishnan Rajagopals teoretiska resonemang. Dessa bidrar med rättighetsperspektiv om medborgarskap och globala människorättsnormer samt kritiska perspektiv på utveckling och hur människorättsdiskursen kan utnyttjas till den hegemoniska världsordningens intressen. Studien bygger på kritisk granskning av lagstiftning, policyn för flyktingmottagande (ReHoPE) samt rapporter och litteratur. Granskningen har kompletterats med ett begränsat fältstudium i en av norra Ugandas flyktingbosättningar samt med intervjuer från personal som arbetar med flyktingmottagande. Resultaten visar att Ugandas flyktinglagstiftning är generöst utformad och i linje med globala människorättsnormer. Granskningen av det effektiva rättighetsskyddet visar dock att samtliga rättigheter inte respekteras och jag belyser områden där skyldighetsbärare misslyckas att upprätthålla skyddet. Intervjuer och fältstudium visar att integration mellan flyktingar och medborgare är viktigt för båda grupperna och för rättighetsskyddet, men att den hindras av att riktlinjerna i flyktingpolicyn saknar lokala perspektiv från rättighetsbärare.